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The text of this edition is that of Halm (Leipzig, 
1877), which has been departed from in onl}^ a few 
places for reasons stated in each case in the notes h 
His readings differ but little from those of the last 
edition of Orelli (1859); both these texts being on the 
whole nearer to the manuscript than that of Nipperdey 
(1879), who in his turn is more conservative than 
Ritter (1864). 

Halm’s orthography, closely following that of the first 
Mediceaii MS., has been retained, even where the same 
\yord is not uniformly spelt, and the punctuation, except 
in a few instances, also follows his. As his edition may 
be presumed to, be in the hands of every reader of 
Tacitus who desires to have a separate text, his ‘ Corn- 
men tarius Criticus' may be here generally referred to 
for all siich matters of textual criticism as I have not 
discussed or noticed. 

The sections into which tlfe chapters are subdivided 
will be familiar to those acquainted with the Oxford 
text (Parker, 1869): they have been also specified in all 
references to other parts of Tacitus; which will, it is 
Roped, greatly lessen trouble in consulting them 

It is hardly necessary to state that the whole com- 
mentary has been mainly drawn up frojii the abundant 
material collected by so many predecessors, among the 
earlier of whom those ntost used have been Walther 

^ See notes on i. ii, i ; 3. 43, 5 ; 4. 12, born are added, and in most other reh r- 
6; 6. II, 7, 12, 2. ences to prose authors, those of the Tey#J>ner 

® I may add here that, in references to editions. 

Livy, ti^e sections as given by Weissen- 



(Halle, 1831), and the valMble edition of ■ Ruperti 
(Hanover, 1834), in which all the Excursus of Lipsius, 
and the chief results of the labour of other commen- 
tators down to his date, are contained ; while among the 
later editors those most constantly consulted have been 
Ritter (Cambridge, 1838), Orelli (2nd ed., by Baiter, 
Zurich, 1859), Draeger (Leipzig, 1868), and Nipperdey 
(7th ed.. by Andresen, Berlin, 1879) \ 

To all of these I am repeatedly and constantly in- 
debted, especially to the edition last mentioned, to which 
it is the more necessary for me here to acknowledge my 
general obligation in the most emphatic manner, inas- 
much as the special sources of each note are often too 
complex to be easily stated. 

Among separate works bearing on the criticism and 
interpretation of the text, chiefly used have been 
the old ‘Lexicon Taciteum’ of Botticher (Berlin, 1830), 
and as much as has appeared of the complete and ex- 
haustive new Lexicon of Gerber and Greef (Leipzig, 

1 877- 1 881)^, also Draeger’s valuable treatise ‘iiberSyntax 
und Stil des Tacitus’ (3rd ed., Leipzig, 1882), Pfitzner, 

' Die Annalen des Tacitus kritisch beleuchtef (Halle, 
1869), Johann Muller, ‘ Beitrage zur Kritik und Er- , 
klarung des Cornelius Tacitus’ (3rd section. Books I-VI, 
Innsbruck, 1873), and dissertations by Ritter (Rhein. 
Mus, 1861, 1862)^, and by E. Wolfflin (Philologus, 1867, 
1868, and Bursian’s Jahresberichte, 1877) ^ 

In illustration of the subject-matter, much use has 
been made throughout of Mommsen’s ‘ Romisches 

* All the material for this volume had 
been collected, and most of it put into its 
present form, before the a{)pearance of 
Professor Holbrooke’s edition. The re- 
semblances between us will be due to our 
havifig often drawn from the same sources. 

^ I regret that only four ‘ fasciculi ’ of 
this Lexicon, containi% 480 pages, and 

going down to * fortuna/ forming probably 
about one third of the complete work, 
were published in time to be available for 
this edition. 

® For a more complete reference, sec 
Introd. i. p. 6, n. 6. 

* More complete references are given in 
Introd, V. p. 29, n. 5. 



Staatsreclit’ (and ed., Leipzig, 1876, 1877), and of his 
‘ Res gestae Divi Augusti,’ or edition of and commentary 
on the ‘ Monumentum Ancyranum’ (Berlin, 1865), also of 
Marquardt’s ‘ Rdmische Staatsverwaltung’ (Leipzig, 1873- 
1878), Friedlaender’s ‘ Darstellungen aus der Sitten- 
geschicTite Roms’ (5th ed., Leipzig, 1881), and Dean 
Merivale’s ‘ History of the Romans under the Empire.’ 
Various obligations to several other works, which have 
been consulted for more special purposes, will be found 
mentioned in their places 

I have also gratefully to acknowledge assistance de- 
rived from the following unpublished sources. 

Mr. T. F. Dallin, M.A., late Public Orator in the 
University of Oxford, and formerly Fellow and Tutor 
of Queen’s College, had originally undertaken an edition 
of this portion of the Annals for the Delegates of the 
University Press ; and, after his death, the materials 
collected by him were entrusted to me to make such use 
of as I thought fit. From them has been taken the 
chief part of the Excursus on the ‘ Lex Papia Poppaea ‘‘j’ 
as also several notes or parts of notes, especially on 
some of tSe early chapters of Book III, which arc duly 
acknowledged where they occur. 1 feel sure that all 
^will join in regretting that, owing to his untimely death, 
and to the pressure of other important occupations 
during the years immediately preceding it, the acquire- 
ments of so ripe a scholar were prevented from being 
made far more largely available to the student of Tacitus. 

lyiost kind and valuable assistance has also been 
rendered to me by the Venerable Archdeacon Edwin 
Palmer, D.D., one of the Delegates of the University 
Press, not only in the shape of numerous suggestions 
tending to ainend the substance and form of a con- 
siderable portion of the Introduction and notes examined 

‘ See'.otcs on pp. lO, 28, 95, 112, 261, 496, &c. ’ gee pp. 439, foil. 



by him, but also by permission given to study and use 
the materials collected by him for lectures given on these 
Books of Tacitus during his tenure of the Corpus Pro- 
fessorship of Latin, which have been most helpful on a 
number of points of scholarship throughout the volume. 

Classical authors are mostly cited from the texts of 
the Teubner series ; and it is hoped that the abbrevia- 
tions used in referring to them, and to editors or other 
modern Avriters, Avill generally explain themselves. As 
regards I.atin inscriptions, the ‘ Monumentum Ancy- 
ranum’ (Mon. Anc.) is cited from Mommsen’s edition 
above referred to ; the ‘ Oratio Claudii' from Nipper- 
dey’s Appendix to Annals, vol. ii. ; most othei's from 
the collection of Orelli and Henzen or that ofWilmanns; 
some from the ' Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 
(C. I. L.) ; Greek inscriptions are cited from Boeckh’s 
‘Corpus’ (C. 1 . G.) or the ‘Corpus Inscriptionum A,tti- 
carum’ (C. I. Alt.); a few more in both languages from 
the Ephemeris Epigraphica (I^ph. Epig.) ; any others 
given are usually cited at secondhand. In numismatics 
references are made to Ivckhel (‘ doctrina numorum 
veterum ’) and to Cohen (‘ Medailles Imperialcs,’ 2nd ed., 
1879) ; on other works of art, mostly to the ‘ Iconographie 
Romaine ’ of Visconti and Mongez ; on questions ofr 
Roman tO[)ograi)hy, mostly to Mr. Burn (‘ Rome and the 
Cam23agna’). In references to Dr. Smith’s Dictionaries, 
the authors of the articles are in most cases cited by 

. , I' 

name ; on questions of general Latin Lexicograj^hy it is 
to be understood that the Latin Dictionary of Messrs. 
Lewis and Short is usually referred to. 

It hardly needs to be said that, out of the large 
number of references given, AA'hether to ancient authors, 
to inscriptions, or to modern works, a vast majority had 
been already given in previous editions or lexicons, and 
are due to ns^research on my part. I may, hoAvez/er, say 



that, ' With, some allowance for possible oversights, I be- 
lieve that I have verified all which are not expressly 
cited at secondhand, and that I have also verified and 
consulted a very large number more, w'hich, for various 
reasons, it did not seem necessary to insert. 

To dny who have carried their studies deeply into 
the vast array of literature on Tacitus enumerated in 
the ‘ Bibliotheca Scriptorum Classicorum’ of Engelmann 
and Preuss {8th ed., Leipzig, 1882)^, such a list of works 
made use of as Is given above, or to be gathered from 
the whole of this volume, will seem meagre in the 
extreme ; and, even if only well-known writers be taken 
account of, I fear that the most competent critics will be 
mainly impressed by the omissions ; while many w'ill think 
that, even as it is, the text has been overloaded with 
commentary, or that space should have been made for 
more valuable material by the rejection of much that has 
been inserted, I venture still to hope that the book 
may give more assistance than has been hitherto easily 
accessible to the general student of this portion of 
Tacitus, and that some, at least, of its shortcomings are 
such as mky be pardonable in the work of an isolated 
student, whose opportunities of intercourse with scholars 
and historians are but occasional, and to whom many 
valuable w'orks that should have been consulte'd are 
unavoidably unknown. 

I have further to apologise for the accompanying list 
'of 'errors noticed since the revision of the proofs, and to 
trust that, by thus prominently calling attention to them, 
I may in some instances save a reader front being misled. 
From their existence, and from remembrance of the 
many others detected at earlier stages of the work, I 

^ Nearly forty pages, most of them lations of the -whole or parts of Tacitus*, 
closely priii.ed in small type, arc taken up and the list of separate treatises on special 
with the enumeration of editions or trans- subjects or questions. ^ 



cannot but fear that, notwithstanding much care ta'ken, 
several may yet remain to be discovered by those who 
use the book ; while I yet hope that they may not prove 
to be so numerous or important as to seem inexcusable, 
when viewed in relation to the large amount of detail 
which has had to be brought together and verified. 

Lower IlEvroRD Rectory, Oxfordshire: 

October j 18S3. 


59f jf 5> for clarigenus read clari genus, 

,, 6i, „ 1.2, for genera read genua, 

,, 8o, ,, for then recu/ thus. 

,, 86, ,, 12, Quirinus read Quirinius. 

,, 124, „ 16, for throne read principatc. 

,, 144, „ 1$, for Lipida read I^epida. 

„ 214, ,, 13 of note on line 2, for passus read passuum. 

tt 305, „ 3 of notes, af/er this to have add t^een. 

it 320, ,, 4 of note on line 8, for bridge over read place of crossing. 

a 345 ^ it 2 of note on line 2, omit the reference to C. 1 . 1 ., vi. i, 2104; Oreili 

/ 5054; "Wilmanns 2879 (a reference by error to the Arval Hymn); insert 

a reference to Varro, L. L.vii. 26, 27, and the e.xplauation in Wordsworth, 
Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin, p. 564. • 
it Z'lBi 2 of note on line 12, after remaining patrician gens add outside the 
imperial family. 

a 394> II of note on line i*jffor above given read given in the text. 

„ 40S, „ „ „ 4, after P. Petrouius omit full stop, 

,,^412, ,, X „ „ 10, poetical subjunct. potential subjunct. 

,, 416, ,, 2 ,, „ 5, after of coarse omit be. 

,, 449, ft 5, for inreprerc read inrepere. 

it 4^5» it I of note on line 1 4, ybr quo quo. 

>> 467* »> 3 »> » 5> other. 

,, 470, „ 6 ,, „ 4, for derivation read etymological meaning. 


Chapter I. On the life and works of Tacitus; and on the first Medicean MS. 

Chapter II. Genuineness of the Annals. 

Chapter III. On the sources of information open to Tacitus for this period, and their 
probable value. 

Chapter IV. On the use made by Tacitus of his materials, and the inlluence of his 
ideas and opinions on his treatment of history. 

Cjiapter V. On the Syntax and Style of Tacitus, with especial reference to the Annals. 

Chapter VI, On the con.stilution of the early principate. 

Chapter VII. On the general administration and condition of the Roman world, at 
the death of Augustus, and during the principate of Tiberius. 

Chapter VIII. On the estimate in Tacitus of the character and personal government 
of Tiberius. 

Chapter IX. Genealogy of the family of Augustus and of the Claudian Caesars, with 



The personal history of Tacitus is known to us only from allusions 
.do it in his own works, and from the letters of Ids friend, the younger 
® Pliny ; from which sources' scanty as they are, wc yet learn something 
more of his biography than is known of that of many other great 

A .few fixed dates* help to determine others. He was betrothed in 
^marriage, during the consulship of his father-in-law, in 830, a.d. 77 
he was praetor at the ludi saeculares celebrated by Doniitian, in 841, 
A.D. 88 It is also stated that his ‘dignitas' or career of office began, 
no doubt with the quaestorship, under Vcsj)asian, and reached a second 
step, presumably that of a tribunate or aedileship, under Titus'*. He 
must therefore have filled these offices respectively not later than in 
832 and 834, A.b! 79 and 81 ; and must have been at least twenty-five 
years old at the earliest of these dates. 

* See Xgr. 9, 7, 

• See Ann. II. ii, 3. 

^ See II. 1.1,4. 


On the other hand, Pliny, who must have been born in 814 or 815, 
A.D. 61 or 62^, speaks of Tacitus and himself as ‘aetate propemodum 
aequales •/ adding, however, that the oratorical reputation of his friend 
was already established when his own professional career began ^ It 
appears to follow, that the birth of Tacitus, while it cannot be placed 
later than 807, a.d. 54, can hardly have taken place earlier than 805, 
A.D. 52. In other words, he must have been born in one of the last 
years of Claudius, or in the first of Nero. 

Ilis parentage and family are unknown. We can assume the nobility 
of no ‘Cornelius,’ as such, since the extension of that name to the 
10,000 freedmen of Sulla and the cognomen is one of those which 
appear to indicate a servile origin Even if this be so, most of the 
equestrian, and many even of the senatorial, families in this age could 
claim no higher origin and although the Cornelii Taciti are unknown 
in the Fasti, one of them at least had reached the ‘ equestris nobilitas ' 
of a procuratorship in the time of the elder Pliny®; and, as the name 
is rare, may probably have been related to the historian. It is again 
to be inferred that he belonged to a family of some consideration, from 
his admission to the quaestorship and senate, at the earliest, or almost 
the earliest, legal age. 

His praenomen is uncertain. Throughout the letters of Pliny* in 
the allusions of Tertullian, Vopiscus, Jerome, and Orosius, and in the 
second Mediccan MS., he has no fuller name than ‘Cornelius Tacitus.' 
On the other hand, the praenomen ‘Gaius' is given to him by Sidonius 
Apollinaris, a scholar of the middle of the fifth century*^, and that of 
‘Publius' in the first Medicean MS. i 

Assuming the genuineness of the Dialogue ‘ de Oratoribus,' we may 
su})pose him to describe in it the studies of his boyhood, and their 
defects ^ corrected in his own case by an ardent study of the gr^t^ 
classical models of Roman eloquence, particularly Cicero. He 
the scene of this Dialogue in 827, a.d. 74®, when he would be 
from twenty to twenty-two years of age ; and represents himself in it 
as even then on terms of friendship with the leaders of the Roman^ 

Three years later, Cn. Julius Agricola, who had already reached the 
first rank in the state, and established the reputation which he was 

’ .Sec 6. 20, 5. Ann. 13. 27, 2. 

» p:pp. 7. 20, 3, 4. PL N. H. 7. I7„.§ 76. 

® Appiaii. B. C. I. TOO. Sid. Ap. Elpp. 4, 14 (22 Baret). 

* See Merivale, Hist. ch. Ixviii, p. 605 ; Dial. 30-33. 

referring to Ziimpt, Bevdlkcrung im Al- Id. 17, 2. 

terthum, p. 37. Id. 2, 1. 



afterwards tq extend, selected him, a young man of from twenty-three 
to twenty-five, as his son-in-law^. The rank, and the personal cha- 
racter of Agricola, justify us in assuming, that the chosen husband of 
his daughter would be a young man not only of moral excellence, but 
of already assured position and promise. 

Probably, two years later, he entered the senate as quaestor ^ By 
the age of thirty-four or thirty-six, he had attained, besides the praetor- 
ship, a place among the ' Quindecimviri sacris faciiindis^' one of the 
old priestly colleges, the members of which were generally men of good 
rank and family. 

Up to this time Tacitus may be assumed to have lived in Rome, 
employed chiefly in the forensic practice, his eminence in which has 
been described by Pliny ; perhaps also occupied in such literary work 
as could be safely pursued, or in collecting material for greater things 
in contemplation. 

During the next four years, from 842 to 846, a.d. 89 to 93, he was 
absent from Rome^ probably in some provincial command, or as 
' legatus legion is.' It has been suggested, that at this time he may 
have acquired such personal knowledge as he shows respecting the 
German peoples. 

llic reign of terror during the last three years of Domitian, from 
846 to 849, A.D. 93 to 96, he appears to describe as an eye-witness^. 

Hitherto he must have been acceptable to the princes under whom 
he had lived®; and even in these last years he appears, by his own 
confession, to have shown no more courage or independence than the 
rest of the seAate, with whom, in his self-reproach, he identifies him- 
self^; but the lasting influence on his mind of the memory of this 
j:)criod will be found traceable in all his writings, and strengthened, 
rather than weakened, by the force of lime*^. It is hardly to be 
wondered at, that one who had lived through such scenes should be 
hauntgd through life by the spectre of Domitian. 

In ^,0, A.D. 97. be attained consular rank, as ^ suffeclus,’ on the 
tleath of Verginius Rufus, whose funeral eulogy he delivered It is 
sufficient evidence of his position, that he was chosen successor to 
Verginius and colleague of Nerva. 

In 853, A.n. 100, he was associated with Pliny in the prosecution, 

* Agr. 9, 7. imply that in his offices he had been a 

* See above, p. i. ‘ cniididatiis Caesaiis.’ 

® Ann. II. II, 3. ‘ Agr. 45, i. 

* Agr. 45, 4. ® Sec below, ch. viii, p. 134. 

* Id. j ® PI. Epp. 3. 1, 6 . 

® Ilia language (in H. i. i, 4) seems to 

# B 2 



more successful in apparent than in substantial results,^ of Marius 
Priscus, proconsul of Africa \ It is on this occasion only that any 
particular cause pleaded by the great orator is recorded, or the grave 
dignity of his oratory especially mentioned 

Nothing further is known of his personal history, nor is there any 
evidence that he outlived Trajan. Plis descendants also are unknown 
to us, but he was claimed as an ancestor by the emperor Marcus 
Claudius Tacitus, in the third century ^ and by Poleinius, a friend of 
Sidonius Apollinaris, in the fifth It was probably at the earlier of 
these dates that the people of Intcramna (Terni), the birthplace of 
'Pacitus the emperor, claimed the historian also as tiieir citizen ; and 
erected a tomb to him, which remained till the latter })art of the six- 
teenth century, when it was destroyed by order of Pius V, as that of 
an enemy of Christianity ^ 

The date of completion and publication of his various works rests 
on internal evidence. 

The Dialogue ‘ de Oratoribus' is, by most critics, accepted as his, 
and as his earliest work. It professes to have been written some time 
after the discourse was held but can hardly be dated later than the 
earlier part of Domitian's rule ^ . 

The ' AgricokC belongs to 850 or 851, a.d. 97 or 98. Some exjjres- 
sions in the beginning best suit the time when Trajan was associated 
with Nerva. At the end Trajan is styled ‘ princeps 

The 'Germania' is also to be assigned to the latter of these years, 
from a computation of time to the second consulship of Trajan^. 

The ‘ Histories ' must have appeared after the apothe osis of Nerva, 
but probably early in 'the principate of Trajan, before the 'Annals' 
were even contemplated 

This last work must have been completed when the conquests of 
Trajan had reached their highest point, in 868 or 869, a.d. 115 or 116, 
and before the retrocession under Hadrian 

There is no evidence that his intention to write the history of Nerva 
and dVajan or his later project of writing that of Augustus were 
ever carried out. 

^ PL Epp, 2. II ; Juv. Sat. i, .49. 

" PL F.pp. 2. II, 17. 

" V''opisc. Tac. c. 10, 3. 

^ Sill. Ap. Epp. 4. 14 (22 Barct). 
Aiigcloni, ‘ Hist. cU Terni ' (Rome, 
1616L p. 51 (cited by Kuperti). 

Cp. Dial. 1, 2, and 17, .2. 
c The difference of style appars to 
suggest a date some years earlier than 

that of the Agricola or Germania. 

* Agr. 3, I ; 44, 5. 

» G. 37, 2. 

II. I. I, 5. They were in course of 
composition when the Agdcola was writ- 
ten. See Agr. 3, 4. 

Ann. 2. 61, 2 ; 4. 4, 6. 

H. I. I, 5. 

Ann. 3. 24, 4. 



The titles assigned to the two greater works require some remark. 
In the second Medicean MS., both ‘Annals’ and ‘Histories/ without 
any distinguishing title, are numbered continuously as the ‘ Books of 
Cornelius Tacitus/ The latter, however, are called ‘ Hisloriac’ by 
Pliny’, and are definitely cited, as a separate work under that title, 
by Tertullian®. 

For the title ‘Annales’ there is no real authority. Tacitus does 
indeed, in one place, speak of his work as ‘ Annales nostri and, 
in another, of his general purpose to relate events in their chrono- 
logical order But there is no evidence that he intended the title 
distinctively for this work ; and he elsewhere uses ‘ annales ’ as a general 
term for ‘history"'/ It is with equal generality that Jornandes speaks 
of him as ‘ annalium scriptor In the first Medicean MS. the books 
are entitled * ab excessu ■ Augiisti/ a title analogous to that of the 
Histories of Livy, ‘ ab urbe condita/ 

Of the manuscripts, it will be sufficient here to notice the first 
Medicean, comprising only the books contained in this volume and 
forming the sole authority for them 

Ruodolplius, a learned monk of Fulda in Hesse Cassel, writing in 
the ^ninth century, cites Tacitus as speaking of the Visurgis, and would 
therefore appear to have known a manuscript containing these books 
The next intimation is from Poggio Bracciolini,* who writes in 1425 
on a communication made to him from Germany, respecting some 
unknown works of Tacitus said to be preserved at Hersfeld, near 
Fulda. Nothing further is known till 1509, by which time the MS. 
now existing,^ purporting to be only the latter half of its original 
bulk*, appears to have been brought to Rome to Cardinal Giovanni 
•de’ Medici (afterwards Leo X), who a few years later entrusted 
its publication to Bcroaldus, in edition, published at Rome 

* Epp. 7. 33, I. Tacitus himself re- derived from the Preface to Kilter’s edi- 

fers to them simply as Mibri.’ (Ann. tii)n of 1864 (l.eipzigX partly also from 

11.11,2.) Orelli and Baiter. An account of the 

• * ‘ Is cnim (Cornelius Tacitus) in quinta second Medicean MS. will be found in 

llistoriarum suarum bellum Judaicum Introduction to vol. ii. 
exorsus/ etc. Tcrt. Apol. adv. gentts, ^ The first and second books of the 
c. 16. Annals contain the only mention of this 

^ 4. 32, I. river in the extant works of Tacitus, 

* 4, 71, I. He notes exceptions in 6. » The ‘ fasciculi,’ comprising 137 leaves 

38, r ; 12. 40, 8 ; 13. 9, 6. in all, arc numlxjred xvii to xxxiiii. Ritter 

® 3* ^5» ^ ; J3- 3*» In one place (Praef. p. xv) thinks it probable that the 

(Dial, 22, 4) he use» the term in a more last part contained the minor works; but 

restricted sense, of a dry chronicle of it may have consisted of some other 

facts. author, as the second Medicean MS. 

^ Jomand. de rebus Goth, i, 2. comprises, besides Tacitus, portions Cjf 

’ The infermation here given is chiefly Apuleius. 



in 1515, these books appear for the first time among the works of 
Tacitus h 

There arc some discrepancies as to the circumstances of its ac- 
quisition, and neither Fulda nor Hcrsfcid, but the monastery of Corvey, 
in Westphalia, is mentioned as the place of its discovery ^ Ritter 
treats it as identical with the MS. shown to have existed in the ninth 
century at Fulda, but it has been more generally assigned to the tenth, 
by some to the eleventh century 

The text, at various stages of its derivation, has sometimes suffered 
from a misleading half-knowledge, and more seriously, at a later date, 
from complete ignorance of Latiiiity, added to carelessness of eye or 
ear, in its copyists, whereby words have been mutilated and wrongly 
divided, letters mistaken or transposed, syllables dropped or assimilated 
to those next to them, glosses have crept into the text, or ‘lacunae’ 
have passed unnoticed k 

These errors had not wholly escaped the old revisers, whose erasures, 
linear and interlinear corrections, and dots placed above or below 
letters to be expunged, are now carefully noted 

The MS. has also a considerable number of marginal corrections, 
which are cited by some editors as possessing authority, but which 
Ritter considers to be generally no more than the conjectures of 
Bcroaldus or of later critics. 

From the necessary, many editors have been naturally led on to 
more questionable, corrections. The tendency to imagine an error 
wherever the language is exceptionally harsh or unusual culminates in 
the edition of Ritter above mentioned ; whose multitudiiA)us excisions, 
insertions, and corrections, have mostly failed to meet with general 
acceptance, notwithstanding the ingenuity with which he has advocated, 
them But on the actual state of the MS. text, his work is still the 
best source of information. 

In spite of its errors, the first Medicean is generally considered to 

^ Two editions had already appeared 
without them; that of Vindeliniis dc 
S[>iia (^Venice, 1470), that of Frati- 
ciicus Puteolanus (Milan, cir. 1476), be- 
sides some five reprints of one or other 
of these, down to 1512 (Kiiperti, Praef. 

- See Kitler, Praef. viiii- xiii. 

^ Sceld. iiii; Orelli, Praef. xiii ; and 
WidfiVm, in Pliilolo^us xxvi. p. 94. 

^ * See Ritter Praef. xxvi -XXXV, where in- 
stances of such errors arc given, as well 

from tin's MS. as from tliosc of other 
parts of the author. 

See the critical treatise of Pfitzner, 
p. 2, foil. 

® Of his reasons in supi^ort of his 
changes, the portion affecting this MS. 
will be found in the Kheinisches Museum, 
vol, xvi. pp. 454-469 ; and xvii. \)\). 99- 
137. Criticisms on them will be found 
in Pfitzner (passim), and in WdlQlin's 
dissertation, in Philologus ^xvi. p. 96, 



be the best, as well as the oldest, MS. of any part of Tacitus ; and its 
orthography is for the most part adopted by Hahn throughout his 
whole edition of the author \ 



It has not hitherto been thought necessary for any editor of these 
books to establish their genuineness ; but the recent attempt ® to prove 
them to be a forgery by Poggio Bracciolini in the fifteenth century, 
while it cannot be said to have found such acceptance as to neccssitaie 
a full discussion ^ may make it desirable briefly to subjoin some ex- 
ternal evidence to show that they arc at least the work of an ancient 

It will be sufficient to speak here of the Books contained in tins 
volume, and resting on the first Mcdicean MS. 

We have no reason to suppose that any scholar of the time < f 
Bracciolini had access to historians of this period who are lost to us. 
Even those whom we have must have been kjiown to him only in 
manuscripts. The inventor of a Tacitean history of the principate of 
Tiberius must act as any scholar would now have to act who desired 
to compose a Tacitean history of that of Gains or Domilian. I Ic 
must make tile best use of Dio Cassius and Suetonius, and of whatever 
could be gleaned from other authors, and must invent the i cst of the 
material, as well as the form and language. Any careful comparison 
of the Annals with these sources will show^ how^ large a proportion 
of the whole narrative as it stands will have to be set down thus to 
invention ; and in testing such a theory, the details become impoiTant, 
almost in proportion to their intrinsic unimportance. 

If it can be shown that even a moderate number of facts, sucli as 
would be unlikely to occur to an inventor, stated in the Annals, and 
in no other extant author, are confirmed by coins and inscriptions, 
most of w'hich were certainly, and all of them probably, unknown in 

^ Where the orthography of the same forged in the fiflcenlh century.’ London, 
w'ord is not iinifdVin, it may often be 187S. 

supposed that the variation is due to ^ Those who desire a more full state- 
Tacitus himself. See below, ch. v. ment and examination of the theory may 
§ 85. * be referred to an article in the iMlinbui-jh 

^ * Tacitus and Braccionrii. The Annals Review of October, 1878. 



the fifteenth century; the supposition of so many felicitous accidents 
will be generally conceded to pass the bounds of reasonable probability. 

Most of the following confirmations will be already more or less 
familiar to students, from the notice of them by Orelli, Nipperdey, and 
other editors, in the places to which they severally belong : — 

1. Germanicus is stated to have been augur flamen^, and im- 
perator ^ ; and all these titles are confirmed ^ 

2. His eldest son Nero is stated to have been espoused to the 
daughter of Crelicus Silanus ^ An inscription gives the name ^ lunta 
Silani [/!, spoi{\sa Neroiiis Cc7es[aris] 

3. The honours decreed to Germanicus at his death are enumerated 
and in another place it is stated that those decreed to Drusus were in 
the main the same^. The remains of tablets recording these decrees, 
though extremely fragmentary, appear to suggest confirmation of some 
of the details, such as the insertion of the name in the Salian hymn, 
the exhibition of the effigy at the ‘ Circenses,' and the erection of arches 
(Jani) at three different places 

4. L. Apronius, and P. Cornelius Dolabella, stated to have been at 
different times proconsuls of Africa are shown to have been so by 
coins struck there under their permission 

5. It is stated that the tribunitian power, though never given to 
Germanicus, was afterwards given to Drusus, about a year before his 
deatlD^ This title, absent on all records of Germanicus, appears on 
coins of Drusus, but without record of more than a second year of 

6. It is stated, that in the inscription of a statue dedicJiited by Julia 
Augusta to Augustus near the theatre of Marcellus, her name was 
placed before that of Tiberius The Praenestine Calendar gives (with 
a date) the fact, and the locality of this dedication, and places the 
names in this order, thus apparently following the original inscription 

7. An inscription^^ confirms the statement that Drusus, son of Ger- 
manicus, held the honorary office of jiraefectus urbi 

8. The statement, that Smyrna was chosen as the site of the temple 
to be erected by the cities of Asia to Tiberius, his mother, and the 

^ 1.62, 3. 

^ 2, 83, 2. 

‘ I. 58,^ q. 

* Orelli, Insc. 3064 j Mommsen, 1 . R. N. 


® 3. 43, 3. 

® C. I. L. vi. I, 914. 

I 2. 83, where see notes. 

" 4- 9» 2. 

® Insc. Henzen, 5381, 5382. 

3. 21, I ; 4. 23, 2. 

^ Eckhel, iv. 139, 142. 

3. 56, T. 

Eckhel, vi. 203, etc. 

3. 64, 2. 

Insc. Orell. vol. ii. p. 

Insc. Orell. 667. 

4. 36, I. 



senate’, is confirmed by a coin of that city, with a representation of 
the temple, and having all three names on the superscription ^ 

9. The title of pontifex, given to L. Piso, better known as praefectus 
urbi ^ is confirmed by the ^ Acta Arvalium 

IQ, The statement, that Theophanes of Mytilene had received divine 
honours from his countrymen is confirmed by Mytilcnacan coins bear- 
ing his effigy, with the word Bebs added to his name 

A few instances of less direct confirmation may here be added ; — 

1. A soldier named Rufus PTelvius is mentioned as having received 
a civic crown An inscription bears the name of ‘ M. Helvius Rufus 
Civica, prim(us) pil(us),' suggesting the assumption of a cognomen re- 
cording the distinction 

2. C. Silanus is stated to have had a sister, Torquata, 'priscae sancti- 
moniae virgo®/ Inscriptions mention ^ hmia^ C, Silani Torquata^ 
as a Vestal virgin, and as chief of that body 

3. Julius Indus, one of the Treveri, is mentioned as in command of 
a ‘delecta manus’V subsequently called an ‘ala’-^Z His name appears 
to suggest the origin of an ‘ala Indiana’ mentioned in several in- 

4. Caninius Gallus is mentioned as one of the quindccimviri, and 
as ‘ scientiae caerimoniarumqiie vetus’V ^ description suitable to a person 
who can be shown to have existed at that time, and to have been 
‘ magister fratrum Arvalium ’I’ 

Other instances might, no doubt, be added, but the above will prob- 
ably be considered sufficienfT 

Another (furious apparent confirmation will tend, if admitted, to 
carry back the date of these books nearly to that of their reputed 
author. In the account of the Frisian rebellion occurs the sentence 
‘ ad sua tutanda digressis rebellibus ’V Ptolemy, writing in the gene- 
ration next to that of Tacitus, in his list of towns in north Germany 
inserts ^larovrapda as the name of a place ; which certainly looks 
as if he had the passage of the Annals before him, and misunder- 
stood it. 

^ 4- ^5. 5; 3- 

^ Eckhel, ii. 547 ; Mionnet, iii. 219 ; S. 
vi. 330 * 

3 6. 10, 3. 

* C. I. L. vi. I, 2023. 

« 6. iS, 5. 

® Eckhel, ii. 504 ; Mionnet, S. vi. 36. 

’ 3. 21, 4. 

® Insc. Murat. 476, 1 1 (Borghesi). 

3. 69, 9. 

“ C. I. L. vi. I, 2127, 2128. 

. 5 - 

Insc. Orell. 4039; Henzen, 6722. 

** 6. 12, 2. 

C. I. L. vi. I, 2025, 2027. 

Ann. 4. 73, I. 

Geog. 2. II, 27. Orclli refers lo 
Herin. Muller {die A/arken des Vatcr- 
landes, i. p. 118) as the original discoverer 
of the error. ’ 


To these evidences, that the ^Annals’ must have been written when 
sources of information now lost to us were in existence, and are likely 
to have been written before the date of Ptolemy, may be added the 
testimony of Jerome, that Tacitus did write, in thirty books, the 
history of the whole period, or, as he expresses it, ‘ the lives of the 
Caesars,’ from the death of Augustus to that of Domiiian^; an ar- 
rangement of books answering to that of the second Medicean MS., 
which itself purports to be transcribed from an original of the date 
A.D. 395, or contemporary with Jerome^. 

The much larger question of the internal evidence of style is here 
necessarily omitted. 



I. Written narratives of the general history of the period or of parts 
of it. ' 

It is not the habit of Tacitus to name his informants; and in the 
first six books he has done so twice only, citing the history of the 
German wars by C. Plinius V‘P^d the memoirs of the younger Agrip- 
pina, in each case for an incident relating to the elder Agrippina It 
is stated in the one case, and apparently implied in th^ other, that 
he is taking from a less usual source something overlooked by those 
whom he generally follows. In the later books we have references 
to the general history of Pliny ^ to Cluvius Rufus to Fabius Rusticus 
and to Domitius Corbulo 

General references are far more common ; and give evidence that 
there were many such works, and that his history was mainly drawn 
from them 

Of these many, a few names only can be now supplied. In extant 

' Ilieron. in Zach. B. iii. c. 14 ‘Cor- 
nelius Tacitus, qui post Aiigustum usque 
ad mortem Domitiani vitas Caesarum 
triginta voluminibus exaravit.’ The state- 
ment umloidatTlly involves a cJifficiilty, 
that of sujiposiiig the remainder of the 
Histories to have been written on so 
much less ample a scale than that of the 
exvan t portion. 

^ See Orelli, Praef. p. xv. 

® I. 69, 3. 

* 4 - 53 . 3. 

5 13. 20, 3 ; 15. 53. 4 perhaps also 13. 

3 L I* 

® 13 - 20. 3; 14* 2, I. 

13. 20, 2; 14. 2, 15. 61, 6. 

* 15. 16, I. 

® Sec I. 29, 4 ; 80, 2 ; 81, i ; 2. 70, 4 ; 
88, I ; 3- 3. 2 : 4. 10, i ; 57, » ; 5. 9, 3 ; 

12.67, i; 17. 3; 14-2. 4 - 



literature, our only contemporary accounts of the time of Tiberius are 
contained in one or two passages of Valerius Maximus ^ and in the 
work of M, Velleius Paterculus, who, besides considerable notice of 
the earlier life of Tiberius, gives, in the last nine chapters, a slight 
sketch, without any regular narrative, of the first sixteen years of his 
principate^, published in 783, a.d. 30, and dedicated to M. Vinicius, 
then one of the consuls ^ 

If any others published, during the lifetime of Tiberius, any account 
of his government, their names as well as their writings are lost to us \ 
but some works produced soon afterwards are on record : amongst 
which a stock of material, of most questionable value, is contributed 
by the imperial family itself. 

Tiberius himself composed a brief summary of his life ^ which, like 
that of Augustus, may probably have been appended to his will, and 
intended for inscription on his tomb. It must, however, have lacked 
the skill of the famous ' Marmor Ancyranum,' for our solitary reference 
to it cites it only as containing a glaring and audacious falsehood 

The memoirs of the younger Agrippina have been already mentioned^ 
We have also a stray reference to them in Pliny the Elder but by the 
time of Tacitus they seem to be a forgotten book •. It is impossible 
to estimate how far they had already done their work by influencing 
intermediate writers, or how much of the court scandal, in which 
Suetonius revels, and which even Tacitus does not always disdain, 
flowed originally from this polluted source. 

Claudius is also recorded to have written an autobiography in 
eight books^ ‘ magis inepte quam ineleganter and a general history 
from the close of the civil wars, of which two books were written in 
his youth, at the suggestion of Livy and with the assistance of Sulpicius 
Flavus, and the remaining forty-one books during his principale ^ It 
is not known whether it extended beyond the lifetime of Augustus, 
though the apparent length of the work may make it prol)abIe. 

Turning from these to more neutral authorities, we find first in date 
the name of M. Seneca the rhetor, whose history, from the beginning 
of the civil wars to the last days of his own life, would seem, from an 
expression used by his son, to be intended as a corrective of prevalent 

^ See Val. Max. 2. 9, § 6; 5. 3, § 3, 
and the apparent allusion to the con- 
s^uracy ofSeianus*9. ii, § 4. 

" Veil. 2. 126, I. 

^ Dates of events are often computed 
by him from this year, as i. 8, 1, etc. 

* ‘ CommeiiLario quern dc vita sua 

summatim breviterque composuit ’ Suet. 
Tib. 61. 

^ Suet. 1 . 1 . See below, ch. viii. p. 129. 
c riin. N. H. 7. 8 (6), § 46. 

^ See 4. 53, 3. 

** Suet. CL 41. * 



untnithfulness ; and was therefore probably anti-Caesarian in its tone. 
He is believed to have died early in the principate of Gains, so that his 
work must have been mainly composed before that time, and the death 
scene of Tiberius, which he described may have been its closing point. 

Next to him, we have two names more distinguished, apparently the 
best known writers of this period. 

M. Servilius Nonianus, who was consul in 787, a.d. 35®, and died in 
812, A.D. 59, after a successful forensic career, wrote history in his 
later years \ We hear that Claudius himself came to one of his recitals 
The elder Pliny once calls him the first man in the state ® ; and Quin- 
tilian, who had heard him, blames only his want of conciseness The 
period covered by his historical works is unknown, but he is supposed 
to be the ‘vir consularis’ cited by Suetonius, as the authority for an 
incident in the later years of Tiberius ®. 

Aufidius Bassus, though somewhat older than Nonianus®, seems 
to have died a year later He wrote, besides a separate work on the 
German wars, a general history, to which a continuation in thirty-one 
books was written by the elder Pliny who also wrote another work, 
in twenty books, on all the Roman wars in Germany Some at least 
of the work of Bassus, in which the death of Cicero was described, 
must have been extant in the time of M. Seneca but it was probably 
afterwards continued to a later date, perhaps to the time of Claudius, 
as Pliny speaks of his own continuation of it as a * history of his own 

The combined works of Bassus and Pliny would cover more than 
the whole period included in tlie Annals Many facts are^also known 
to us through allusions in the Natural History of the latter author and 
in the works of Seneca and of Josephus, and in the interesting contem- 
porary view of Gaius given by Philo But the chief authorities used 

' *Ab initio bcllorum civilium, uncle 
primum veritas retro abiit, paene ad 
mortis suae diem’ L. Seneca, Fr. 15 

Suet. Tib. 73. The reference is only 
to * Seneca ; ’ but I.. Seneca is not known 
to have written any work likely to be 
thus referred to. 

“ 6. 31, I. 

* 14- i<> 

» I’l. Epp. I. 13, 3. 

® ' Princeps civitatis ’ PI. N. H. 28. 
i( 5 ). 29- 

’ Quint. Inst. Or. lo. l, § loa. 

® Suet. Tib. 6i. 

* Quint. 10. 1, § 102-104. 

L. Seneca, Kp. 30, 

PI, Epp. 3. 5 . 

1^1. 3- 5* 4. 

M. Seneca, Suas, 6. 18, 23. 

N. 11 . Praef. iQ, 20. The fact that 
prodigies are noted in the last five, but 
not in the earlier books of the Annals, 
has been taken to indicate that Tacitus 
here begins to follow an authority more 
careful lo record those reported, such as 

^ The history of Pliny extended to 
the time of the Flavian Caesars. See 
N. H. 1 . 1 . 

We have no means of knowing 
whether Tacitus made any use of Philo, 
and there are no traces of his having con- 
sulted Josephus. 


by Tacitus in the later books must have been those alluded to by him^. 
Of these, M. Cluvius Rufus is known to us as a consular before the 
death of Gaius^, the companion of Nero to Greece ^ legatus of Spain 
under Galba^ and as one of the train of Vitellius^ His work has 
been thought to have begun as early as the time of Gaius, and to have 
been the authority followed by Josephus in his description of that 
prince’s death; it would appear to have gone down to the death of 
Vitellius®, whom the historian outlived by about a year. The other, 
Fabius Rusticus, is described as too partial to his patron Seneca, but 
as being in eloquence and brilliancy the Livy of his age As he 
described Britain, his work probably began not later than the time of 
Claudius ^ We have no allusion to it later than the time of Nero, 
but he appears to have been still living in the midst of the principale 
of Trajan 

It has been shown that Tacitus had consulted the special history 
of Domitius Corbulo ; and he may also have used that of Suetonius 
Paulinus’'^: but with these our definite knowledge of even the names of 
original authorities for this period ends. Bruttedius Niger, aedile in 775, 
a.d. 2 2 was a writer of history, but our only reference is to his notice 
of the death of Cicero The references to Lentulus Gaetulicus, the 
poet and epigrammatist, hardly prove him to have been also a his- 
torian ; Cremutius Cordus appears to have left, off at an earlier date ; 
Vipstanus Messala'*^, and probably Licinius Miicianus to have begun 
at a later. 

Further contemporary materials would no doubt be found in separate 
notices of famous men, not only in the form of funeral orations, but 
also in that of more detailed biographies, such as those of Thrasea and 
Helvidius by Arulcnus Rusticus and Herennius Scnccio, and such 
other precedents as Tacitus alludes to for his own biography of 

* See above, p. lo. 

^ Jos. Ant. 19. I, 13. 

^ Suet. Ner, 21 ; Dio, 64. 14, 3. 

* 11. 1. 8, 2. 

« n. 2. 65, T, 4. 

® The evidence of II. 3. 65, 4 is doubt- 
ful, but lie certainly wrote of Otho. See 
riut. Oth. 3, and the discussion of the 
common debt to him of Plutarch and of 
the Hist, of Tacitus (Mommsen, Hermes 
iv. 295 ; Nipp. Introd, p. 28). 

[ Ann. 13. 2C;, 2,; Agr. 10, 3. 

Agr. 1 . 1. The description may other- 
wise liave belonged to his account of the 
rebellion under Nero. 

“ He is generally identified with the 

Fabius Rusticus mentioned in the will of 
Dasuinius, dated 862, A. i>. 109. The 
names of Pliny and Tacitus appear also 
traceable in it. See Wilmanns, 31 4. 

p, lOI. 

See above, p. 10. 

Allusion is also made to it in PI. N. H. 
2. 70 (72), 180. 

See Id. 5. I (i), 14. 

^ Ann. 3, 66, 2. 

* M. Seneca, Suas, 6. 20, 21. 

Mart. Praef. 1 ; PI. Epp, 5. 3, 5 ; 
Suet. Cal. 8. 

Ann. 4. 34, I ; cp. Suet. Tib. 61. 

” H. 3. 25, 3; 2S, 1. , 

PI. N. H, 12. 1 (3) 9, etc. 


Agricola’. The fulness of detail found in the description of all the 
actions of Germanicus, and even of the progress of his remains to 
Rome, and of the proceedings after his death, appears to suggest the 
existence of some such special source of information ; the more so 
as he is known to have been accompanied in Germany by Pedo Albi- 
novanus^ and at the time of his death by another man of letters, 
Vibius Marsus ^ 

It was perhaps from such biographies that Tacitus enriched his 
record of the scenes of the last years of Tiberius with cases unknown 
to or unnoticed by his usual authorities 

Collections of letters, similar to those of the younger Pliny, may 
also have been made by public men; and the distinguished orators 
of the period, such as Q. Haterius"', L. Arrunlius®, Domitiiis Afer'^, 
and others, were i)robably in the habit of revising and publishing their 
speeches ^ The speech of P. Vitellius at the trial of Cn. Piso ® is 
referred to by the elder Pliny 

2. ‘Acta senatus,’ also called ‘acta patrum^’,' or ‘commentarii 
senatus The composition, or at least the publication of a record 
of proceedings in the Senate was instituted by Julius Caesar in his 
first consulship Augustus is said to have suppressed the publication 

of this journal By the time of Tiberius the senator superintending 

the ‘acta’ was appointed by the princeps’®, which suggests the pos- 
sibility of garbling the record. Some account of proceedings in the 
senate appears still to have been made public in the ‘acta populi’®;' 
and the archives of the Senate themselves would presumably have been 
open to a senator. Though Tacitus refers to them at a la^er date’"^, it 
has been thought that for the earlier period he was for some reason 
unable to consult them It is certainly remarkable, that in places 
where we should most expect a reference to them, otlier authorities 
are cited Wc have on the other hand references to extant speeches 
or letters addressed by the princeps to the senate which might more 

^ Agr. I, etc. 

^ See note on i. 6o, 2, and Appendix to 
book II. 

® Sec 2. 74, I, etc. 

* 6. 7, 6. 

® 4. 61, I, 

* See on 6. 7, i. 

4 ’ 7 ; M 15, etc. 

® Tlie collection made by Muciainis, 
of eleven Books of ‘Acta’ (probably 
speeches) and three Books of Epistles, 
woii evidently known to Tacitus (l)inl. 
37, 3), but seems to have been compiled 

from authors who were then ancient. 
‘ 13. 3* 

N. H. II. 37 (71), 187, 
f . 4. 1. 

15. 74 > 3^ 

Suet. [ul. 20. 

* Suet. Aug. 36. 


16. 22, 6; PI. Epp. 7. 33, 3. 

15* 74» 3- 

See Nipp. Introd. p, 23. 

See I. 81, I ; 2. 88, i. 

See I. 81, I ; 2. 63, 4, 


naturally be supposed to exist in the register of its proceedings than 
in a separate form; and throughout the narrative, nothing is more 
apparent than the large proportion of space given to del:>atcs in the 
senate, and the fulness of detail with which they are recorded. Often \ 
the minute relation of somewhat dry particulars would suggest that, 
if Tacitus had not himself consulted the ‘ acta,' his informant had 
done so; yet perhaps even this record can be otherwise accounted 
for, and certainly much else that is given, especially the representations 
of the feeling in the house and the impression produced by speakers 
could have come from no official register, and would most probably 
be sought in the published letters or other memoranda of senators of 
the time. 

3. 'Acta populi,' called also simply ' acta or ^acta piiblica'*/ ' acta 
diurna urbisV ‘diurna actorum scriptura'V ‘diurna populi Romani"^,' 
or'libri actorum^.’ This gazette also began with the first consulship 
of Julius Caesar®, and contained much of the matter of a modern 
newspaper. The proceedings in the law courts, taken down by ' actu- 
arii,’ appeared in it’^ A caricature of its contents may be seen in the 
mock journal of the estate of Trimalchio It seems to have been 
a bare record of the events of the day, often of such as the dignity of 
history would despise^®, useful only to check or siip[)lement a de- 
scriptive narrative. We find Tacitus taking the pains to refer to it to 
verify a small matter of detail 'k 

4. ' Commentarii principum/ the private journals of the princeps, 
handed down to his successors, could only be a source of history as 
far as the princeps chose to make them known. Among their con- 
tents would be the secret history of the delations ; a statement relating 
to these is made from them by Ncro^*; a vain request for their publi- 

* cation is part of the reaction against informers at the accession of 
Vespasian^"’, but even then their secrecy was preserved. A question 
asked by the younger Pliny is answered from them by Trajan It 
is thought that Suetonius, as ‘magister epistolarum' to Hadrian may 
have had access to them. It is stated that Gains burnt at his accession 
an important part of the journals of Tiberius, containing the record of 

1 E.g. 1.79; 2.47; 3- <50-63; 4.14; 55. 

^ E.g. 2. ;vS, 7; 3. 17. 2; 59 . 3; 69, 

7; 4.9, I ; 31, 2; 70, 4; 6. 24,4. 

^ Juv. 2, 136; Suet. Cal. 8. 

* 1 2. 34, 4. 

® 13- 3^1 I. 

® 3 - 3 . 2 - 

’ 16. 22, 6. 

« Juv. 9, 84. 

® Suet. Jul. 20, 


Petron. Satyr. 53. 
13 - 31. 1- 

** 13. 43, 4. 

II, 4. 40. 6. 

PI. Epp. 10. 71 ; 72 [65; 66 Keil]. 
Spait. Vit. Hadr. c. ii. ' 



the condemnation of Agrippina and her sons, and made solemn pro- 
fession that he had never read them However this may be, other 
journals of this prince are said elsewhere to have been preserved, and 
to have formed the favourite study of Domilian 

5. Public Inscriptions, It is needless to speak of the multitude which 
must have been at the time in existence, or of their manifold value to 
historians. Tiberius is stated to have taken great pains early in his 
principate to preserve and restore ancient documents We have, how- 
ever, no evidence that Tacitus was in the habit of consulting inscrip- 
tions, though he makes mention of decrees so recorded ^ ^and once 
refers to such evidence of the letters added to the alphabet by 

6. Tradition. The lifetime of Tacitus w'as not so far removed from 
the days of even Tiberius, but that many traditional anecdotes were 
still current. He states a report of this kind, for what it is worth, in 
his account of the trial of Cn. Piso ® ; he mentions, in order to refute 
it, an idle tale respecting the death of Drusus, son of Tiberius ^ ; and 
frequently uses vague expressions, such as ‘ traditur/ ‘ ferunt,' ‘ memoriae 
proditur,’ and the like; which, though they sometimes evidently refer 
to,, wTitten narratives, may in others designate some such floating 

It will thus be seen that as far as the mere amount of material is 
concerned, the resources at the command of Tacitus were as ample as 
are found at most x)eriods of ancient history. How far Tacitus actually 
used all that he might have used, is only occasionally indicated to us, 
but may to some extent also be inferred from a comparison of his 
narrative with that of Suetonius and Dio 

There are perhaps no passages in Suetonius, and few in Dio where 
either of these authors appear to have followed Tacitus himself. Such 
coincidences as would show that they had used informants whom he 
has also followed, arc of course very common ; but even in this respect ■ 
their difference is more striking than their resemblance. That of 
Suetonius would be the natural result of his preference for biographical 

‘ Suet Cat 15. 

^ Suet Dom. 20. 

Dio, 57. 16, 2. The expression drj- 
fLucria ypdfifiaTa may include records in 
sculpture as well as in writing, 

* 3- 57, 2 ; 63, 7. 

^ It. M, 5. 

« 3 - 16, I. 
t 4. 10, I. 

® A careful and minute comparison of 

their resemblances and differences will be 
found in Dr. Binder's treatise ‘Tacitus 
und die Geschichtc des Rdmischen Reiches 
uriter Tiberius/ Wien, 1880. 

’ Perhaps the plainest instance is in 
the story of M. Tcr^entius, in which Dio 
(58. 19, 3) closely 'agrees with Tacitus 
( 6 . 8 ), and which the latter states as 
having been omitted by other historians. 



and personal details over that which is more strictly historical matter. 
Dio, while omitting much that Tacitus mentions, as would be natural 
in a work covering the whole of Roman history, and having to con- 
dense throughout, yet, on the other hand, inserts many particulars 
omitted by Tacitus, and often adopts a different scale of historic d 
proportion \ Such a writer would necessarily have to be content with 
less research than the historian of a special period, and it is thus natural 
to suppose that he chiefly drew from a few of the best-known writers 
of each time, and that the liveliness of detail, the comj^arison or sugges- 
tion of alternative views, and other characteristics of the narrative of 
Tacitus, argue a more comprehensive survey of the various conlemj)orary 
sources of history open to him. 

Much, however, of this abundant material must have been untrust- 
worthy. The first fundamental defect to notice is that which has lieen 
prominently put forward by Dio, at the transition point in his^arrative 
He, with all the materials before him which we have, and much more 
which we have not, finds himself, at the establishment of the principate, 
passing from daylight into comparative darkness, deepening, no doubt, 
towards his own time, as publicity was more and more suppressed. 

In/ormer days, public affairs were discussed before senate and people, 
by persons of every shade of opinion ; now the forum was silenced, even 
the minutes of the senate no longer public, and the vast departments 
centered in the princeps received their intelligence and transacted their 
business in private, and communicated no more than they thought fit. 
What was divulged could not be tested, and those who disbelieved the 
information ha(i only surmise to substitute for it. Sometimes, no doubt, 
light was afterwards thrown on a dark place, through the record of their 
Qwn transactions by public men ^ or authentic private communications 
which found their way into history, and exposed the falsifications of an 
imperial bureau. Tacitus, for instance, or his informants, seem to have 
had means of knowing that the official report of Tiberius on the Gallic 
Revolt was no more nor less than truth and that, on the other hand, he 
had concealed the extent of the losses inflicted by the Frisii It must be 
plain, to take no further instances, that our full narrative of the Pan- 

^ For instance, the campaigns in Ger- 
many, occupying so large a space in the 
first two books of Tacitus, are dismissed 
by Dio (57. 18, 1) in two or three lines. 
On the other hand, the funeral and other 
posthumous honours o^ A^ugustus occupy 
far more space in Dio (56. 31-47) than 
in Tacitus. 

* See the ^hole passage, Dio, 53. 19, 

and the comment in Merivale, ch. xxxiii, 
p. 67. etc. 

^ Such as the memoirs of T*aulinus, 
Corbulo, and Mucianus, already noticed. 
Possibly Salluslius Crispus was authority 
for the matters in i. 6; 2. 39 ; 40, 

‘ 3- 47. I- 

' 4- 74. »• 



nonian and German mutiny, and of the German wars, can be no mere 
transcript of the report laid before the senate 

But as regards all matters not forcing themselves by their magnitude 
on public notice, much of the most interesting history must have been 
buried for ever in the archives of the prince. To illustrate this, we may 
compare the information, scanty as it is, which we have in the Annals, of 
the grievances, deputations, inner life of a senatorial province such as 
Asia, with the absence of even any similar accounts of any Caesarian 
province during this period. We should have known little enough, from 
official, or indeed from any purely Roman sources, of the grievances 
brougljt by Philo before Gaius, or of the oppressions which goaded 
Judaea to desperation 

Many again of the state trials which form so large a part of domestic 
history were either before the emperor's private court ”, or cases in which 
the senate merely registers a sentence, passed on receipt of a letter or 
notes of evidence from the prince or even his minister 

Means of information thus were scanty, but Tacitus notices a further 
defect in his authors, from the faint interest taken even in what they 
might have known. Men were ‘ ignorant of politics, as being no business 
of theirs’^ but that of their rulers. Whoever has taken notice cf the 
‘ indiligentia veri ' possible, even now, under circumstances of the utmost 
publicity and fullest extension of public responsibility, even among poli- 
ticians and political writers, on such public affairs as do not touch them 
immediately, will appreciate the profound truth of this remark of Tacitus, 
at a time when neither such publicity nor responsibility existed. 

Lastly, Tacitus divides all the chroniclers under the principate or at 
least all the successors of the great historians of Augustus into two 
sharply contrasted classes, the one, of those who wrote to flatter the 
ruling prince, the other, of those who poured out their pent-up rancour 
after his death. 

We need not assume that each prince had his chroniclers of both these 
classes. In the case of Tiberius especially, it has been already noticed ”, 
that (except the few pages of Velleius already mentioned) no historian 
is known even by name to us, who published any account of the ‘ res 
Tiberii,' ‘florente ipso.’ Without assuming that none existed where 
none are known to us, we may reasonably suppose that few, if any, caved 

‘ 1-52, 2. * 4. 70,1; 6. 47, 4, etc.; Dio, 58. 21,3. 

“ Note the meagre account which suf- ® ‘ Inscitia rcipublicae ut alieiiae ’ Hist, 
feed for a Koman, of all the relations of . i, 2. 

Rome with the Jewish nation (Hist. ® Hist. 1. 1 . 

5. t) ; Jo). Ann, r. I, 5. 

^ 6, 10, 2, etc. ^ See above, p. ri. 



to publish contemporary history under a prince whose aversion to 
flattery is stated to have been at least as great as his fear of freedom ' ; 
while the subsequent rule of the son, brother, and grandson of Gcr- 
manicus left abundant opportunity for the multiplication of virulent 
attacks on the great reputed enemy of that house. 





Professed purpose of Tacitus in writing history . . . , . . .19 

His general view hardly affected by his fatalism . . . . . . .21 

His apparent pains to ascertain truth and preserve imjiartiality . . . .22 

The Annals, nevertheless, generally charged with unfairness . . . . -Ja 

General defects of Roman historical criticism . , . • . . , • ^5 

Political sympathies and antipathies of Tacitus ....... 26 

Influence of the tendency of the age to satire ....... 28 

The chief aim proposed by Tacitus as a historian is the elevation of 
public morality, by leading those who study the judgment of the present 
on the past, td attach value to that of the future on themselves. ‘ I hold 
it the chief office of history to rescue virtue from oblivion, and that base 
words and deeds should have the fear of posthumous infamy 

Even his own age, he feels assured, is not witliout noble characters 
deserving of such record. The operation of traceable causes, or even 
the revolution of a kind of cycle, can again bring good after evil, as 
fertile succeed to barren seasons ^ An Agricola is as worthy of imita- 
tion as the heros of antiquity, and, by being recorded for posterity, may 
receive the imperishable statue erected by those whose lives are formed 
on his 

We may compare with this the nearly similar moral purpose professed 
by Livy ; to lead men to avoid the evil and choose the good, by exhibit- 
ing the intrinsic character and consequences of both. ‘ This it is that is 
so salutary and fltuitful in historical study, that you see specimens of 

3- 55 f cp. 2. 88, 4. 

♦ Agr. 46, 3. 

C 2 

^ 2. 87, 3. 

* Ann. 3^65, I ; see also Agr. 1,1. 



every type of character conspicuously displayed ; and may hence take 
models for yourself and your country to imitate, or instances of what is 
vile in its beginning and issues, to avoid k' 

Side by side with this runs another, but a closely connected purpose, 
to be the means of teaching a political wisdom suitable to the times. He 
reminds the reader, that as men had of old to sLutly the tempers of the 
aiistocracy or the people, so, under a virtual monarchy, even the appar- 
ent trifles which he collects and puts on record will have their use, as 
men learn what is advantageous or pernicious more readily from the 
examples of others than from any forethought of their own k 

I'his purpose, though apparently less exalted than the other, aims no 
less in result at elevating the character of public men. For the lesson 
which he desires to teach is that ‘even under bad princes there can be 
good citizens 'k' and that the most admirable is generally also the most 
successful ; neither the base courtier who, by any reaction, or even by 
the mere desire for a new instrument k is unmade in a moment by the 
breath that made him, nor the proud and impracticable ‘ irreconcileable,' 
like Ilelvidius Priscus, who ostentatiously flings away his life 'k but the 
dignified reserve and moderation, ‘ removed alike from perilous disrespect 
and loathsome servility,’ which sustained the position of a Manius Lepklus 
under Tiberius k a Memmius Regulus under Nerok and an Agricola 
under Doniitian k 

It is with these purposes that we are to suppose him to have dealt 
with his materials ; on these that his sense of historical proportion, in the 
topics made more or less prominent or wholly omitted, may be taken to 
be mainly grounded k Even granting the defects incident to history 
thus written for a purpose ; his aim and range of subject elevate his 
work above mere biographies, such as those of Suetonius. Much as all 
history at- such a time must dwell on the personal qualities of the prince, 
lie has never made these his subject in themselves ; but always in some 
subordination to their effect on the personal government and administra- 
tion of the empiire. The designation of his work by Jerome, as ‘ Lives ^ 
of the Caesars needs but to be mentioned, to show its entire inadequacy. 

Yet again, the purpose in view alone justifies to himself, and is expected 
to justify to the reader, the monotony of his theme ; the weary record of 
^ cruel mandates, perpetual accusations, treacherous friendships, destruc- 

^ Livy, Pracf, lo. 
^ Ann. 4. 33, 2. 

" Agr. 42, 5. 

, ^ Ann. 71, I. 

« Agr. 1 . 1 . 

® Ann. 4. 20, 4. 

^ Ann. 14. 47, I. 

» Agr. 42 ; 44. 

• Reasons for the prominence given to 
particular topics are staled in i. 73, i ; 
2. 27. r ; 3. O5, 1 ; 4. 32 ; 33, etc. 

See above, ch ii. p. :o. 


a r 

tion of the guiltless ; ’ forming in his mind so painful a contrast to the 
roll of foreign conquests and great domestic struggles which his prede- 
cessors were privileged to unfold h Much indeed that would have been 
far more interesting to ourselves has thus been sacrificed, but he is at 
least entitled to the credit of having adhered steadily to his plan ^ 

The apparent inconsistency in the profession of a didactic purpose by 
an author who inclines to fatalism, is to be met by showing tliat the 
0 ]finions of Tacitus on this subject are neither so prominent nor so 
definite as to make such inconsistency palpable, and that the saving 
clauses in his creed evidently sufficed to prevent his being himself 
perplexed by it. 

7'he principal passage on the subject does not directly treat of the 
freedom of human action, but raises the question whether prosperity and" 
adversity and the chief occurrences of life are due to chance or file 
The latter would imply the agency of the gods, who are elsewhere recog- 
nised as originators of destiny ^ and rulers of man and nature sometimes 
as caring at least to punish ‘‘j if not to protect ^ sometimes as . those 
who would bless us if our sins permitted them ”, sometimes as y)ursuing 
their purpose with sublime indificrence to our good dc(?ds or evil^ 

T4ie Epicurean doctrine, that the deity cai'cs for none of us, that good 
or bad are fortunate or unfortunate as blind chance may guide, is briefly 
dismissed in this passage. In an atheistic form it was no doubt unaccept- 
able to Tacitus and to general opinion, though popular enough, as Pliny 
has shown when brought into apparent harmony with religion by the 
clastic theology which worshipped Fortune as a goddess and reconciled 
opposites by tlie apotheosis of a negation. 

The Stoic theory, as stated in the same place, besides repeating the 
well-known doctrine, that the good are never really miserable nor the 
wicked happy, reconciles destiny and freewill by supposing that after man 
has made his ‘ choice of life,’ its consequences are determined, not by 

^ 4* 33» .3- ^ Fp* ‘ acquitate cleuni erga bona mala- 

* ® Many such omissions as thoscMioted que docuinenta ’ (i6. 33. i). 
by Mr.G. A Simcox (Hist, of Latin Lilera- .See N. TI. 2. 7 (5), 22, where he looks 

line, ii. p. 175^ seem due to the limit on such a goddess as a mere invention 

which Tacitus thus imposes on himself. (cp. juv. 10. 366), but as the only deity 

” 6, 22 (where see notes). popularly worshipped. He adds that the 

^ Thus ‘fatalcm rabiem' is explained alternative of astrological fatalism sup- 

by *dcum ira ’ (1. 39, 8), Cp. also 2. poses the deity to have ordained once for 

71, 2. all, and then to rest for ever. 

^ See 12. 43, 3; 14. 5, I, etc. * Tacitusoften personifies Horlima/ as 

® 4. I, 3 : 16. 16, 3^ in 3. 18, 6 ; H. 2. 1, 1 ; 4. 47, 2, etc. The 

’ See H. I. 3, 3, where he appears to mixture of sceptical and theological ideas 

follow Ivucan, 4. 807. in the first of these ])assages is note-* 

” Cp. ‘ propitiis, si per mores nostros worthy, 
liceret, deis4(ll. 3. 72, i). 



planetary influences but by natural causation. A more extreme, and 
apparently more popular theory, to which Tacitus evidently inclines, 
would hold that our destiny is fixed from the moment of our birth, and 
could be foretold from our horoscope, were we sure of our interpreter ; 
but that the true professors are few, and the art discredited by the multi- 
tude of quacks. 

Believing in astrology, he believed also in prodigies and omens ^ as 
means whereby the future was revealed ; but here again he would say 
that misinterpretations were rife and that many prognostications were 
only recognised as such after the event ^ 

Elsewhere he often uses popular language in which fortune and destiny 
are mingled and confused \ and the latter appears often to mean no more 
than the operation of some inexplicable cause ^ or sometimes only that 
which would happen in the ordinary course of nature if men made no 
effort to supersede it ^ When he has to explain the steady career and 
position of a Manius Lepidus, he feels that it must be due not allogelhcv 
to destiny, but in part at least to his own personal qualities^. 

On the whole, his doctrine has thus neither the precision nor the 
embarrassing consequences of a philosophical theory, and is rather such 
as would be expected in one who held that, wlu’le a tincture of deV^per 
studies formed part of necessary culture it was not well for a Roman 
senator to go too far in them His creed serves him at times td point 
a moral, rather than afiects his general view of historical events 

Writing with a moral purpose, it is needless to say that Tacitus holds 
himself bound to tell truth without prejudice or favour That he is no 
careless follower of previously written narratives is shown by the places 
where he corrects or supplements them from sources involving more 
labour in verification, such as the ‘ acta senatus ^ or ‘populi ' while the 
accuracy in detail, both of himself and his informants, is in no slight 
degree evidenced by confirmatory inscriptions, such as those already 

' See i-a. 43, i; 64, i; 14. 32, i; 
15* 7 >?ty 47 j I# etc. The miracles of 
Vespasian are viewed as omens, II. 4. 

81, I, 

Cp. * quae adeo sine ciira deum eveni- 
ebant’ (14.12,5); ‘quod in pace fors 
seu natura, tunc fatum et iia dei voca- 
batur’ (H. 4, 26, 2). Similar misinter- 
pretations arc hinted at in 13. 17, 2 ; H. 
2. 91, I. 

^ See H. I. 10, 7. 

* See notes on 6, 22. 

, • Cp. 3. 30# 7; 55 > 6; 13. 12, 3. So 
wlien the blindness ol Varus, andthepower 
for evil wielded by one so mediocre as 
Seianus, are referred to fatality or wrath 

of heaven (i. 55, 4; 4. T, 3), it is meant 
that no traceable cause can accomit fon 

® Cp. the use of ‘falum,* of natural 
death (I. 3, 3 ; 2. 42, 5 ; 71, 2), implying a man baulked his destiny by killing 
himself or by being killed. So Tiberius left 
to * fate * what it was too great an effort 
to settle (6. 46, 5), 

' 4- 20, 5- 
Dial. 19, 5. 

“ Agr. 4, 4. 

On the whole subject, see Kipp, In- 
troduction, pp. 1 6-20. 

Ann. I. 1,6; H. i. i, 

See above, ch. iii. pp, 14, 15. 



cited ^ ; and by the paucity and insignificance of such errors of fact as 
have been clearly brought home to him ^ What is probably the weakest 
point in his narrative, the want of precision in its geography is a defect 
which he shares with Livy, Sallust, and other authors who have had to 
describe military movements on an extensive scale without the aid of 
maps ^ 

Two points may here be noted, in which this obligation to veracity 
is consciously relaxed. 

Firstly, in the account of battles, at least of disastrous battles, he con- 
siders it a point of patriotism to conceal the number of Roman slain. 
This reticence, observable throughout his narrative, especially in the 
account of the campaigns of Gcrmanicus, appears to have been delibe- 
rately adopted as a principle, and grounded on precedent, in a lost pnrt 
of the Histories 

The second exception relates to the practice, so common among 
ancient historians, and never regarded by them as a breach of 
truth, of composing imaginary speeches purporting to be historical. 
There is, however, reason to believe that Tacitus recognised some limit 
in this respect, as may be seen by comparing the speech assigned to 
Claudius on the concession of full citizenship to the Gauls ^ with the 
extant fragments of the actual speech These fragments appear to hum 
part of a lengthy and tedious harangue ; that in Tacitus is a single chapter, 
not without trace of the pedantry of the original, though elevated by his 
dignified and nervous style. Still the following scnlenccs, if taken out 
of their order, condense the substance of the first column and the begin- 
ning of the second, and perhaps supply a link between them — 

‘ Omnia P. C. quae nunc vetustissima creduntur, nova fiiere. Advenae in 
nos regnaverunt. plebcii magistratus post patricios, Latini post plebeios, 
ceterarum Italiae gentium post Latinos.' 

The following sentence expresses no less faithfully some of the lallcr 
part of the second column — 

‘ Ac tamcn, si cuncta bella recenscas, nullum breviore spatio quani 
adversus Gallos confectum ; continua inde ac fida pax.' 

^ See ch. ii, throughout. 

Kg. 2.52, 8 ; 3. 29, 3; 4. 44, 3; 12. 

23. 5 - 

^ See notes generally on the campaigns 
of Germaiiicus, the incursions of lac- 
farinas, etc. , 

* See the defects noted even in I^oly- 
bins (Arnold, Hist, of Rome, vol. iii. 
note F.) 

^ Orosivj (vii. 10, 4), speaking of the 

defeat of Fnscus by the Dacians, says, 
‘ Corn. Tacitus, qui hanc historiam diii- 
gentissime coritexuit, de reticendo inlcr- 
fectoruin nuinero, et Salliistium Crispurii 
ct alios auctores tpiam pluriiiios sanxisse, 
et seipsiim potissimum elegisse dicit.’ 
See Merivale, Hist. ch. Ixi. p. 105. 

1 1, 24. 

See Appendix to B. xi. ; Nipp. vol. ii. 
p. 302. 



If we had the whole speech it is probable that the substantial correspond- 
ence might seem still closer. 

This comparison would lead us to conclude, that in such documents 
as the recorded letters and speeches of the princeps to the senate^ 
Tacitus, while feeling at liberty to condense, rearrange, and generally to 
deal with the form as he thought fit, and to assimilate the style and 
language to his own for the sake of literary homogeneity, does consider 
himself under an obligation to preserve the substance of what was really 
said, and that such passages are, to this extent, historical : though a much 
smaller measure of truth may be supposed in less known or less famous 
senatorial speeches ; and still less, or probably none, in such orations as 
those of Calgacus to his countrymen or in the address of Germanicus 
to the mutinous legions, or that to his friends around his death-bed 
Besides the emphatic profession of the historian’s obligation to impar- 
tiality, we have to note the full belief of Tacitus that he has the means 
of reaching truth, by weighing in the scales of justice the indiscriminate 
praise or censure of earlier writers. lie is more conscious of the difficulty 
of writing on the Flavian Caesars, to whom he was personally indebted 
than on the period covered by the Annals, one in which, as he believed, 

‘ the grounds of resentment or partiality were far removed from him 
In one case, when he discusses and rejects a scandalous tale, he begs 
the reader to take it as a specimen % implying that he has rejected many 
other such ; which a comparison with Dio or Suetonius will sufficiently 
confirm. A single instance may here deserve notice, from the attempts of 
commentators to force it into compatibility with his narrative. Suetonius 
tells a story, partly supported by Seneca and the elder Pliny that Tiberius, 
when already princeps, spent thirty-six hours in a continuous drinking 
bout with L. Piso and Pomponius Flaccus, both of whom were rewarded 
for their boon-companionship — ‘ alteri Syriam provinciam, alteri praefcc- 
turam urbis confestim detulit But according to the text of Tacitus in 
the MS., Piso, at his death in 785, a.d. 32, had been twenty years prefect, 
and had therefore held that office under Augustus®. This is got rid of. 
by the supposition that twenty years is a round number, or that in some 
earlier MS. in which numerals were used, ^ xx ' and ‘ xv ' have been con- 
fused. But the story limps elsewhere, for the appointment of Flaccus to 

^ Agr. 30-32. Even here the historian ^ N. II. 14. 22 (28), 145. 

speaks as if he was following a tradition ® Suet. Tib. 42. Seneca mentions only 

(* in hunc modum locutus fertiir’). that Piso had a habit of drinking ; Pliny 

^ 1.42; 43; 2. 71. gives the part relating to him of this 

® H. I. 1,4. story as a mere * belief of some persons ; * 

^ Ann. I. I, 6. but it becomes an undoubted fact with 

’’ 4» 1 ^ • Suetonius. 

* Ep. 83, 14. » See notes on 6. ii. , 



Syria cannot be dated before 785, a.d. 32 b This again is met by refer- 
ring ‘ confestim ’ to Piso alone ; which, if open to no olher objection, 
spoils the point of the story by destroying the plausible connection of 
cause and eifect, and by making Suetonius gravely connect this appoint- 
ment with a debauch of some fifteen years before it, when the consul- 
ship^ and the governorship of Mocsia^ had intervened. The suggestion 
is surely more probable that Tacitus was aware of this story, saw its 
inconsistency with facts and dates, and rejected it without even noticing it. 

In spite, however, of his diligence, his firm conviction of his own 
impartiality, and his lielief that he treads on firmer ground in describing 
times further off from his owm, it has been the general verdict of modern 
criticism, that ‘ the Histories of Tacitus arc more to be relied on than his 
Annals V ^tnd the latter are even maintained to be ' almost wholly 
satire The very excellences of the book arc also noted as its defects. 
It is not in the bare facts, which, as stated above, are rarely known to be 
erroneous, and not often suspected of being so; but in the artistic treat- 
ment of the fiicts, the brilliant colouring, the clTeclive contrasts, above all, 
in the subtle interpretation of motives, that the injustice is mostly con- 
ceived to lurk. 

A'Jjain, the further he recedes from his own time, the greater, instead 
of the less, becomes the suspicion of unfairness. His portraiture of 
Claudius and Nero is loss assailed than that of Tiberius, which, although 
the most elaborate analysis of character in all his writings, is also most 
often attacked as untrustworthy. 

It will be the work of other chaj>tcrs to follow him in detail through 
the whole period, and to point out such inconsistencies and unrairncsscs 
as may seem traceable : but we may here notice such general considera- 
tions as make it probable that he has dealt less than justice to the early 

One chief cause will be found in the fiict that in the Annals generally, 
and in the early portion especially, he is beyond tlic limits of his own 
knowledge, and forced to depend on written authorities ; and in the 
defects of his own and their methods of dealing with historical evidence. 

The Roman critical fiiculty, never so keenly on its guard against 
inaccuracy in substance as against solecisms in language®, seems 
generally to have spent the force of its historical judgment in dealing 
with discrepancies between informants, without recognising the in- 
sufficiency of even their united testimony to establish what was beyond 

^ See notes on 6. 27. ® I< 1 . ch. Ixiv. p. 343, 

“ 2. 41, 2. ® See the remarks of Merivalc, Hist. 

® 2. 66, 3. ch. Ixiv. p. 305. 

* Meiivalef Hist. ch. Ivii, p. 467. 



their means of knowledge. Such is the general attitude of Livy 
towards his chroniclers; such again appears to be that of Tacitus 
towards his ' auctores.' He could firmly reject a floating tale wJiich 
they had never recognised, and which was otlierwise improbable ^ ; he 
could supplement their defects in detail, judge freely between their 
differences ; we can imagine him to have rejected, even in the face of 
testimony, a statement evidently inconsistent with itself or exaggerated : 
but where a story was generally accepted, and did not bear plain marks 
of overstatement or incredibility we cannot suppose it to have occurred 
to him to ask whether its subject was one on which his authorities 
were competent to speak. For instance, the details of a private cor- 
respondence between Tiberius and Seianus are given without expressed 
or implied suspicion *^, though it appears to us almost impossible to 
imagine authentic evidence of them. 

Any such misleading effect of a ‘ consensus auctorum ' would be 
aggravated, if, as has been seen to be probable in respect to the prin- 
cipate of Tiberius, the original authorities belonged almost wholly to 
the hostile section^. The critic might feel that he had made a con- 
siderable deduction for their prejudices, and niight naturally consider 
that this was sufficient. 

It is also noteworthy that he treats the testimony of his authorities 
as evidence not only for an act but for a motive®; and only wdth difll- 
donee suggests an explanation as his own®. Here it is probable that 
the discrepancy of his witnesses left him much room for choice, and 
enabled him, without going beyond the alternatives suggested by them, 
to interpret the acts in accordance with his general conception of the 

Further explanation must be found in the personal opinions of 
7'acitus, and in the circumstances of his life. 

His political attitude to the early Caesars could not really be one of 
indifterence ; for the revolution which they accomplished and con- 
solidated was with him the main cause of the degeneracy of his owi? 
age. Loyal as he is to the emperors under whom he wrote ; who had 
‘ combined monarchy with freedom ' ' and brought about ' an age of 
rare felicity, in which men might think what they .would and say what 

' 4 . 11 - 

® His sentiment in relating a prodigy 
(H. 2, 50, 3) is capalde of a general aj>- 
plication, ‘volgatis traditisque demere 
fidem non ausim.’ 

^ Ann. 4. 39 ; 40. In a similar case, 
the alleged letter of Lentulus Gaetulicus 

is cautiously given as a mere * persistent 
rumour,’ 6. 30, 4. 

‘ Sec above, ch.' iii, p. 18. 

® Cp. 1. 76, 6; 80, 2, etc. 

« See 4. 57, 2. 

’ Agr. 3, 1. 


they thought he could see that the remedy worked far more slowly 
than the disease^, and feel the more resentment against the su[)posed 
authors of the latter. 

His political sympathies are those of the idealist rather than the 
statesman; his golden age is before the dawn of history®, and his 
golden age of Rome, the old Republic seen through the mist of ages, 
the time when ‘ equitable legislation was crowned by the Laws of the 
Twelve Tables or, at latest, the days before the fall of the grciit 
foreign powers had developed the dangers of security and peace ’’. 
Himself probably no more connected with the old families than was 
Cicero, he yet cannot divest himself of the reverence inspired by their 
glories in the history of the early period ^ Blind to the misgovern- 
ment which alone made revolution possible, he can see only the in- 
trigues of ambitious men who brought about the fall of ‘liberty.' 
Gracchus with him ranks no higher than Saturninus ; not even Sulia 
or Pompeius had disinterested aims ; the dictatorship of the first Caesar 
seems only a phase in the twenty years of anarchy There are in- 
dications enough that his view of Augustus was as diflercnt from that 
of Vergil or Horace as his Tiberius from the Tiberius of Velleius 
The' ‘ weariness of civil strife ' which had followed Actium was em- 
ployed by Augustus first to ‘ secure his own ascendancy,' and then to 
give Maws which we were to enjoy in peace and under monarchy 
From this time ‘ the old morality disappeared in the revolution ; men 
cast aside their position of civic equality and looked for orders to the 
prince’®;’ lieqce begins the servile age of sycophants and courtiers. 
The restoration of the Republic is still so far conceived to have been 
possible, that Germanicus and his father are imagined to have contem- 
plated it and popularly held to have been victims of their love of 
liberty’^. The vices of the senatorial rule, the improvement of pro- 
vincial administration under the empire, are ignored even at the mo- 
ment when they are admitted’®; and the first Caesars are assumed to 
^e mainly responsible for the degradation which had changed the 

’ H. I. T, 5 * 

Ann. 3. 27, 3. 

* Agr. 1 . 1 . 

« 11. 2. 38, 3, 4. 

® Ann. 3. 26, I. 

^ Ann. 3. 2S, 2. 

’ 27, I. 

See especially the prominence given 

5 H. 2. 38, 2. 

to the hostile opinion (i. 10). 

® As instances of his sympathy may be 

” I. I. 3. 

noted his tone in speaking of the men- 

3. 28, 3. 

dicancy of Hortalus (i. 37) or the crimes 

T. 2, I. 

of Lepida (3. 23) ; and the aggravation 

” 33 , 4. 

in his eyes of the guilt of Livia by her 

2. 82, 3. 

adulterer being no more than a ‘ munici- 

1.2, 2. 

pal ’ (4. 3. 4/. 


senate that confronted Pyrrhus or Hannibal to that which had dragged 
its own members to prison at the bidding of Domitian 

Our estimate must also take account of the anthoris literary ten- 
dencies. In one sense, not the Annals alone, but all the works of 
Tacitus are satire; for satire, in the various forms which it took under 
Persius, Petronius, Martial, Juvenal, was the chief literary force of the 
age ; and a writer out of harmony with the times of which he writes 
had a whole armoury of sharp-edged maxims ready to his hand. ‘ In- 
mitior quia toleraverat ‘acerrirna proximorum odia^:’ * causae in- 
imicitiae acriores quia iniquae^*:' ‘proj)rium humani generis odisse 
quern laeseris-’* — these and a hundred such are the forms in 
which the stern and bitter experiences of the historian's life express 
themselves. There are no such arrows in the quiver of Augustan 
literature; the}' are hardly so barbed even in Juvenal. Again, we have 
tlic satiric tendency, prevalent especially in the Annals, to take extreme 
acts as typical of the man, and extreme men as typical of the age. 
Not, how ever, that such exaggerations are on one side only : the great 
literary artist know'S too well the etfect of a heightened contrast to 
neglect the opportunities held cnit to him. Even on such neutral 
ground as the subject of the ‘ Germany^ this is thought to have afF6cted 
the historical fidelity of I'acilus ; and in the portraiture of Rome under 
the Caesars, tlie temptation was far more irresistible. Hence the effort 
to idealise a Germanicus or an Agricola, and others who might be 
mentioned ; and the tendency to surround with glory the death-scene 
of the martyrs. 

Between this sharply drawn contrast of hideous vices and heroic 
virtues, the neutral multitude of ordinary men on the dead level of 
average mediocrity of character in all ranks of life, however deeply 
interesting to those who would truly trace the general tendencies of an 
age, fade as completely out of sight as the shadowy rank and file of 
the Homeric armies. 

^ Ai^r. 45, I. ^ Ann. i. 20, 2. 

^ This is well shown by Mr. .Simeox in * H. 4. 70, 3. 

the History of Latin Literature already '• Ann. i. 33, 3. 

ineiitioiied. * Agr. 42, 4. 






Gcncual Reviarks ........... pp. 29-32 

Syntax. .sections 

I. Nouns and Pronouns .......... 1-9 

TI. Cases of the Noun .......... 10-37 

IN. Vcrlis . . . . . . . . - . 38 42 

IV. Moods and Tenses .......... 43-33 

V. Participles. ........... 54-55 

VI. Prepositions 5<> ^3 

VIT. Adverbs and Conjunctions . ....... 64-68 


I. New wonhs or new of words ^9*7^ 

lx. Rhetorical and poetical colouring 73-79 

III. Influence of the study of brevity . . . . , . .80- 84 

IV. Influence of the study of variety in expression . . . . • ‘^5 ‘94 

V. Influence of imitation ......... 95-97 

The Lexicon Taciteum of Bolticher^, the Excursus of Roth on the 
Agricola ^ and .the ‘ Index Latinitatis " in Ruperti’s edition ^ represented 
for some time the chief results of the labour of Scholars on this subject ; 
but their works, with many other treatises on special points, are now 
gathered up into and supplemented by the exhaustive and no less concise 
treatise of Dr. Driiger from which nearly all the substance of what i.s 
here given has been derived, and to which all who desire further in- 
formation are throughout referred ^ In the selection here made, it is 
Jhtended to illustrate not only such points of usage and style as are 
wholly peculiar to Tacitus, but also the most remarkable of those 
which, though adopted from earlier writers, are used by him with 
characteristic boldness and freedom. 

^ Berlin, 1830. 

^ Niimberg, 1833. 

^ Hanover, 1834. 

* Leipzig, 3rd edition, 1882. 

® Much use has also been made of the 
valuable dissertations by Wblfflin in 

Philologus (xxiv. 115-123 ; xxv. 92 -134 ; 
xxvi. 92-166; xxvii. 1 13-149), and in 
Bursian’s * Jahre.sberichte ' (iii. 756-787) ; 
also of the 3rd part of Joh. MUller's ‘Bei- 
trage zur Kritik und Erklarung des Corn. 
Tacitus * (Innsbruck, 1873). 



Ainong the features of the Latinity of what is called the silver age, 
one of the most prominent is the introduction into prose of words and 
forms of expression from tlie great classic poets, who had by that time 
become the text-books of every grammar-school h That this extended 
to all kinds of prose composition, may be illustrated from the fact that 
out of a list, gathered from Tacitus, of nearly loo words, more or less 
frequent in Augustan poetry, but absent from Augustan or classic prose, 
more than half had already won a place in intermediate prose literature, 
mostly in the plain, matter-of-fact descriptions of the elder Pliny ^ 
Another such list might easily be framed from Livy, to show by a com- 
parison with Caesar, or even Sallust, the influence of poetic diction on 
historical prose, even in the latter part of the Augustan age itself. 

Partly through this adoption of poetic language, partly through the 
increasing taste for what was Greek, as such Latinity had also become 
more tolerant of Greek words and grammatical Graecisms. 

In Tacitus, the first of these general tendencies is abundantly pro- 
minent ^ ; the latter he may probably have looked upon as a corruption, 
as he shows no disposition to add to the Graecisms or Greek words 
already in use His earliest treatise, the ‘ Dialogus,' show^s even 
a reaction in the direction of Ciceronian Latinity his later wri];ings, 
while showing less and less trace of Cicero have acquired so marked 
an individuality of style, that even a fragment, long lurking unsuspected 
in the pages of Sulpicius Severus, has been claimed for Tacitus with 
good grounds on internal evidence alone 

The special qualities of his style are no doubt due, in no small 
measure, to his professional career. As the first forensic orator of the 
day, we might assume that he had perfected such gifts as were pre- 
scribed to a pleader by the prevailing fashion ; and he has himself 
described to us the difference between the rolling periods of Ciceronian 
eloquence and the style demanded in his own age, when jury and 
listeners soon wearied of a long harangue, were impatient of the 
speaker's preamble, and recalled him peremptorily from a digression ; 
so that brevity had become the soul of wit, rapidity and incisive bril- 
liancy the qualities most sure to reward the pains taken to acquire them, 
lie tells us of pupils listening eagerly, and reporting to their friends 

^ Juv. 7. 226, The chief instance is found in the 

^ See Draj^er, § 249, i. reminiscences of De Orat. 3. 2, 3, in Agr. 

^ See Juv. 3. 61, etc. 44, 45. 

^ See below, §§ 70, 72, and several ® See Snip. SeL Hist. Sacr. 2. 30,6; 
others. Jac. Bemays 'iiber die Chroiiik des Snip. 

® See ^ 95. Sev.* Berlin, 1861 ; Milman, Hist, of the 

® Sec Dr. § 259, i. Jews, bk. xvi. p. 366, note. 


3 ^ 

at a distance the last pungent epigram, or glowing poetic passage. 

* For poetic grace is now demanded of the orator, not marred with 
the rust of Accius or Pacuvius, but fresh from the treasury of Horace, 
of Vergil, or of Lucan Tacitus was thus under influences both 
general or literary and also special or professional, in adopting the 
poetical colouring so characteristic of him ; but it is perhaps due to 
individual taste that the poetical element in his writings is almost 
wholly Vergilian 

Besides carrying much of his habitual style into the composition of 
histor}^ he evidently studied, as modes of historical writing, his chief 
predecessors in that field, for whom he expresses such genuine ad- 
miration. Of this kind, the chief influence on him known to us, is 
that of Sallust and Livy, who, though rarely expressly mentioned ^ 
leave their traces in a number of forms of expression throughout his 
writings^; the former being naturally his model of terseness, the latter 
of eloquence ; with his own taste to blend and modify them. 

He has himself told us of his own painful consciousness of the dull 
monotony and repulsive sadness of great part of his narrative, compared 
with the range of subject and free treatment of the old historians '^. 
Hence, in the true skill of an advocate with a tedious case, he would 
the more studiously seek to create variety, and stimulate the flagging 
interest of the reader, even by ever so short an episode ® ; by a de- 
parture from his usual order of narrative'^; by multiplying, artificially 
and even fancifully, the exj)ressions for constant occurrences®; by a 
hundred small variations in the structure or arrangement of sentences ; 
by straining more and more after novelties, or by occasionally reviving 
archaisms in vocabulary or phrase ; by anything to break the weary 
sameness of his chronicle of tyranny. 

The old criticism, tracing the characteristics of the style of Tacitus 
to poetic colouring, and to the study of brevity and of variety will be 
seen to be well founded, and to be capable of exi)lanation from the 
circumstances of his life and nature of his subject ; and to show the 

' Dial. IQ, 20. 

^ The debt of Tacitus to Vergil will be 
apparent throughout lliis chapter. See 
especially §§ 70; 72 ; 97, 4. 

‘C. Sallustins reriini Rornaiiarum 
florentissimus auctor’ Ann. 3. 30, 3. 'Liv^ 
ills vctenim, Fabius Rusticiis recentiuiu 
eloquentissimi auctores’ Agr. 10, 5. 

* See ^Syntax’ throughout, and several 
sections of ‘ Style,' esp. 97. 

® Ann. 4. 32. 

® F.g. 3. 26-28 ; 4. 32; 33; 6.22; 28. 

’ See 6. 38, I. 

« See § 93. 

® See §§ ^^5-9 2. 

This increasing preference of unusual 
or even obsolete expressions is shown by 
W'dlftlin (Phil. xxv. p. 95 foil.) to be the 
true key to the difference between the 
earlier and later writings, 

Bbtticher (Prolog. Ixvi, etc.), whom 
I have followed in arranging much of 
the subject under these heads. Sec 
§§ 72-92. 

3 ^ 


natural gifts, not unniixed with the natural defects, of the most finished 
pleader of an age which required above all that its orators should be 
terse, brilliant, and striking. 

Historical style was all the more likely to be rhetorical, owing to the 
custom of oral recitation. From many instances in which the effect 
on the ear seems to be studied, and others in which oral emphasis 
would have removed an ambiguity, it is not improbable that Tacitus 
may have adopted this general practice. 

To these should be added the most truly personal of all his trails 
of style, the elevation and dignity (fxf/xj/oTi;?) known to have characterised 
the orator and which, in the relation not only of great matters, but 
also of what is trivial, or even revolting, appears never to be lost sight 
of by the historian. 

Tlie following instances arc almost wholly restricted to the Annals, 
not only on account of the limits of the present treatise, but also 
because these are the most truly Tacitean of all the writings of Tacitus ; 
many uses and expressions, rare or even unknown in his earlier \vorks, 
being in them frequent and even habitual 

The arrangement of Drager, whose sections are cited throughout, 
is far more elaborate and scientific than that here given, which has 
been simplified for convenience of general reference. It will be evident 
that many obligations are also due throughout to the Grammars of 
Zumpt, Madvig, Kennedy, and Roby, especially the last. 


I. Nouns and Pronouns. 

A. Substantives. 

1. Abstract Nouns, The use of such in the plural is hardly more 
frequent in Tacitus than in Cicero or lavy, but is extended to new 
instances, such as aemulatus (ott. «<>.) 13. 46, 6; dignationcs (« 7 r. elp.) 
2- 33, 6; and to such as are elsewhere very rare, as infamiae (Plaut.) 
4. 33, 4 ; simulationes (PI. min.) 5. 54, 2 ; 6. 45, 6, etc. 

Plis use of abstract for concrete is somewhat more characteristic : 
as amicitia= ‘friends/ 2. 27, 2; 77, i; consilia=‘ advisers/ 4. 40, 2; 
iura=:‘ charters/ (ait. €lp.) 3. 60, 4; liberalitas=‘ gift/ 2. 37, 2, etc.; 
matrimonia=‘ wives/ 2. 13, 3; origo=‘ ancestor/ (Verg.) 4. 9, 3, etc.; 
regna=‘ kings/ (Stat.) 3. 55, 3. Dr. § 2. 3. 

‘ Plin. Epp. 2. II, 17. Wolfflin (Phil. 25, 95-127). See also he- 

* This has been very fully shown by low, §§ 22 b, 31, 36, 37, 40, 64, 69, 77, 89. 



2. Rare singular forms are found, as angustia (PL mai.) 4. 72, 2 ; 
verbere (fjoet. and Sen.) 5. 9, 2 ; 6. 24, 4. Also singular and plural 
are often interchanged, as patres eques i. 7, i ; 4. 74, 5; cques pedites 

3. 46, 5, etc.; cp. 2. 56, I ; 60, 4; 15. 48, i, etc. Such instances are 
also found in Livy. Dr. § 4. 5. 

3. The adjectival use of substantives in apposition is frequent, 
as in poetry. Tims imperator populus 3. 6, 2 ; mare Hadria 15. 34, 2; 
mare Oceanus i. 9, 6; H. 4. 12, 2 ; sidus cometes 14. 22, i, etc. This 
usage also is found in Livy (Dr. on Ann. 3. 6, 2). Dr. § 76. 

On the accusative in (so-called) apposition to a sentence, sec below, 
§ 12 <7; on the nominative in parenthetical apposition, see § 82. 

B. Adjectives. 

4. The substantival use of adjectives is more frequent than in 
the classics. Dr. § 7. 

(a) Masculine,, as equestres 12. 60, 3; militares 3. i, 2; nulli 2. 77, 
6 (where see Nipp.); also in sing., as equester 13. 10, 3. This usage 
is extended to participles, as praesidentium 3. 40, 4; vincentium 14* 
36, 2, etc. 

(U) Neuier singular^ without the usual classical restriction to pre- 
dicates and to the usage with such verbs as ‘ dicere/ ‘ facere,' ‘ postulare * 
(see Nipp. on 6. 24, 3). Thus egregiuni 3. 70, 4 ; 6. 24, 3 ; honestum 
3. 65, I ; triste . . . providum 15. 34, i, etc. ; also often with prepositions, 
as in lubrico i. 72, 3 ; in barbarum 6. 42, i ; and as a simple abl. of 
place wh«re (see § 25), and with genit. following (sec § 32 c?). 

(<r) Neuier plural often in place of an abstract substantive, as fiilsa 
2. 82, 8, etc.; incerta 2. 39, 5; occulta 2. 88, 1; obscura, vera 4. 58, 
3; and very often with a genit. following (§32 li). See Nipp. on 

2. 39. 

5. The adverbial use of neuter adjectives is extended from the 
more regular (as multum, nimium, postremum, potissimum, summum) 
to more distinctly poetical usages, as aeternum 3. 26, 3, etc. ; inmensum 

3. 30, 2, etc. ; praeceps 4. 62, 3, etc. (on their use in the accus., see 
§ 13.). Dr. § 22, Nipp. on 3. 26, 3. 

6. The adverbial use of an adjective as secondary predicate 
(Roby 1069), as diversi 2. 73, 6, etc.; occulti 4. 12, 1, etc.; properus 
6. 44, I, etc.; rarus 2. 57, 4, etc.; is more common than in classical 
prose. Dr. § 8. 

7. New “forms of comparison, both of adjectives and participles, 



had been freely introduced by Cicero and Livy. Besides adopting such, 
from them and others, Tacitus appears to have added analogous forms, 
such as curatissimus i. 13, 7; flagrantissimus i. 3, 2, etc.; inplacabilius 

j. 13, 5 ; inprovisior 2. 47, i ; instantius 6. 35, 4 ; obaeratior 6. 17, 4; 

probably vulgarissimus (a7r. 13. 49, i. 

C. Pronouns. 

8. Tacitus omits with unusual frequency pronotins belonging to 

the third person, especially in the accus., sometimes even so as to 
involve harshness or obscurity. Among the more notable instances 
are those of the omission of se in i. 35, 5; 2. 71, 8 ; 83, 4; 4. 59, 
5, etc.; and of cum in i. 69, 3; 3. 49, i; 4. 58, 4; 71, 5, etc. Also 
an abl., such as iis, or quibus, is constantly omitted in concise uses of 
the abl. abs. (see below, § 31 c). Omissions are found of the genit* 

of such pronouns, as in 4. 70, 4 ; or dat., as in 4. 7, 4. A few in- 

stances occur of omissions of pronouns of the first or second pronoun, 
as nos I. 22, 3; me 4. 38, i; 12. 21, i; nobis 3. 54, 5. See Joh. 
Muller on i. 27, 2 ; Pfitzner, p. 113 ; Nipp. on i. 29; 5. 10. 

9 . The use of quis for quisque in the constant form ut quis, 
e. g. I, 69, 2; 2. 24, 6; 73, 6; 83, i, etc., appears to be strictly 
Tacitcan (Botticher), Other usages, though rare, are not without earlier 
precedent; e. g. quis for uter i. 47, 2 ; 3. i, 4 (Livy); quis ille, hie ille 
(with brachylogy) ii. 7, i ; 12. 36, 2; 14. 22, 4 (Cic.); quidquid istud 
I. 42, 2 ; eius for suus 4. 67, i (Caes. and Cic.); suus for eius 4. 36, 
3, etc. Dr. § 10-20. 

1 1 , Cases of the Nou 7 i, 

A . Accusative. 

10 . The accusative of place towards which motion takes place 
(Roby 1108), as used of the names of countries or large islands, is 
generally confined in classical prose to Greek names with the Latinized 
ending in ‘-us,’ as Aegyptum 2. 59, i (Madvig 232, Obs. 4), but is also 
used by Tacitus, as by poets, with greater latitude, as Hiberos 12. 51, 
4, etc.: analogous to this is campos propinquabant 12. 13, i; and the 
accus. with proximus 15. 15, 6. Such accusatives, though always rare, 
are not unexampled in earlier prose. Dr. § 38. 

11. The poetical or Greek accusative of the part concerned 
(Roby iioi, 1102), as contectus humeros 2. 13, i, is used more freely 
by Tacitus than by any prose writer except Apuleius, not .^only in its 



more usual application to the bodily members, but in such expressions 
as clari genus 6. 9, 5 ; acllevatur animum 6. 43, 3 ; and in the military 
phrase frontem . . . tergum . . . latera . . . munitus i. 50, 2. Dr. § 39, Wblfilin 
(Phil. 25, 115). 

1 2. Transitive accusatives. Dr. § 40. 

(<2) Tacitus often expresses the effect or purpose of an action by an 
accusative clause in (so-called) apposition to the sentence, i. e. explanatory 
of the notion contained in the verb and its adjuncts ; such verb imply- 
ing some general notion of doing or suffering on which these accusa- 
tives depend. See i. 27, i (and Nipp. there); 49, 5; 74, 3; 2. 64, 6: 
6. 37, 2, etc. Instances arc found in Sallust and Livy. 

(U) llie poetical accusative with verbs expressing affeclions is not un- 
frequent in I'acitus, and is extended by him to some instances not found 
in earlier prose, as pavcscere i. 59, 7, etc ; cxpavesccre H. 2. 76, 3 ; 
gravari H. 2. 20, 2. Cp. Madv. 223 c, Roby 1123, Kennedy 127. 

(c) A full list is given by Dr. of coiiipound verbs used by Tacitus with 
a simple accusative zvhere a repetition of the preposition or a dative would be 
regular. To verbs previously so used in prose he would appear to have 
added several, as advehi (with acc. pers.) 2. 45, 4; advolvi i. 13, 7, etc.; 
elabi i. 61, 6, etc. ; erumpere 12, 63, 2 ; exire 6. 49, 3 ; intervenire 3. 23, 
I ; inrepere 4. 2, 3 ; praecellere 2. 43, 7 ; praeiaccre 12. 36, 4 ; praeminerc 
3. 56, 2, etc. His chief characteristic in this respect is the number of 
verbs so used by him. On the general usage, see Roby 1121, Zurnpt 
387, note. 

{d) The Graecistn, introduced by Vergil and occasionally found in 
prose from Sallust, of an accusative of the object after middle and passive 
verbs, generally confined to induor and similar verbs, is used by Tacitus 
with more latitude, e. g, falsa exterritus 4. 28, 4 (MS.); arguitur plera- 
que, . . . quae revincebatur 6. 5, i, 2. This must be carefully distinguished 
from the usage above (§11); as ‘indutus vestem' is a wholly diffe- 
rent accus. from ‘indutus humeros/ See Roby 1126, J127, Kennedy 

13 . The poetical or Greek adverbial accusative of a neuter 
adjective is adopted, as falsum renidens 4. 60, 3. To this head belong 
several of the adverbial adjectives noted above (§ 5). This construction 
is akin to that noted above (§12 d) ; as is also the quasi-cognate accus, 
with vincere 12. 60,15, pervincere 14. 14, 3. Dr. § 41, Roby 1096, 
1100, Kennedy 122, 5. 

14. Oth§r adverbial accusatives, such as id aetatis, id temporis 

I) 2 


(both in Cicero), are adopted, and similar new expressions added, as id 
auctoritatis 12. 18, i ; idem aetatis 13. 16, r. Also the day of the 
month is put in the accus., 6. 25, 5; 50, 6, etc. Dr. § 44, Roby 1092, 
Kennedy 123, 4. 

B. Dative. 

15. The dative of indirect object, with implied local relation 
(literal or figurative), where the abl. with prep, would be more usual 
(Roby 1144), is adopted chiefly from jioets and Livy. Among verbs 
with which it is used are abstrahere 2. 5, i, etc. ; excusari i. 12, 3, etc. ; 
eximerc i. 48, 2, etc. ; extrahere 6. 23, 5 ; proripere 4. 45, 4. Dr. (§ 46) 
refers other instances to this head (sec 4. 72, 2 ; 13. 42, 4). 

16. The Greek attracted dative {(iovXoficvoi^ elsewhere restricted 
in Latin to volenti and volcntibiis, is extended to invitis aut cupientibus 
erat i. 59, i. Dr. § 48, The ordinary usage whereby, in expressions such 
as cui nomen est, the name itself is attracted to the case of the pronoun, 
is restricted by Tacitus to adjectives (as 1.31,2; 2. 8, i, etc.) : the nomi- 
native (as I. 45, I, etc.), or, rarely, the genitive (see note on 4. 59, 
2), being used of substantives. (Nipp. on 2. 16.) Cp. Madv. 246, Obs. 
2* 3- 

17. The ‘dativus commodi’ is extended to such usages as sibi 
. . , procubuisse i. 59, 4 ; sibi . . . firmabat i. 71, 5 ; ut mihi informis, sic 
tibi magnifica 12. 37, 2; even non referre dedecori 15. 63,2. Dr. 
§ 49- 

18. The dative of the agent is used, without restriction to the gerun- 

dive or to passive participles or adjectives in ' -bilis ' (Roby 1146), and 
without any notion of the interest of the agent (Madv. 250 a), in more 
than thirty places, e. g. sibi . . , adspici 1.17, 10 ; propinquis , . . removeretur 
2. 30, 4. Cp. 2. 37, 3 ; 3. 3, 3 ; 20, 3, etc. It is not easy always to 
distinguish this dative from such ablatives as are noted in § 27. Dr. § 51, 
Nipp. on 2. 50. , 

19. The dative of a noun so closely connected with another that 
a genitive would be expected (Roby 1154), frequent in poets, is also 
frequent in Livy, and still more in Tacitus; e.g. rector iuveni i. 24, 3; 
paci firmator 2. 46, 6 ; and very many others. Dr. § 53. 

20. The dative of the thing as object, often used with adjectives or 
participles, as promptus i. 2, i, etc.; intentus i. 31', 2 ; fecilis 2. 27, 2, 
etc. ; appears to be an extension of the usage with persons. Madv. 



21 , The dative after compound verbs, where accus. with prep, 
would be usual, is also poetical, as pectori adcreverat i, 29, i (where 
see note) ; penatibus induxerit 5. 1,3, etc. 

22 , Dative of work contemplated. Roby 1156, 1383. 

(a) Gerund. Such expressions as restaurando sufliceret 3. 72, 4 ; 
testificando vulgabat 13. ii, 2 (cp. 15. 16, 2); appear to be exten- 
sions of the classical phrases solvendo esse, scribcndo adesse. Dr. 
§ 206. 

(( 5 ) Gerundive. It is characteristic of Tacitus to employ this usage 
with increasing, and latterly with great frequency : only three instances 
being found in the minor works, and thirteen in the Histories, while it 
abounds in the Annals. It is used with more than twenty adjectives (see 

23, 5; I \ 2. 57, 3, etc.), and much oflcner with verbs; often so 
as to be fully equivalent to a final clause: e.g. with deligere 2, 4, i, etc.; 
digredi ii. 32, 2 ; eximere 3. 22, 6 ; immittere it. 1, i ; mittere i. 60, 
2, etc.; praemittere 15. 10, 6; venire 6. 43, 3, etc. Dr. § 206 B, 
Wblffiin (Phil. 25, 114), Madvig 415, Obs. 2. Compare the genitive 
below, § 37. 

(c) Apparently by an extension of such an usage as ' rcceptui cancre,' 
a simple dalive is used with transitive or often with intransitive verbs, 
with the force 0/ a final clause ; as morti deposcit i. 23, 6 ; incessit itineri 
et praelio i. 51, 4; fiictum est senatus-consiiltum ultioni iuxta et secuib 
tati 13. 32, I. For other instances, sec Dr. § 52, Nipp. on 1. 51. 

23 . The dative expressing that which a thing (or person) serves 
as or occasions, or predicative dative (Roby 1158), most frequent in 
the case of forms in ‘ -ui,’ and especially used with the verb esse, is 
common in Tacitus. Roby has collected (Pref. xxv-lvi) a list of about 
180 w'ords so used by writers not later than Suetonius, of which thirty- 
eight are used by Tacitus, about five by him alone. It is still more 
characteristic, that out of only eleven instances collected of the use of such 
\ dat. in apposition, eight are from Tacitus, who thus uses usui and 
ostentui twice (Ann. 1 1. 14, 5 ; H. 3. 20, 6 ; Ann. 12. 14, 6 ; II. i. 78, 1), 
and dehonestamento, documento, obtentui, subsidio once each (12. 14, 
6 ; 15. 27, 2 ; H. 2. 14, 6 ; 12. 29, 2). On the distinction between this 
dat. and that in § 22, see Roby 1 . 1 . 

, C. Ablative. 

24. The ablative of place whence, which, as used of countries or 
large islands (Roby 1258), is not unclassical (though styled a solecism in 


3 ^ 

Quintilian i, 5, 38) in the case of Latinized Greek names in (cp. 
§ 10; and Nipp on 2. 69, 1), is used more freely by Tacitus than by 
any other writer; e.g. Armenia i. 3, 3 ; Etruria Lucania et omni Italia 
II. 24, 2; Suria 13. 35, 2, etc. A similar abL of common names is 
used, without the ordinary restriction to domo, rure, humo (Madv. 275), 
as fuga impediverat i. 39, 6; progrediuntur contuberniis i. 41, 2, etc.; 
often by exerting the force of a prep, in composition, as in the extension 
of the usual phrase abire magistratu to abire sedibus 2. 19, 2 ; and in the 
abl. with abhorrere i. 54, 3 ; effundcre 2. 23, 2; emergere i. 65, 2; 
eruere 2. 69,5; extrahere i. 39,4,010. Analogous is the abl. with 
recens i. 41, 3, etc. Dr. § 56. 

25 . The ablative of place at which (Roby 1170) is used with the 
same freedom as in poetry (Id. 1173, Madv. 273, Obs. 2, Kennedy 155, 
2), whether as expressing direction, in a quasi-instrumental sense analo- 
gous to ‘via,* as porta triumphali i. 8, 4; finibus Frisiorum i. 60, 2 ; 
litore Oceani i. 63, 5 ; or, much oftener, position, as structis molibus 
2. 60, 4 ; toro 3. 5, 6 ; saxis et acre 4. 43, 2 ; campo aut litore 4. 74. 6, 
etc.; also with ncut. adjectives, as medio 2. 52, 6, etc. ; piano H. 3. 19, 3; 
vicino Id. 38, 2, etc. often with a genit. following. Dr. § 57. Many in- 
stances arc collected by Nipp. on i. 60; 2. 52 ; 3. 61. 

2 G. The ablative of time throughout which, almost wholly post- 
Augustan (Roby 1184, 1185), is found not only in such expressions as 
quatuordecim annis i. 33,6 (Cic.) ; but also such as triumviratu 3, 
28, 3 ; bellis civilibus 6. ii, 3 ; triumphis, volis 15. 45, 2. On the other 
hand, Tacitus often uses ‘ in ’ to express time when, or in the course of 
which (Roby 1180, 1182), as tali in tempore 2. 84, 3; eo in tempore 
n. 29, I, etc., whence later authors (as Lact.) even say ‘in hieme,* ‘in 
aestate.’ Dr. § 58, Zumpt 596. 

27. The extension of the instrumental ablative to personal agents, 
though poetical in its free use, is not without classical precedents, as 
centurione comitatus (Cic.) 14.8,5; cp. legionibus petitum 2. 46, 2;’ 
corruptoribus tentare 2. 79, 4; Artabano perculsus 6. 44, 3; and other 
instances in which the personality is not prominent. See Nipp. on 2. 79 ; 
6. 44. Such ablatives might often be taken as datives (see § 18). Dr. 
§ 59 - 

28 . The ablative of manner is employed with unusual boldness, with- 
out the addition of an adjective (Roby 1236, 1239), as spe vel dolore 
I. 59 » ^ i clamore et impetu i. 68, 4; ordinibus ac subsidiis 2. 80, 6; 
calervis 4, 51, i ; multis millibus 6. 37, 4 ; convivio 13. 20, 5, etc. Some 



instances in which a single word has the force of an abl. abs. are thus 
explained, as visu 3. 14, 3, etc. (see Nipp. on 4. 51, i). In some in- 
stancesj as leviore flagitio i. 18, 5, such an abl. is a condensed sentence. 
Dr. § 60. 

29. The use of the ablative of quality (as of the corresponding genit. 
sec § 34) of persons, without the addition of a common name (see Madv. 
287, Obs. 3), rare in Caesar, Cicero, and Livy, is common in Tacitus; as 
arlibus egregiis i. 13, i, etc, Cp. i. 19, 2 ; 4. 29, i ; 6. 48, 7 ; 16. 18, i. 
Often it expresses any circumstance attaching to a person or thing, as 
Icgionariis armis 3. 43, 2; mercennario militc 6. 34, 5; profectio arto 
comitatu 4. 58, i ; testamentum multo rumore 3. 76, 2. Sometimes the 
adj. is represented by a genit., as mariti aniino r. 57, 5 ; pacis arlibus PL 

1. 8, 2. Dr. § 61. See Nipp. on 3. 43; 76; Joh. Muller, Beitr, 4. 

30. The causal ablative is used rarely in the Histories, often in the 
Annals, in cases where the use of a prep, or of a genit. with ‘ causa' or 
‘ gratia ' would be expected ; both of subjective motives, as iactantia 
gloriaque i. 8, 2; caritatc aut reip. cura i. 10, 6 ; conscientia i. 57, 2 
(cp. I. 76, 6; 3. 44, 4) ; and also of objective causes, as dissensione 
ordinum 3. 27, 2; defectione 12. 10, i ; fervorc 13. 16,3; cohortalio- 
nibus 14. 30, 3. See notes on 2. 75, i ; 3. 24, 5 (and Nipp. there). Dr. 
§ 64, Roby 1228, Madv. 256, Obs. 2, Zumpt 454. 

31. Some characteristic uses of tho ablative of attendant circum- 
stances, or ablative absolute, arc to be noted. 

{a) The use of a participle in this case as predicate^ with a sentence as 
subject 1252). This usage, very rare before Livy, occurs never 

in the minor writings of Tacitus, only six times in the Plistories, but 
repeatedly in the Annals. Among the participles which Tacitus appears 
to be the first so to use are addito i. 35, 6 ; adiecto 4. 70, V ; credito 3, 
14, 4 ; intellecto i. 49, 3 ; pensitato 3. 52, 4; 12. 17, 3 (only) ; quaesito 

2. 9, I j 6. 15, I (only); repetito 3. 33, i (ott. tip), etc. Dr. § 213. 

if) The neuter adjectives si?nilarly used, as periculoso i. 6, 6 ; libero 3. 
60, 6, are probably to be taken, with Botticher, as following the Greek 
usage with the (not always expressed) participle of ufii : thus iuxta peri- 
culoso =6/Aoia)s firiKLudvvov (oj/ros). 

(f) A n adjective or participle ofien stands concisely in this case ly itself 
when the subject has' been recently expressed, as cohibita 3. 33, i conce- 
dente 6. 16, 5; invalido 6. 47, 4; or even when a subject, whciher 
definite or ipdefinite, can be supplied from the sense, as orantibus i. 29, 



2 ; requirentibus H. i. 27, 3, etc.; such instances are not always clearly 
distinguishable from datives ; but are found also in Caesar and Livy. 
Dr. § 212 a, b, Nipp. on i. 29 ; 5. 10. 

(I) The iransitive use^ in this case, 0/ deponent participles, as secutus 
6. 17, 4 ; II. 25, I ; ausus 12.32, 2; adgressus 13. 43, 8, is analogous 
to the use of omnia pollicito in Sallust; Jug. 103, 7, and gratum elocuta 
in Hor. Od. 3. 3, 17. Dr. § 212 c, Wolfflin (Phil. 26. 13^4). 

D. Genitive. 

32 . Partitive or quasi-partitive. The abundance of such genitives 
is characteristic of Tacitus, as also the frequency with which the partitive 
idea is almost or altogether lost sight of, and the genit. equivalent to a 
simple adj. as in poetry. Cp. strata viarum (Lucr. and Verg.). 

(a) After neuter singular, without the usual restriction to an adj. or 
pron. in the nom. or accus. (Roby 1226): thus umido, lubrico paludum 
T. 61, 2 ; 65, 6. The use of such a gen. after an adj. or pron. governed 
by a preposition is especially rare (Madv. 285, Obs. i.), as in prominenti 
litoris I. 53, 7 ; post multum vulnerum 12. 56, 5. Dr. 66 a, b. 

if) After neuter plural, still more frequent : as cuncta curarum 3. 35, 
1 ; tacita suspicionum 4. 41, i ; simulationum falsa 6. 45, 6, etc. Dr. 
(66 b) gives a full list of words so used; cp. Madv. 284, Obs. 5, Kennedy 
172, 8. 

(<r) Also very common after rnasculme or feminine, as with pauci, 
multi, alii, etc., and in such expressions as quinque consularium 3. 28, 6 ; 
leves cohortium 3. 39, i ; cunctis civium ii. 22, 4. Seethe full list given 
by Nipp. on 3. 39. 

(d) With adverbs. Tacitus adopts freely the extension of the Cice- 
ronian usage with ubi, ubicunque, longe, co, and hue : as eo furoris i. 
18, 2, etc. ; hue adrogantiae 3. 73, i, etc. Dr. (§67) notes with this the 
gen. after sponte 2. 59, 3, etc. (Luc. and PI. mai.). 

(e) The genitivus appositionis (Dr. § 74), as uligines paludum i. 17, 5, 
though more properly to be styled a defining gen. (Madv. 286), is akin in 
meaning to those mentioned. 

(y*) The expression pensi habere (Dial. 29, i ; H. i. 46, 4 ; Ann. 
^3* 5 ); adopted from Sallust, Livy, and Quintilian, and perhaps mis- 

understood in its construction by Tacitus (Roby 1301), as also the 
phrase nihil reliqui facere (i. 21, 4), are referred to this head by 
Madvig (285, Ohs. 2); by Dr. (§ 73) to the gen. (or locative, Roby 1186) 
of price. 



33. Objective (Jenitive (Roby 1312). 

(a) The genitives mei, sui, etc,^ are used freely for the possessive pronouHj 
without the usual restriction to cases of special emphasis (Madv. 297 b, 
Obs. 2), as nostri origine 2. 54, 3; sui inccssu 4. 24, 2, etc. In this 
usage Tacitus is surpassed perhaps only by Apuleiiis. Dr. § 68 a. 

if) With verbs y such a genitive is used, by Tacitus alofie^ with monere i . 
67, I (as in classical prose with its compounds); with adipisci 3. 55, i ; 
and apisci 6. 45, 6 (on the analogy of potiri). The use with egere (4. 20, 
4, etc.) and indigere (6. 46, 9, etc.) is more common. Dr. § 68 b. 

(c) The elliptical genitive^ so constant with verbs of judging or accusing, 
*is extended by Tacitus to some new examples, as postulare 1. 74, i, etc. ; 
defenre 4. 42, 3, etc. ; urgere (ott. ftp.) 6. 29, 3. Dr. § 69. 

{d) With participles. This usage is more common in Tacitus than in 
any of his predecessors, though perhaps no participle is first so used by 
him. A list of thirteen is given by Dr. (§ 70), many of which occur 
frequently, as cupiens i. 75, 4, etc.; inpatiens 2. 64, 4, etc.; intolerans 
I. 31, 4, etc. ; retinens 2. 38, 9, etc.; sciens i. 64, 6, etc. ; and others. 

(^) With adjectives, also characteristic of Tacitus from its extreme 
frequency. Dr. § 71, Zumpt 437. 

(a) Expressing direct object, like the participles above if), where 
a participle with accus. might be substituted (Roby 1312): as with formi- 
dolosior i. 62, 3; pavidus 4. 38, 1 ; praescius 6. 21, 5; providus, 4. 
38, r, etc, 

(i3) Expressing a remoter object, where the abl. with prep, would 
be usual (Roby 1318) : so ambiguus imperandi i. 7, 4 ; exitii certus 1. 
27, 3; incerta ultionis 2. 75, i ; potentiae securus 3. 28, 3; and many 

(y) Expressing the thing in point of which a term is applied to 
a person ; an especially poetical andTacitean usage (Roby 1320). A very 
frequent example is the (perhaps) locative animi (Roby 1168), as i. 32, 5 ; 
^9, 2, etc, (often also in Verg. and Liv.) ; also the genitives with mani- 
festus 2. 85, 3, etc. ; melior 3. 74, i ; modicus 2. 73, 3 ; occultus 4- 7 j 2 ; 
pervaeax 4. 53, i ; pracclarus 4. 34, 4 ; praestantissimus 6. 6, 2 ; sper- 
nendus 14. 40, 3 ; validus, 4. 21, 5; vetus 1. 20, 2 ; and others. Some- 
times two genitives are concisely used^where accusatives with inter would 
be expected, as with ambiguus 2. 24, 6; 40, 2 ; and trepidus 6. 21, 4. 

34. The genitive of quality is used with the same brachylogy as the 
corresponding abl. (§ 29) : so Lentulus senectutis extremae 4. 29, i ; 
velut eluctafitium verborum 4. 31, 4; effusae clementiae 6. 30, 3; 



ademptae virilitatis 6. 31, 3. Such brachylogy is also found in Caesar 
and Livy. Dr. § 72. 

35, Such genitives as morum i. 80, 2 ; flagitii 3. 20, 2 ; sui muneris 
15- 52, 4 (Nipp. on 3. 20); also concise uses of the gen. of sort, as 
Vannius gentis Quadorum 2. 63, 7 (where see Nipp.) ; may be taken as 
qualitative, or may be referred to the class noted in § 32. 

36, The elliptical genitive of the gerund is an idiom apparently 
without real parallel in any other author. The only instances are in the 
later books of the Annals : ncc grave . . . retinendi 13. 26, 4 ; penitus iii- 
fixum erat . . . vitandi 1 5* 5, 3 ; maneat . . . potentiam . . . ostentandi 15.21,3. 
The gerund qualifies the substantival notion of a burden (implied in* 
‘ grave ') or a custom (implied in ‘ fixum’ or ‘maneat’). Dr. § 204, Kennedy 

37, The gerundive genitive (see the corresponding dat. § 22 b) is 
used more frequently by Tacitus than by any other writer, and, in its 
most remarkable forms, is especially characteristic of the Annals (Wolfflin, 
Phil. 25. 1 1 3). The usages may be thus classified : — 

(a) hi its simplest form, it is part of an ordinary defining gcriitive : the 
expressions ‘ oratores pads ’ and ‘ oratores pacis petendac ' being cquiva- 
lent (see Roby, Pref. Ixvii). 

{b) The gerundive becomes a more essential part of the expression, and, 
with the noun, has the force of a genitive of quality: as helium abo- 
lendae infamiae i. 3, 6; pccunia omittendae delationis 6. 30, i. Cp. 3. 
27, I, etc. 

(c) The expression above might be used predicatively with ‘ esse ' 
expressed (Liv.) or implied (Sail. Jug. 88, 4), or with ‘ videri,’ as quae 
conciliandae inisericordiae videbantur ii. 3, i. 

(f) The genitive qualifies the whole sentence (Roby 1288), as Aegyptum 
proficiscitur cogiioscendae antiquitatis 2. 59, 1. Cp. 3. 9, 2 ; 41, 4 ; 13. 
II, 2, etc. This usage, though found in Terence, Sallust, and Velleius, if 
distinctly Tacitean by reason of its comparative rarity both before and 
after him. It may be best taken as a Graccism, like to Xrja-TiKbv KaOrjpei, 
TOV ras iTpoaobovs paWov Uvat airm (Thuc. I. 4), Wolfflin WOuld supply 
the idea of a substantive, as ‘ proficiscitur, quod (sc. proficisci) cogno- 
scendae antiquitatis erat.' Nipp. ^n 2. 59) gives, from Em. Hoffmann, 
a somewhat different classification of these usages. The gerundial gen. 
is rarely thus used, as in 3. 27, 3. 



III. Verbs. 

38. {a) Verbs of speaking or thinking are otnitied ?nore freely than hy 
classical writers (see Madv. 479), when the language clearly shows itself 
to be that of a speech, or when the thought or speech has been in- 
dicated in the context: as i. 9, 4; 38, 3; 2. 5, 3, etc.; also especially 
in lively descriptions, as i. 41, 2 ; 14. 6, 2, etc. Dr. § 34, Nipp. on i. 9, 
Roby 1441. 

(<5) Verbs of inoving and acting are also often omitted^ especially in vivid 
description or rhetorical passages, as in i. 43, i ; 4. 38, 5; 14. 8, 4, etc. 
Verbs of moving arc frequently omitted in Cicero's letters, but such 
ellipses are rare in historical narrative. Dr. § 35, Nipp. on 4. 57, 

In several instances belonging to {a) or if), the reading is questioned. 
See notes on 4. 12, 6; 57, i ; 14. hi, 3, etc. 

39. Some omissions of parts of the verb ^ esse ’ are characteristic of 
Tacitus by their frequency. Dr. § 36. For the general rules, see Roby 
T 442-1444. (In several places, some editors insert the verb.) 

if) In the indicative, tlie omission of ‘ crat/ ‘ erant,' etc., as 3. 65, 2 ; 

35) 2, etc. (rare in Cicero, more common in Sallust and Livy, still more 
in Vergil), especially the omission in relative or dependent clauses, as in 
cuius manu i. 7, 9 ; and with ubi 2. 83, 3 (Sallust) ; donee 4. 74, 6 ; ut 
quis I. 69, 2, etc. See Wollhin (Bursian's ‘ Jahresberichte,’ hi. 759.). 

if) In the subjunctive, the omission when another subjunctive follows, 
as I. 9, I ; 35, I ; 63, i, etc.; once only without it r. 7, 2 ; also in in- 
direct speech, as i. ii, 2 ; 4. 39, 4 ; 13. 55, 5. A few instances occur in 
Cicero, etc. 

(f) In the infinitive, the omission of ‘fore,' as in 2. 15, 3; and of 
‘ fuisse,’ with participles, as in 2. 31, 4 ; 73, 4 ; 3. 16, i ; 17, i ; 22, 6, 
etc. ; when the context makes it plain what tense is meant, A few in- 
stances occur in Sallust and Livy, 

^40. The poetical use of simple verbs for compound, occasional 
in earlier prose, is rare in the minor ivorks, not common in the Histories, 
but abundant in the Annals. Dr. (§ 25) instances thirty-nine; of which, 
in Book I alone, may be noted ardescere 73, i ; asperate 72, 5 ; firmare 
71, 5; gravescere 5, i; notescere 73,3; piare42, 2; ponere (=proponere) 
7, 5 ; solari 14, 4. 

41. The intransitive use of verbs usually transitive, as flcctere 
I- 34» 5) etc. ; mutare 2. 23, 4; rumpere 2. 17, 6; verterc i. 18, 3, etc. ; 
circumfunde.’ie 3. 46, 5, etc., is rather more common than in earlier prose. 



42 . Some passive uses are more or less peculiar. Dr. § 26. 

(cz) The poetical personal passive 0/ intransitive verbs, as triumphari 12. 
^ 9 ) 3; regnari 13. 54, 2 ; dubitari 14. 7, i. 

(b) Coepi is used freely not only with passives having a middle force (as 
fieri, haberi, duci, augcri, moveri), but imthout such restriction, as i. 34, 2 ; 
4. 63, I, etc. (so Livy and Curtins) ; so also desino, as 1. 13, 6. Tacitus 
also uses coeptus actively, as in i. 65, 3, etc., and never uses the passive 
form coeptus sum, 

(c) Some rare or poetical passive uses of deponent participle forms, as 
ausus 3. 67, 4 (oTT. ; the substantival ausum 2. 39, 3, etc. ; and inausum 

1. 42, 3; and the adjective inexpertus i. 59, 7, etc. 

IV. Moods and Tenses. 

A. Infinitive. 

43 . The simple infinitive (inf. of direct object, Roby 1344) is often 

used by Tacitus, as by other prose writers of that age and earlier poets, with 
verbs not usually taking this construction in classical prose; such as 
those which contain a complete idea in themselves, or which figuratively 
denote an inclination or effort (Madv. 389, Obs. 2), or such as denote an 
influence over others and take an accus. or dat. (Id. 390, Obs. 4. 5. 6). 
Dr. (§ 143) gives a list of more than fifty such words so used by Tacitus, 
of which the great majority are restricted to the Annals. In respect of 
the following, the usage is altogether confined to liim : aemulor H. 2. 62, 
4 (aTT. 6£/).) ; ambio Ann. 2. 43, 3 ; amplector H. 3. 84, 3 ; compono Ann. 
3. 40, 3 (aTT. induco 12. 9, I (tiTT. etp.); inlicio 2. 37, 2 ; 4. 12, 7 ; 

nuntio (to command by messenger) 16. ii, i (pn. ftp.); pcrpello 6, 33, i, 
etc.; scribo (to command by letter) 12. 29, 2 ; 15. 25, 6. Several others 
appear to be so used in no earlier prose author. 

44 . The accusative with infinitive (inf., as oblique predicate, Roby 
1351) is used, with considerably more freedom than that of earlier writers, 
with verbs more or less analogous to those falling under the usual rules 
(see Madv. 394, etc., Roby 1 . I.). Peculiar to Tacitus is the extension of 
this construction to adnectere 4. 28, 2; dedignari 12. 37, i; illacrymare 

2. 71, 4; impetrare 12. 27, i; urgere 11. 26, i ; also to some verbs of 
accusing, as accusare 14. 18, i ; incusare 3. 38, 4 (all an-, dpi). Of the 
whole list of more than twenty given by Dr. (§ 146) by far the larger number 
are from the Annals. Tacitus follows Livy in extending this construction 
to negative expressions of doubt, as 2. 26, 2 ; 36, 2 ; 43, 4 ; 3. 29, 2 ; 4, 
70, 7, etc., with which it is used only once by Cicero (ad Fapi. 16. 21, 2), 



never by Caesar or Sallust. On the Graecism by which it is used in a 
hypothetical clause in oratio obliqua, see notes on 2. 33, 5. For other 
remarkable uses of this construction, see notes on i. 69, i ; 72, 2 ; 
79, 2. 

45. The so-called nominative with infinitive (inf. as direct 
secondary predicate, Roby 1353) is used in some cases where the imper- 
sonal construction would be usual in classical prose. Sec I\Iadv. 400 c, 
Obs., Zumpt 607, note. Among such may be instanced this construction 
with adnotor 13. 35, 6; dubitor 3. 8, 4; speror IT. 2. 74, 3; and with 
tenses compounded of the past participle, as creditus cst 6. 50, 6; 14. 
65, I, etc. On the other hand, we have also the impersonal forms 
creditur 2. 69, 5, etc. ; traditur 4. 57, 4 ; narratur G. 33, i ; and others. 
Tacitus appears to prefer the personal construction where a single 
personal subject is spoken of, and the impersonal in other cases, but even 
this rule is by no means without exceptions. The personal construction 
is used generally with verbs of accusing (see § 44), as with accusor 4. 22,4; 
arguor 2. 50, 3; convincor 4. 31, 5; deferor 2. 27, i; iucusor 6. 3, 3. 
Dr. § 152 a, Nipp. on 2. 69 ; 3. 8 ; 6. 50. 

46. The Historic infinitive (inf as primary predicate to a subject in 
the nominative, Roby 1359) is naturally frequent in lively descriptions. 

(a) In place of ihe principal verd, e.g. six times in i. 16, ten times in 
Agr, 38. Even this is surpassed by Sallust, Jug. 66, i, where it occurs eleven 
times ; and by Apuleius, Met. 8. 7, where it occurs twelve times in one 
period. Tacitus has it also in the passive, as vitari, deseri 4. 69, 6 ; 70, 4. 
Dr, § 28 d. 

{li) In iemporal clauses, when the time at which a state of things began 
has been already specified by a finite verb (Madv. 392) : thus w'ith cum 
2. 31, ij 40, t; 4. 50, 5; 6. 44, 3; with ubi 6. 19, 4 ; with donee 13. 
57, 6. This usage is found, but very rarely, in Sallust (as Jug. 98, i), 
and Livy (as 2. 27, i). See Dr. § 172 a. 

‘(c) Tad ins alone uses it with such pari ides in the first clause of a 
protasis ; but only when a clause with a finite verb dependmg on the same 
particle follows; thus with ubi 2. 4, 4 ; ii. 37, 3; 12. 51, 2 (MS.); 
with postquam 3. 26, 3; with ut FI. 3. 31, 6. Dr. § 172 b, Nipp. 
on 2. 4. 

47. The epexegetic infinitive (or inf as genit., or ablat., or ad- 
verbial accus.) is use*d as by poets, where gerund, or gerundive, or other 
construction, would be used in classical prose (see Roby 1360, 1361). 
It is so use^ by Tacitus with several adjectives or participles ; as with 



certus 4. 57, i; properus 4. 52, 2 {&n. ^Ip.); manifestus 2. 57, 4; 
factus . . . et exercitus 14. 56, 5. Among earlier writers, Horace most 
frequently uses this Graecism. Dn §. 152 b, Roby 1361, Kennedy 
180, 2. 

B. Indicative and its Tenses. 

48. The Historic present is extremely frequent. It is so far treated 
as a past tense as to be once coupled with the perfect, H. 3. 1 6, 4 mis- 
cctur intulitque; and to be coupled with an imperfect in a dependent 
clause, as nihil reliqui faciimt quominus . . . perinovercnt i. 21, 4; especially 
(as in Cicero, etc.) when such a clause precedes it, as ut omitteret maritum, 
emcrcatur 13. 44, i. Dr. § 27 c. 

49. Tacitus carries much further the usage, very rare before Livy, of 
interposing, in the midst of ‘ oratio obliqua,’ a parenthetical or 
explanatory relative clause in the indicative. Parenthetical clauses 
are found chiefly with dum, as 2. 81, 3; 13. 15, 7; 14. 58, 4; 15. 45, 
6 ; 59, 6, etc. ; also with quia 3. 6, 5 ; 4, 25, i, etc. ; with sive i. 10, 1 ; 
with postquam 4. 10, 3; with quotiens 14. 64, 5. Among the relative 
clauses are qui fecere i. 10, i; quae petiverant i. 36, 4 ; quae expres- 
serant i. 39, 3; and many others. Dr. § 151, Nipp. on 1. 10. On 
other parentheses see § 80, and on other changes from ‘ obliqua ’ to 
* recta oratio,' see § 94. 

50. The rhetorical use of the indicative for subjunctive in the 
apodosis of conditional sentences, when the leading proposition is con- 
ceived as independent of the condition (see Madv. 348, Zumpt 519), is 
remarkable in Tacitus for its frequency. 

{a) hi the perfect or historical present, with suppression or contraction 
of the proper apodosis, as bellum . . . mandat, ni deditionem properavissent 
2. 22, 3 (as though ‘ et bellum iis illatum esset' had been added). Cp. 
j6. 28, 3; H. I. 64, 4; Agr. 4, I. Dr. § 199. 

(h) In the imperfect, ^ 

(i) Of an incomplete action or tendencyjto show vividly what was 
on the point of happening ; the protasis almost invariably (an exception 
is noted in i. 23, 3) following the apodosis, and being almost invariably 
introduced by ‘ ni,' as ferrum parabant, ni i. 23, 6 ; deferebat . . . , ni 35, 5 ; 
trudebantur . . . , ni 63, 3 ; and very many others. Dr. § 194, Roby 1574. 
An ellipsis may be supposed here as in the case ab^ve. 

(2) To express what might, would, or should have been, in 
forcible contrast to what actually is; as si . . . aspernaretur, tamen 



incHgnum erat i, 42, 5 (where see Nipp.). Roby 1535 c, Madv. 348 e. 
Here the protasis always precedes, except in H. 4. 19, 4. 

(c) In the pluperfect. Either to express a state of things which had 
already existed for some time, and would have continued to exist ; or, 
in a vein of rhetorical exaggeration, as if what would have happened, 
had happened ; as impleverat 4. 9, i ; contremuerant 6. 9, 6 ; oppressa 
6. 43, i; exstimulavcrant 15. 50, 6. Also, without any expressed pro- 
tasis, to express what is no longer possible, as malucram 15. 2, 3. 
Dr. § 28, 194, Madv. 348 c, Roby 1535 d, 1574, 4. 

C. Subjunctive or Con7UNctive. 

51 . The Hypothetical subjunctive, with condition not formally 
expressed, or Potential subjunctive (Madv. 350, Roby 1534, foil.), 
as well as some forms of the optative or jussive subjunct. (Zumpt 529, 
Roby 1584, foil.), arc used with characteristic freedom in various tenses, 
and with various meanings. 

(a) Present, as mereare . . . recipias i. 28, 7, etc. 

if) Imperfect, as discerneres 3. i, 5 ; requireres 13. 3; 6, etc. 

(f) Aoristic perfect, very frequently, in modest assertions, and in nega- 
tions of possibility, as with suffecerint 3. 50, i ; abnuerit 4. 3, 3 ; adpu- 
lerit 4. 67, 2, etc.; in expressions of prohibition even with the third 
person, as nemo . . . contenderit 4. 32, i. See a full list in Dr. § 28, who 
notes the rare use of this tense in such dependent sentences as ut sic 
dixerim 14. 53, 4; ne . . . abierim 6. 22, 6 (where see note). 

(f) With these may be mentioned the use of this mood with quamquam, 
frequent in Tacitus (e. g. i. 3, 5; 24, 4; 3. 55, 4 ; 4. 67, i, etc.), as in 
other post-Ciccronian prose and in poetry. Dr. § 201, Roby 1697. 

52 . The subjunctive of cases frequently occurring, very rarely 
found in Cicero, Caesar, or Sallust, but oflener in Livy, etc., becomes 
more common in and after Tacitus (see Dr. § 159, 165, Madv. 359, 
Rdby 1716): with cum, as i. 7, 8 ; 2. 48, 2 ; qui 6. 8, 4 ; quo 4. 70, 3 ; 
quoquo 3. 74, 3 ; quoties 2. 2, 5, etc.; seu 4. 60, 3, etc.; ubi i. 44, 8 ; 
ut quis I. 27, I, etc.; and many others. See Dr. 1 . 1 . and § 192, Nipp. 
on I. 44; 3. 74 * 

Analogous probably to this usage is that of the subjunct. with quan- 
tum, apparently peculiar to Tacitus, and found only in 6. 19, 5 ; 21,4 ; 
13. 42, I. Dr. § 159, Nipp. on 6. 19. 

53. Tacitus follows Livy and others in using the subjunctive of 
facts with donee, both in the present and imperfect tenses, as 



donee . . . misceatur 2. 6, 5 ; donee . . . deterrerentur i. i, 4 ; oraret i. 
13, 7; dederetur i. 32, 4, etc. Roby 1670, Dr. §. 169. For a complete 
list of passages, see Gerber and Greef, Lex. s. v. The subjunct. is also 
used to denote a fact, with quamvis, as i. 68, 7; 2. 38, 10; ii. 20, 3, etc.; 
as also very often in Suetonius and later writers. Dr. § 201. 

V. Participles, 

On the usage of the ablative absolute of participles, see § 31 ; on the 
genitive with participles, § 33; and on the frequency of participial 
clauses, § 81. 

54. The frequent concise expressions by means of participles 
are noteworthy. 

{a) Aorisiic present, as trucidantium . . . exturbantium 2. 2, 4; accu- 
sante 6. 18, 2, etc. ; hortante 6. 29, 7 ; cognoscens 12. 48, i ; and others. 
A few instances are found in Sallust, Livy, Vergil : also in Greek, as 
eVayo/icWff Thuc. 2. 2, 5 ; \aixfSdvovT €9 Xen. Hell. 2. 4, 25. Dr. § 207. 

{b) Aoristic perfect, not only, as in classical prose, of deponents, but 
also of passive verbs, as occisis i. 77, r; missis 4. 5';, 7; deusto 4. 
64, I ; spoliatis 15. 45, 2 ; and others. Dr. § 209. 

(r) In 3. 13, 2, convictum and defensum are used with the force of 
condensed conditional clauses. 

(f) llic future participle is constantly used to express purpose, as inva- 
surus I. 36, 2 ; certaturus i. 45, 3 ; adfuturus 2. 17, i, etc. The dat. or ab!. 
absol. of this part, has still more distinctly the force of a condensed clause, 
as tracturis i. 31, i; ccssuris i. 46, 3; pugnaturis 2. 80, 4, etc. This 
usage is not unfrequent in Livy and Plin. min. and abundant in Curtius. 
Dr. § 208, Roby 1115, 3, Zumpt 639, note. 

55. Participles are constantly used, for brevity, in place of 
abstract verbal substantives or equivalent expressions, especially as 
subject of a verb. 

(a) Present, rarely, as Agrippina . . . tegens 4. 12, 2 ; Caesar . . . kc- 
cipiens 4. 34, 2. Dr. § 210, i. 

(3) Perfect, very frequently : 

(t) Where an abstract noun followed by a genitive would 
be expected; as occisus Caesar i. 8, 7 ; mutatus princeps i. 16, i ; 
fama dediti Segestis . . . rapta uxor i. 59, i, 2 ; and very many others. 
This usage is mostly confined to Livy and other historians, and espe- 
cially common in Tacitus. Dr. § 210, 2, Madv. 426, Roby 1410. 

{2) In the neuter nominative, with or without a isubstantive. 



where a sentence with quod would be expected. One or- two 
such instances are found in Cicero, none in Caesar or Sallust. Livy has 
several such, as degeneratum, perlitatum, tentatum, etc. So Tacitus 
has nihil occultum 3. 9, 3 ; cuncla . . . composita 2. 57, i, etc. For 
the part, may stand a substantive (as i. 19, 5; 33, 6), adjective (as 
H. 3. 64, i), or pronoun (as 6. 47, 4). Dr. § 21 1, Madv. 426, Obs. i, 
Roby 1411, Nipp. on 3. 9 ; 6. 47. 

V I . Prepositions. 

56. Many usages connected with these have been already noticed, 
such as their omission (§§ 5, 10, 12 c, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 30), and the 
substitution of other expressions, where constructions with prepositions 
would be usual (§§ 15, 18, 20, 33 e, 37). On the ahastrophe of preps., 
see § 78. See also Nipp. on 2. 68; and, for other usages not noticed 
in the following sections, see Dr. §§ 80-105. 

57. Apud is used, never in the minor writings, rarely in the Histories, 
and very often in the Annals, with the names of places and countries, 
or, analogously, with general names, where a simple locative, or the 
ablative with in, would be usual, as apud urbem Nolam i. 5, 5; Mi- 
senum apud et Ravennam 4. 5, i ; apud Rhoduin 6. 20, 3; arac apud 
quas I. 61, 5; apud paludes i. 64, 3. "A few instances are found in 
earlier prose. Dr. § 82, Roby 1858, Nipp. on i, 5, Gerber and Greef, 
Lex, s.v. 

58. Circa has the metaphorical meaning of ‘concerning,’ or ‘in 
relation to;’ as circa artes bonas ii. 15, i ; circa necem Gai Caesaris 
II. 29, I ; circa scelera 16. 8, 3. This meaning appears to originate 
with Seneca and Pliny mai., and to be very frequent in Quintilian. 
Dr. § 86, Roby 1867. 

59. Erga has the sense of ‘ against,’ or ‘ in relation to,’ as fast us 
erga . . . epulas 2. 2, 5 ; erga Germanicum 2. 76, 3 ; fama erga . . . exitus 
4.'^i, 3; anxii erga Seianum 4. 74, 5, etc. These uses are very rare 
before Tacitus, and very prominent in his works. Dr. § 98, Roby 193 i, 
1932. See the full list of instances in Gerber and Greef, s. v. 

60. In. 

(a) With ablative, often used with neuter adjectives, in adverbial phrases 
expressing circumstances attending an action or person ; as in levi 3 . 
54,6; in arto4. 32,*3; and many others. Some such phrases are 
found in Cicero and Sallust, and many in Livy. Another use is noted 
2. 41, 5. Drj§ 80 a; Roby 1975, 1976. 



(d) With accusative. The most characteristic usage is that adopted chiefly 
from Sallust and from Greek usages with tty, cVt, or 7 rp 6 s, whereby this 
construction expresses the effect intended or resulting ; as in the phrases 
in maius vulgare, credi, audiri, etc., 3- 12, 6; 44, i ; 4. 23, 2; aucta 
in detcrius 2. 82, i ; in falsum 3. 56, 6. So also in incertum i, ii, 4; 
in lacrimas i. 57, 5; in speciem ac terrorem 2. 6, 3 ; in mortem 4. 45, i ; 
in eundem^dolorem 6. 49, 3. lioby 1974, Nipp. on 2, 13. Also to be 
noted is the use of this construction with almost the force of a simple 
dat., as T. 76, 5 ; 2. 39, 3 ; 48, i ; 4. 2, i (see notes in each instance); 
9, 2 ; 12. 32, 4. Tor more isolated usages, see i. 14, 3; 2. 47, 2 ; 
80, 7; 4. 25, 2; 56, 2; 12. 6, 5; 25, I. Dr. § 80 b. 

61 . Juxta is often used metaphorically, both as an adverb, in the 

sense of ‘pariter,’ as iuxta periculoso i. 6, 6, etc. (Sail, and Liv.) ; and 
as a preposition, in the sense of ‘ next to,' or ‘ close upon,' as iuxta 

seditionem, iuxta libertatem 6. 13, i ; 42, 3 (a few instances in Sail. 

Liv. Pi. mai.). Dr. § too, Roby 2014, 2016. 

62 . Per. The accus. with this prep, has constantly the force of 

a simpl. abl. or an abl. with ex or in, as per acies i. 2, i ; per 

nomen i. 17, 5; per superbiam x. 61, 6 ; per ferociam 2. 17, i; per 

occultum 4. 71, 7; per opes 6. 22, 4 (where see note). Hence it is 
often interchanged with such constructions, as in i, 2, i ; 7, 10; it, 7 ; 
4. 33, 7, etc. S^e§88. Dr. §^89, 105. 

63 . The following preps, are rare, and in no earlier pros6: — 

Abusque 13. 47, 2; 13. 37, 5 (Verg.). 

Adusque 14. 58, 4 (Verg. Hor. Ov.). 

Simxil 3. 64, 3 ; 4. 53, 3 ; 6. 9, 5 (Hor. Ov. Sen. Trag. Sil.). Ap- 
parently a Graecism founded on the usage of dixa. Dr. § loi. Among 
various uses of preps, noted in their places, are those of ab i. 26, 2; 
3. 69, 2 ; ad I. 40, 3 ; citra 12. 22, 3 ; de 1. 12, 5; 15, 3 ; ex i. 24, i ; 
29, 3 ; iiitra 3. 72, 5 ; penes 4. 16, 3 ; post i. 68, 6 ; sub 3. 68, i. 

VII. Adverbs and Conjunctions. 

61 . Comparative sentences, though always fully expressed in the 
minor writings, are abbreviated, not unfrequently in the Histories, and 
very often in the Annals ; with but few precedents in Sallust and Livy. 

(1) By supplying magis from a following quam (as in Greek 
paSXov from v), as pacem quam bellum i. 58, 2 ; cp. 3. 17, 7 ; 3. 6, 5 ; 
14. 61, 6, 

(2) By the use of a positive, with quanto, in the relative 


clause, without the addition of magis, as quanto inopina, tanlo 
niaiora 1. 68, 5. Cp. i. 57, i; 3- 5. 4 ; 46, 4; 4- 48, 5 5 21, 4 ; 

45, 2; 12. II, 2. Sometimes comparative and positive are joined, as 
2 5 , 2 ; 3. 43, I. 

(3) Hy the omission of tanto in the apjodosis, as quanto in- 
cautius elferverat, poenitentia paliens i. 74, 7 ; cp. i. 2, i ; 4. 69, 4 : 
6, 19,5; 26, 3. In 3. 8, I, tarn is similarly omitted. The rule of 
Nipp. (on I. 68, see also Roby 1205), that in all such cases the clause 
so marked is to be taken absolutely, seems hardly to be established. 
Dr. § 183. 

With these usages may be compared the abbreviation of adversative 
sentences by using, after non modo, either sed without etiam; as 1. 60, 
I, etc.; or etiam (or quoque) without sed, as 3. 19, 2; 4. 35, i. This 
usage is found also in Livy. Dr. § 128. 

( 55 . Tho omission of conjunctions (asyndeton) is very frequent, 
either in lively narrative, as inscrunt . . . offerunt . , . intendunt i. 28, 5 (cp. 
41, 4 ; 64, I ; 70, 4, etc.); or in enumerations, as senatus magistratuum 
legum I. 2, I ; pcllerent pellercntur 6. 35, 2 (cp. i. 3, 5 ; 35 , i 5 60, 3, 
etc.); or in summing up, as legiones proviiicias classes, cuncta i. 9, 6 
(cp. I. 68, 7 ; 12. 65, 4, etc.) ; or to point a climax, as manu voce vub 
nere 2. 17, 5 ; sanio odore contactu 4. 49, 4 ; tempus preces satias 6. 
38, i,etc. ; or an antithesis, as lacrimas gaudium questus adulalionem 
i. 7, 2 (cp. 4, 49, 3 ; 60, 3 ; 6. 19, 3 ; 15. 27, 4, etc.). Such asyndeta 
are more or less common in rhetorical writings, as in the orations of 
Cicero, in Sallust, Livy, etc. See Ritt. on ii. 6, Nipp. on 4. 43 ; 12. 19 ; 
and a full account in Dr. §§ 133-138. 

66. Tacitus adopts from Livy, but employs oflener, the concise Greek 
use of adverbs as attributive adjectives, as circiim 4. 55, 8, etc. ; 
superne ... cominus 2. 20, 3, etc. Dr. § 23, Madv. 301 c, Obs. 2. 

67. The frequent use of tamquam, quasi, and velut, in ex- 
Pj:essions of the alleged or imagined reason or purpose of an act, 
like that of w? with participles or prepositions (sec L. and S. Lex. s. v. 
C. I. ii), has been very fully analysed by Wolfflin and others (see 
below). It would appear that the distinctions which some have attempted 
to draw between the force of these words can hardly be sustained ; that 
the question of reality or pretence is on the whole left open, though the 
latter view is not unfrequently suggested by tamquam, and still oftener 
by quasi or velut ; and that the chief distinction between the two latter is 
that velut is preferred in the earlier writings, quasi in the Annals. On 
the use of t;^mquam, cp. i. 12, 6 ; 2. 84, 3; 12. 39, 5; 13. 43, 8; 14. 

E 2 


-M, I, etc.; on that of quasi, i. 35, 4 ; 6. ii, 5; 12. 47, 3; 52, i ; 13. 
‘8, 3; 14. 65, I, etc.; on that of velut, 6. 50, 4; 15. 53, 3; 16. 2, i, 
etc. A similar use of ut may be noted in i. 47, 5; 3. 74, 5 ; 12. 52, i ; 
14. 8, 2. Dr. § 179, WolfHin, Philol. 24. 1 15-123, Pfitzner 160-165. 

68. Among various uses may be noted those of adeo non 3. 34, 3, 
etc. ; adhuc 3. 26, i, etc. (Dr. § 24) : acque quam 2. 52, 5, etc. (Dr. 
§ 176) ; an (in indirect questions) i. 5, 4 ; 2, 9, i ; 15. 16, 2 (Dr. § 153); 
aut I. 55, 2, etc. (Dr. § 129); ceterum i. 10, i, etc. (Dr. § 21); dum 
(causal) 2. 88, 4, etc. (Dr. § 168); et (in negative clauses) i. 4, i ; 70, 
5, etc. (Dr. § 107); et (with simul in temporal clauses) 1. 65, 5, etc. 
(Dr. § no); et alii ( = alii ... alii) i. 63, 7, etc. (Dr. § 117); et nihil 1. 
38, 4 (Nipp.); et...quoque 4. 7, 4 (Dr. § 121); impune (as predicate) 
1. 72, 3, etc. (Dr. § 33); non saltern 3. 5, 3 (Dr. § 24); perindc 2. 88, 4, 
etc. (Nipp.); perinde quam 2. i, 2, etc. (Dr. § 175); perindc quam si 

73» etc. (Id.) ; quin 6. 22, 5; 12. 6, 2; 13. 14, 4; 14. 29, 1, etc. 
(Dr. § 186); quod 3. 54, 6 (Dr. § 141) ; quominus i. 21, 4, etc. (Dr. 
§ 187) ; quoque non 3. 54, ii (Nipp. and Dr. § 1 22) ; si i. 1 1, 5 ; 48, 
etc. (Dr. §§ 1 9 1, 193); sivc and scu i. 6, 6 ; 2. 24, 6, etc. (Dr. § 129); 
ut (dep. on placitum, sino, subigo, etc.) i. 36, 4 ; 43, 3 ; 2. 40, 5, etc. 
(Dr. § 142) ; ut (restrictive) 4. 62, 4 ; utcumque 2. (4, 4, etc. (Dr. § 24); 
vel (=aut) 14. 35, 5 (Dr. § 129). 


I, Nezif Words or new Senses of Words. 

69. Even where he follows other writers, Tacitus, especially in the 

Annals, constantly prefers unusual forms of diction, e. g. claritudo 
and firmitudo to the forms in ‘ -as ; ' cognomentum and levamentum to 
the forms in ‘ -men ; * medicamen, fragmen, tegumen to the forms in 
'-mentum' (see WolfHin, Philol. 25, p. 99, 100). The .same tendency 
leads him to innovate on his own account, and the following words in 
the Annals, many of which are cm. dp., appear to have been invented by 
him : — • 

(1) Verbal Substantives 

{a) in -/or, -sor, and -irix, adcumulator 3. 30, 2 ; concertator 14. 29, 2 ; 
condemnator 4. 66, i; cupitor 12. 7, 4, etc.: defector i. 48, i. etc. ; 
detractor 11, ii, 6, etc. ; exstimulator 3. 40, i, etc.; patrator 14. 62, 3 ; 
profligator 16. x8, i ; regnatrix i. 4, 4; sanctor 3. 26, 6; subversor 
3. 28, I. See Dr, § 6. ' 

(Jj) in -us (genit. -us), aemulatus 13. 46, 6, etc.; distinctus 6. 28, 3; 
escensus 13. 39, 6; provisus (only abl.) i. 27, 2, etc,; rejatus 15. 22, 


I, etc.; subvectus 15. 4, 4. Tacitus uses nearly 200 words of this 

(c) in -nienium, imitamentum (only in Annals) 3. 5, 6, etc. ; medita- 
mentum ir;. 35, 4, etc. ; vimentum 12. 16, 3. More than sixty words of 
this form are found in Tacitus. 

(2) Negative words formed with Mn/ incelebratus 6. 7,6; in- 
prosper 3. 24, 2, etc.; inrcligiose 2. 50, 2; inrevcrentia 3. 31, 6 (see 
note); inturbidus 3. 52, i, etc. 

(3) Words with the prefix 'per' and "prae/ peramoenus 4, 
67, 3; perornare 16. 26, 3 ; persevcrus 15. 48, 5 ; perstimulare 4. 12 7 ; 
pervigcre 4. 34. 6; praccalidus 13. 16, 3; praegracilis 4. 57, 3; prao- 
rigescere 13. 35, 6; praeumbrarc 14. 47, 1. 

(4) Frequentative verbs, advectare 6. 13, 2; appellitare 4. 65, i ; 
auctitare 6. 16, i. A general preference of such verbs to the simple 
forms is noticeable. 

(5) Not classified, adulatorius 6. 32, 7; antehabere i, 58, 6, etc.; 
adpugnare 2. 81, i, etc.; binoctium 3. 71, 3; concaedes i. 50, 2 ; de- 
lectabilis 12. 67, i; deprecabundus 15. 53, 2; emercari (only in later 
books of Ann.) 12. 14, i, etc.; genticus 3. 43, 3 ; 6. 33, 3 ; gladiatura 
3. 43, 3; histrionalis i. 16, 4, etc.; immunire 11. 19, 3; infensare (only 
in Annals) 6. 34, i, etc.; libitum (subst.) 6. i, 5, etc.; lucar i. 77, 5; 
postscribere 3. 64, 2 ; prodigentia (only in Annals) 6. 14, i, etc. ; pro- 
fessorius 13. 14, 5; properato (adv.) 13. 1, 4; provivere 6. 25, i ; quin- 
quiplicare 2. 36, 5; sacrificalis 2. 69, 3; sesquiplaga 15. 67, 8; super- 
stagnare i. 79, 2'; superurgere 2. 23, 4. Dr. § 249, 2. 

70 . The following poetical words in the Annals appear to be first 
introduced by Tacitus into prose: — adolcrc (to kindle) 14. 30, 4 (Lucr. 
Verg.) ; ambcdcrc 15. 5, 4 (Verg.); brevia (=:.shoaIs) t. 70, 3; 6. 33, 5 
(Verg. Lucr.); celerare 2. 5, 2, etc. (Lucr. Verg.); densure 2. 14, 4 
(Lucr. Verg.); despectare 2, 43, 4 (Verg. Ov.) ; didere ii. i, 2 (Lucr.) 
eblirnus 2. 83, 2 ; 4. 26, 4 (Verg.) ; cvincire 6. 42, 6, etc. (Verg. Ov.) ; 
exspes 6. 24, 3 (Hor. Ov.) ; honorus i. 10, 7 etc. (Val. FI. and Stat.) ; in- 
cu.stoditus 2. 12, 5 etc. (Ov. Mart.); indefessus i. 64, 5 etc. (Verg. Ov.) ; 
insatiabiliter 4. 38, 6 (Lucr.) ; intemeratus r. 42, 3 (Verg. Ov.); inviola- 
bilis 3.62, I, etc. (Lucr. Verg.) ; lap.sare r. 65, 6 (Verg.); livere 13. 42, 4 
(Ov. participle Verg.) ; mersare 15. 69, 3 (Lucr. Verg. Hor.); notescere 
I- 73 j 3i etc. (Cat. Prop.); prolicere 3. 73, 4 (Plaul. Ov.); properus 
I. 65, 4, etc. (Verg. Ov. but only in Tac. with genitive or infinitive); pro- 
visor 12. 4, I (Hor.); reclinis 13. 16. 5, etc. (Ov. etc.); secundare 2. 24, 4 
(Verg. etc.)/ sonor i. 63, i (Lucr. Verg.); transmovere 13. 33, 2 



(Ter. Mart.) ; trudis 3. 46, 6 (Verg.) ; valescere 2. 39, 5, etc, (Liicr.), 
Dr. § 249, I. 

71. The following words in the Annals, besides many of the metaphors 
noted below (§ 74), are used by Tacitus in a sense peculiar to himself: 
adverlerc (in aliqucm = to punish) 2. 32, 5, etc.; amoverc (to banish) 
I* 53? 6? etc.; auraria (=aurifodina) 6. 19, i ; connexus (of relationship) 
2. 50, I ; 4. 66, 2 ; gnarus (=notus) i. 5, 4, etc.; proicere (to defer) 
2. 36, 3; novissima (the extreme penalty) 6. 50, 8, etc.; repens (=rc- 
cens) 6 . 7, 4, etc. Dr. § 250. 

72. The following are used in senses hitherto exclusively poetical : — 
cura (a written work) 3. 24, 4, etc. (Ov.); demissus (descended; 12. 58, i 
(Verg.); educcrc (to build up) 2. 61, i, etc. (Verg.); eviclus (prevailed 
upon) 4. 57, 5, etc. (Verg.); iiitentatus (untried) i. 50, 3, etc. (Verg. 
Hor.); sistere (to build) 4. 37, 4, etc. (Sil.). See Dr. § 250, and full lists 
in Bdtticher, Lex. Proleg. p. xlv., liii. 

Besides these are to be borne in mind the very numerous syntactical 
usages introduced by Tacitus into literature, or into prose, mentioned in 
previous sections. 

IL Rhetorical and Poetical Colouring. 

To this head really belong a great number of the words and usages 
. already mentioned. The pathos of such passages as 6. 24, 2; 39, 2; 
*3' ^7? 3 j should also be noted. 

73. Tacitus often adds emphasis by rhetorical repetition (ana- 
phora) of a word common to more than one member ,of a sentence, not 
only in speeches, but in narrative ; as non i. 1,3; ad (three times) 1.11,5; 
lit 1. 62, 1 ; statim 2. 82, 7 ; ilium 4. 15, 5 ; quos 4. 49, 4 ; and many 
others. Nouns are thus repeated, as miles i. 7, 7 ; gravis i. 10, 4, etc. 
Dr. § 240. 

74. Metaphors. A full list and classification of these is given in 
Dr. § 248. • Among the most characteristic are some of the metaphori(!al 
applications of verbs expressing 

(1) Movement ; so vergere is often applied to age or time, as 2. 43, i ; 
4. 8, 5; II. 4, 4; 13. 38, 7, etc. 

(2) Clothing or stripping; so induere i. 69, 2, etc.; exuere 
1. 2, I, etc. See note on i. 69. 

(3) Burning; as ardescere, of passions, 3. 17, 2 ; 54, 2 ; ii. 25, 8 ; 

16.29, 1, etc.; or of a sharpened dagger, as 15.54, i (Lucan, and 'ardentes 
sagiltae' Hor.). r 


(4) Breaking; as abrumpere 4. 50, 3 ; 60,2; 16.28,6; perrumpere 

3- 4; 4- 40> 7 ; rumpere i. 42, 4 ; 6. 20, i, etc. 

(5) Binding or entangling; as veneno illigare 6. 32, 3 (a7r. up,); 
innexus 6. 36, 5; consiliis pcrniixtus 3. 38, 2. 

(6) Revolution; as volvere (to jjonder) i. 64, 7; 3. 38, 2, etc.; re- 
volvere 3. 18, 6 ; 4. 21, 2 ; provolvere (to dispossess) 6. 17, 4 ; and (to 
degrade) 14. 2. 4 {dw. dp,). 

(7) Swallowing, etc.; as haiirni, not only of perishing by water, 
I, 70, 4 ; 2. 8, 3, etc., but also by fire 3. 72, 4. 

(8) Loosing; asexsolvere, of opening veins, 4. 22, 4, etc.; of raising 
a siege, 3. 39, i j of simplifying legal intricacies, 3. 28, 6. 

We may also note metaphorical senses of adjectives; as aestate adulta 
2.23, 1 (cp. II. 31, 4 ; 13. 36, i); angusta et lubrica oratio 2. 87, 3 ; tumidi 
spiritus 4. 12, 7 ; also adverbs, as colics clementcr assurgentes 13. 38, 5 ; 
and substantives, as moles 2. 78,. 1, etc.; saevitia annonae 2. 87, i; 
locorum fraus 12. 33, 2; locorum facies 14. 10, 5; modestia hiemis 
12. 43, 3- 

75. Porsonifleation is implied in many of the bold figures used ; 
such as seditionis ora vocesque i, 31, 5; vestigia morientis liberlatis 
I. 74, 6, etc. The 4’ibcr is personified i. 79, 4 ; lux i. 70, 7 ; also fre- 
quently dies, e. g. 14. 41, i; nox, c. g. i. 28, 1; 2. 14, i; 13. 17, i; 
annus (as sometimes in Cic, and lav.) very often, e. g. i. 54, i ; 2. 53, i ; 
4. 14, I ; 15, I ; 23, I ; 6. 45, i, etc. Dr. § 257. 

7G. Hendiadys, or the coordination of two words, of which one, 
usually the second, defines the other like an adjective or genitive (sec 
Madv. 481 a), appears to be used by Tacitus, after the example of poets 
(as Verg. G. 2. 192), more frequently than by earlier prose writers ; and, 
though many of the examples usually cited (see Ruperti, Ind. iii.), are 
hardly genuine, many remain; e. g. tempus atque iter 2. 34, 6; fimam 
et posteros ii. 6, i ; tcstameiita et orbos 13. 42, 7, etc. Dr. § 243. 


77. Anastrophe of prepositions, though restricted to the usual 
limits (see Madv. 469) in the minor works, and rarely extended beyond 
them in the Histories, is used with more poetical freedom in the Annals, 
than in the work of any other prose author. 

(i) After a substantive without an attribute; e. g. abusque 
13. 47.2, etc. ; coram i. 19, 3, etc. ; extra 13. 47, 2 ; infra ii. 20, 4 ; inter 
6. 41, 2, etc. ; intra 3. 75, 4? etc.; iuxta 2. 41, i, etc.; propter 4. 48, i, 
etc. ; super i6. 35, 2; sometimes even after a genit. as 3. i, i ; 13. 15, 8 ; 
14- 9; 3- 



(2) Between two coordinated substantives; e. g. inter 4. 50, 2 ; 
59, 2 ; 69, 2, etc. This and the above usage do not extend to mono- 
syllabic preps. 

(3) With substantive preceding and attribute following; 
e. g. ab 3. 10, 4; in II. 3, 2; 12. 56, i, etc.; intra ii. 36, 4. 

(4) Between a substantive and dependent genitive; e. g. 
ab 4. 5, 4; ad 3. 72, 2, etc.; apud 6. 31, 4; inter 4. 16, 6, etc. 

(5) Between two substantives in apposition; e. g. ab 2. 60, r, 
etc. ; apud 4. 43, 6; in 15. 53, 3. 

(6) After two coordinated substantives; e.g. inter i. 60, 5; 

corani 4. 8, 7, etc.; simul 4. 3. Of these, all except (2) are confined 

to the Annals, and few instances occur in earlier prose. Dr. § 225, 
Wdldiin, Philol. 25, 115, Nipp. on i. 60; 2. 60 ; 3. i ; 10; 72. 

78 . Anastropho of conjunctions is also very common ; among the 
stronger instances is the position of si as fourth word 14. 3, 3; ut as 
fifth 12. 49, 3 ; quasi as seventh 14. 52, i ; cum as tenth i. 63, 6. But 
such instances, as well as those of anastrophe of adverbs, as adeo 
13. 25, I, etc., are not without classical precedent. Dr. § 227, 228. 

79 . The occurrence of hexameter lines, or parts of such in 
Tacitus requires notice chiefly because it has been noticed (Boltichcr, 
Prolog, p. xevi., Ruperti Ind. iii , Dr, § 255, Nipp. on i. i). Most 
of the instances are trivial (see the so-called hexameters in 3. 44, 4 ; 
^ 5 - 9 y I ; 73 ) 4 ; G. 18, 5; 32, 1 ; Agr. 10, 4); one only is noteworthy 
for its rhythm (auguriis patrum ct prisca formidine sacrum G. 39, 2), and 
one other for its position, as forming ^ complete period, and as the 
opening sentence of the Annals. The hexameter with which Livy begins 
is, as far as it goes, much more rhythmical, and he has many more such 
verses or parts of verses than Tacitus. No more can be proved, than 
that the ear of neither of these historians was so sensitive in avoidance of 
such cadences, as that of Cicero (see de Orat. 3. 47, 182 ; Orat. 56, 189) 
or Quintilian (see 9. 4, 72). 

III, Inflitence of the Study of Brevity. 

80 . Ellipses, and similar abbreviated expressions. By far the 
most important of these are found in syntactical usages already noticed, 
in a large proportion of which the desire of brevity of expression appears 
prominent; especially in the omission of verbs (§§ 38, 39) ; of prepositions 
(see references on § 56), and other particles (§§ 64, 65); in the fondness for 
concise constructions with the infinitive (§§ 42, 43, 44, 46); ^dth gerund 


F )7 

and gerundive (§§ 22, 36, 37); with in and the accusative (§ 60 b) : with 
nisi and ni (§ 50). A few other ellipses are noted by Dr. § 238, such as 
omissions of pars (4. 20, 3); annus (ii. ii, i); dies (4. 45, 4); lex (3. 
25, i); uxor (4. II, 4); filia (12. i, 3), etc. ; many of which would be 
common in any approach to colloquial forms ; as in comic poets and in 
the Letters of Cicero, as well as in inscriptions. 

81. The frequent use of participial clauses tends to conciseness 
(see §§31, 54, 45), and is characteristic of Tacitus ; as is illustrated by the 
comparison made by Drager (§ 238) between simple narrative passages 
of the same length, in Caes. B. G. 2. 1-2 ; Sail. Jug. 6-7 ; Liv. 21.5; 
and Ann, 2, ii~i2 ; in which, respectively, the participial clauses arc 5, 
10, 16, and 24. Instances of such participial and also of adjectival 
clauses arc given by Nipp. on 3, 55 ; 4. 64. 

82 . Parentheses. Besides the explanatory accusative already noticed 
(§12 «), Tacitus frequently has a parenthetical word or expression in 
apposition in the nominative, equivalent to a complete relative clause ; as 
vix credibile dictu i. 35, 6; mirum dictu 2. 17, 4; incertum is thus 
used by Livy, etc. ; dubium by Ovid, etc. ; rarum by Tacitus alone, and 
only in the Annals, i, 39, 7 ; 56, 2 ; 6. 10, 3 ; 13. 2, 2. For more com- 
plete parenthetical sentences, sec 4. 55, 6 ; 12. 42, 4 ; and for parentheses 
inserted in oratio obliqua, see § 49. Dr. § 139, Wolfflin, Philol. 26, 107, 
Nipp, on I. 39. 

83 . Zougma, or the reference to two objects of a verb strictly applic- 
able only to the nearest, is also an effort at brevity, even with the risk 
of harshness; and is more common in Tacitus than in any other writer. 
See the use of redirni i. 17, 6 ; probabam i. 58, 2 ; permisit 2. 20, 2 ; 
appellans 2. 45, 4 ; intentarent 3. 36, 2; fore 6. 21,5; ncquibat 12. 64, 
6 ; and very many others. Akin to this is tlie frequent use (by Syllepsis) 
of a noun exclusively masculine for persons of both sexes, as hlii 1 1. 38, 
3; fratres 12. 4, 2 ; privigni 4. 71, 7; pronepotes 5. i, 4. Dr. § 239, 
3 .» 4 - 

84 . Pregnant constructions; many such have been mentioned under 
other heads (see references on § 80) : to which may be added such expres- 
sions as ius legationis . , . miseratur i. 39, 8; proruunt fossas i, 68, 2; 
pcricula polliceri 2. 40, 3; ad principem distulerant 3. 52, 3; iniurias 
largiri 3. 70, 3 ; permoveor . . . num 4. 57, 2, etc. ; also pregnant mean- 
ings of words, as venenum 3. 22, 2; 4. 10, 2; aegritudo 2, 69, 4; 
scnecta ii. 26, 2, etc. Dr. § 239, 2. 



IV, The Study of Variety in Expression, 

85. Besides aiming at novelty through the introduction or adoption of 
unfamiliar words or senses of words (see §§ 69-72), Tacitus constantly 
seeks to avoid monotony by varying forms of the same word. 
Thus Artaxata is twice feminine, five times neuter (see on 2. 56, 3) ; 
Tigranocerta four times used in each form (see 14. 24, 6) : the form 
Vologeses is sometimes changed to Vologesus (13. 37, i). So also we 
liave alioqui and alioquin ; anteire and antire ; balneae and balneum ; 
dein and deinde; grates and gratias agere; inermis and inermus ; 
senecta and sencctus, etc. In many other cases such variations have 
been treated by editors as errors of copyists. See Wolfilin, Philol. 25, 
99-106; 121-127, 

8(5. Names often mentioned are varied. Thus we have Gallus, 
Asinius Gallus, and Gallus Asinius, etc. ; or the cognomen alone 
repeated, when the name has been given more fully above, as Trionis 
2. 28, 4; Lepida 12. 64, 5, etc.; also the names of relatives mentioned 
together are often varied, as hunc [Gracchum] pater Sempronius . . . tulerat 
4- t3, 4 ; pater Scriboniani Camillus 12, 52, 2 ; Crispum . . . C. Sallustius 
3’ 30? 3; Valerius Messala, cuius proavum . , . Corvinum 13. 34, i, etc, 
Nipp. on 4. 13, Joh. Mtiller, 4, p. 15, 16. 

87. Prepositions with similar meanings are often interchanged, 
as in ... ad i. 28, 7, etc. ; inter . . . apud 3. 40, i ; in . . . apud 6. 22, 2 ; 
per... in 4. 55, 7, etc. Several such instances arc found in Livy, few in 
other works of I'acitus than the Annals. Dr. § 104. 

88. Cases with prepositions are interchanged with simple 
cases : as for instance a dat. with accus. after ad or in ; e. g. with oppor- 
tunus 2. 6, 4 ; i)romptus 4. 46, 4; referre 14. 38, 5 ; and such an accus. 
with gerundive dat. 2. 37, 6 ; see also § 62. Dr. § 105. 

89. Copulative conjunctions are constantly varied in different 
clauses, especially in the Annals, sometimes no doubt to graduate t^ie 
connexion (see on i. i, 5), but at other times apparently for elegance. 
Cp. the change of ct and ac 4. 26, 4 ; ac . . . que . . . ct 1 5. 25, 6 ; que . . . et 
. . . et . . . ac 2. 60, 4. See Dr. §115, Nipp. on 4. 3. 

90. After asyndeta (see § 65) conjunctions are introduced; as 
classes regna provinciae . , . aut • , . et . , . ac i. 1 1, 6 ; illustrcs ignobiles 
dispersi aut aggerati 6. 19, 3; see also 12. 64, 3 ; 15. 26, i. Dr. § 140, 
Nipp. on 1. II ; 2. 81. Here again different degrees of connexion are 
often intended to be expressed. 



91 . A large number of miscellaneous variations of expression in corres^ 
ponding clauses are brought together by Driiger (§ 233), from which the 
following are selected. In a few of them Tacitus has followed Livy. 

(1) Change of case or number: Spartanorum . . . Alheniensibus 3. 
26,' 4 ; clarigenus . . . summis honoribus 6. 9, 5 : effusae clcmeiiliae . . . 
rnodicus severitate 6. 30, 3 ; see note on 2. 3, 2 ; on change of number 
sec § 2. 

(2) Active and passive : omissa sunt aut . . . obliteravit 2. 83, 5 ; cp. 
6. 44, 2. 

(3) Ablative and participle : metu . . . diffisus 2. i, 2 ; metu . . . an 
ratus 2. 22, 2; cp. ir,. 36, 6; 38, 5; 56, 3. 

(4) Preposition and participle or adjective: ad gradum . . . 
procedentibus i. 64, 2 ; procaces , . .in spe 14. 15, 8. 

(5) Adjective and genitive : Parthorum . . . Romanas 2. 3, 2. 

(6) Present participle and gerundial ablative (only in the later 
books of the Annals) : trahens . . . interprclando 13. 47, i ; adsurgens . . . 
populando 15. 38, 4. 

(7) Gerundive and ut or neu : appellandam . . . ut adscriberetur i, 
14, 2 ; habenda. . .utque 2. 36, i ; cp. 3. 17, 8; 63, 7 i 4* 9» * ; 20, 2. 

(8) Noun and subordinate clause, with quod or quia, etc. : 
amicitia . . . et quod 4. 18, i ; gnarus meliorum ct quae 4. 31, 2 ; alii 
modestiam, multi quia diffideret 4. 38, 4 ; and many others ; as 2. 63, 4 ; 
3. 44, 4; 4. 24, 2; 13. 44, I, etc. Sometimes an infin. answers to a 
noun, as 3. 22, 2 j 4. 3, i, etc. 

(9) Adjective or participle and final clause: as rati . . . an ne 3, 
3, 3 ; sive fraudem suspectans sive ut 13. 39, i. 

92. The effort for variety, added to that for brevity, is found 
sometimes to result in considerable complication of periods ; 
as for instance in the passages beginning ^ igitur Tacfaiinas ’ 4, 24, i ; 
‘ nam postulate Votieno ' 4. 42, 2; ‘at Sabinus^ 4. 47, i : sometimes 
even to anacolutha, as 12. 52, 3 ; 14. 9, i (Dr. § 254). On the general 
structure of periods in Tacitus, and on some passages of exceptional 
complexity, as 1. 2, i ; 6, 6 ; 13. 54, 5, see Dr. § 232; also the notes 
on I. 8, 4; 4. 33, 4 ; 44, 3 ; and Job. Muller on those passages. 

93. It is extremely characteristic of Tacitus to introduce the utmost 
possible variety into the expressions for facts that have to be very often 
stated. A large collection of such is made in Bdtticher, Proleg. lxvii~lxix, 
and Dr. § 232. Among them may be noted the following : — 

6 o 


(1) Death: about fifteen various expressions are found, as obi re ; 
oppetere ; fmire (6. 50, 9 Sm. €tp.) ; concedere ; cxcedere ; vita cedere ; 
vita concederc ; etc. 

(2) Suicide: ten or more expressions are found, as se vita privare ; 
vim sibi afferre ; finem vitae sibi ponere (6. 40, 4) ; etc. 

(3) Suicide by opening veins: more than ten forms of expression 
are found, as venas exsolvere, resolvere, abrumpere, interrumpere, etc. 

(4) Suicide by stabbing: ferro incumbere ; se ipsum ferro transi- 
gerc ; suo ictu mortem in venire ; etc. 

(5) Suicide by starvation: vitam abstinentia finire ; egestate cibi 

(6) Interdiction of fire and water: aliquem aqua et igni interdi- 
cere, arcere, prohibere. 

(7) Approach of evening: about eight distinct expressions are 
noted. See r. 16, 5 ; 65, 9 ; 2. 21, 4; 39, 5; etc. 

(8) Contrast between wha^t is shown and coneealed: palam 
... in occulto I. 49, 2 ; palam . . . secreto 2. 72, 2, etc. ; cp. 4. i, 4 ; 6. 7, 4 ; 
12. 7, 6 ; 13, I ; etc. 

04 . The monotony of reported speeches in oratio obliqua is 
often varied (as also not unfrequcntly in Liv.}by an abrupt transition 
to oratio recta ; as 2. 77, 2 ; 3. 12, 4 ; 46. 3 ; 4. 40, 5 ; H. 3. 2, 8. 
The transition has also the effect of a rhetorical climax (Dr. § 256). On 
smaller parenthetical suspensions of oratio obliqua, see § 49. 

IV. Injiiicnce of Imitation, 

95 . Graecisms. Nearly all of those found in Tacitus appear to have been 
already more or less naturalised in Latin. Most of them have been already 
noticed (see §§ ii, \2 d, 13, 16, 18, 37 54, 60^, 66, 67). To these 
may be added the use of si with expressions of fear, etc., as i. 11, 5; 
such a genitive as diversa omnium i. 49. i ; the construction nisi forte . , • 
plures curas, etc. 2. 33, 5 ; and the phrase ut quisque audentiae habuisset 
* 5 ‘ 53 » 3- The list of Greek words used by him (see Nipp. on 14. 15, 6) 
is not large, and consists wholly of terms more or less technical, and 
which have no strict Latin equivalent. Dr. §§ 67, 147, 191, 258, 

96 . Latin archaisms. The desire of novelty in diction appears to 
have led T acitus sometimes to revive obsolete words^ and forms from old 
writers, in preference to employing those which were usual (Wolfflin, 
Philol. 25, 106, etc.). Among such may be noticed dissertare 12. ri, 1 
(Cato and Plaut.) ; mercimonium 15. 38, 2 (Plaut); perduehis 14. 29, 2 


6 1 

(Klin. Plant, etc.); truculentia 2. 24, i (Plant.); also the accus. with 
fungi 3. 2, 2 ; and the phrase helium patrare 2. 26, 2, etc. (called an 
archaism in Quint. 8. 3, 44, but used by Sail, and Veil.). Dr. § 258. 

97. The debt of Tacitus to previous historians, and to the 
great classic poets, is chiefly to be seen in very many of the syntac- 
deal usages already mentioned, and in the lists of poetical words and 
senses of words (see §§ 70, 72). Many other instances will be found 
noticed in the notes throughout: a few of the more striking are here 
selected from the fuller lists given by Dr. (§ 259) and Wolfllin (Philol. 26, 

(r) Sallust. 

Fr. inc. D. 92. K. 59. G. iii. 70 genera patrum advob 
vuntur ......... 

Jug. 51, I fors omnia regere . . . , , 

Cat. 30, 4 omnia honesta atqiie inhonesta 

Fr. H. I. 71 D, 69 K, 99 G. cornicines occanuere . 

Fr. H. I. 6i D, 61 K, 81 G. suopte ingenio (of things) . 

Fr. H. I. 88 D, 98 K, 63 G, neque animo neque auii- 

bus aut lingua competcre ..... 

45> ^ magnum et sapientem virum fuisse comperior 
Jug. 20, 7 cum predatoria manu . . . . . 

Jug. 4, 9 ad inceptum redco 

Jug. 70, 2 carum acceptumque popularibus suis 
Fr. H. 3. 41 D, 53 K, 40 G. vis piscium 
Cat. 25, 5 ingenium eius haut absurdurn 
Jug. 4, 2 mcmet studium meum laudando extollere 
Cat. 2, 3 aequabilius atque constantius . . . . 

Fr. H. 2. 30 D, 36 K, 66 G. advorsa in pravitatem de- 
clinando ........ 

Fr. II. 4. 31 D, 56 K, 33 G. volentia plebi facturus 
j 3 Pauca supra repetam 


1- 13, 7 

1. 49, 2 

2- .l8> 7 

2. Bl, 2 
3. 26, 2 

.V 46, ‘ 

4. 20, 4 
4- 24, 3 

4- 33. 
12. 29, i 
12. 63, 2 
^3- Yy 2 
43» * 
15- 21, 5 

If;. 26, 3 

15. 36, 6 

16. 18, I 

(2) Livy. 

7. 5, 6 stolide ferocem viribus suis . . . . i. 3, 4 

8. 32, 13 extrema condo et circa Fabium globus . . i. 35, 6 

28. 27, 3 ne quo nomine quidem adpellare debeam, scio, 

etc. . . . . • • • • .1. 42, 4 

3. 49, 3 si iure ageret — si vim adferre conaretur . . 2. 80, 4 

3. 53, 2 liberatores baud dubie . . • . .2. 88, 3 

6. 8, 2 senecta invalidum . . . . . * 3* 43» 4 



3. 27, 7 puncto sacpe temporis maximarum rerum mo- Annals. 
menta verti . . . . . . . . 5. 4, 2 

7. 37, 14 vclut indagine 13. 42, 7 

7. 17, 3 the whole description sacerdotes eorum, etc. . 14. 30, i 

(3) Horace. 

Ep. I. II, 6 odio maris atque viarum (cp. Od, 2. 6, 7) . 2. 14, 6 

Od. 2. 16, 25 laetus in praesens . . . . . ii. 15, i 

Od. I. 37, 9 contaminato cum grege . . . .15. 37, 8 

(4) Vergil (see also § 70, 72, 74, 76, 77). 

Aen. 4, 15 fixum immotumque . . . . . i. 47, i 

„ 6, 103 laborum . ..facies . . . . .1. 49, i 

,, 10, 850 vulnus adactum . . . . . i. 61, 6 

9> 137 sceleratam exscindere gentem . . 2. 25, 4 

n 3> J^7^ tcndoqiie supinas ad caelum cum voce manus 2. 29, 2 
2, 75 quae sit fiducia capto . . . . . 3. ii, 2 

„ 9, 73 turn vero incumbunt * . . . . . 4. 24, i 

„ 10, 630 manet . . .gravis exitus . . . .4. 74, 5 

„ 2, 374 rapiunt (= diripiunt) 13. 6, i 

3, 10, 532 belli commercia 33? ^ 

» 3» 55 omne abrumpit 15. 2, 3 

(5) Ovid. 

Trist. 2, 127 citraque necem tua conslitit ira . . . 12. 22, 3 




Powers and titles acquired by Augustus prior to 727, K.c. 27 . . . . *63 

Constitution of the pnncipate in that year 64 

Sul)sequent changes during and shortly after his tenure . . . . . ,66 

Magistracies comprised in the principate — 

1. Proconsulare imperium . , . , 69 

2. Tribunitia potestas , 70 

3. Other magisterial powers 71 

Ixigislative and judicial powers , . . . . . . . . .72 

Relation of the principate to the people and aristocracy 75 

Functions left to the magistrates of the state 75 

Functions, left to the senate • • • • 77 



Means taken ])y the j>rinceps to control the election of magistrates,, and, thereby, 

of senators ............. 79 

Modes of influencing the choice of his successor ....... 82 

Power of the senate during vacancy of the principate, and in respect of the deposi- 
tion of a pvinceps ........... 83 

Importance with Romans of apparent respect for constitutional forms . . .83 

Note. — The material of this portion is almost wholly derived from Mommsen’s 
‘Rdmisches Staatsrecht,’ vol. ii. part 2; partly also from his commentary on the 
* Marmor Ancyranum.’ 

The constitution of the principate is dated most properly from the 
acts of Jan. 13, 727, b.c. 27, and from enactments in the preceding 
year; but account must be taken both of powers held by the first 
' princeps' before that date, and of those which he subsequently acquired. 

Gains Caesar Octavianus, in his nineteenth year, had raised forces on 
his own authority ^ ; and his position was legalised by a decree of the 
senate of Jan. 17, 71 1, b.c. 43, by which he acquired the rank of pro- 
praetor, with a military imperium^ which during the rest of his long 
life never left him ; so that his ‘ dies accept! imperii ' is either reckoned 
from this, or from the consulship, which on the 19th of August in the 
same year followed it 

His permanent imperium, however, during these years comes through 
the irregular and mainly usurped powers of the triumvirate ; a plebiscite 
having been hurried through the comitia in Noveml^er of the same year 
by the tribune P. Titius, creating ‘ triumviri reipublicae constituendae,’ 
with consular power, for five years ^ ; at the end of which they assumed 
another five years of power by their own act, without any formal vote 

At some early date during this period Caesar had assumed a title 
of permanent importance, the ‘praenomen imperatoris ®.'' Suetonius 
ascribes this praenomen to the dictator"^; who, however, appears from 
inscriptions to have borne the title immediately after his family name, 
before his titles of office ^ It is suggested that the title, in this position , 
became a kind of additional cognomen, such as his heir might adopt ; 
and that, in usage, he might be styled indifferently ‘ Caesar Imperator ' 
or ‘ Imperator Caesar,' as men might speak of ‘ Aemilius Paullus ' or 
‘ Paullus Aemilius However this may be, this praenomen is hence- 

* 'Private consllio’ Mon. Anc. i. t, 

^ Cic. Phil. 5. 17, 46; Mon. Anc. i. 5. 

® See note on Ann. 1.9, i. 

* App. B. C. 4. 7. Tacitus declines to 
call their forces 'publica arma’ Ann. i. 
2, I. 

= App. B. Cj 5. 95. 

® See the Fasti of 714. B.c. 40, and 
the Inscr. C. I. L. v. 525; Orcll. 56«> ; 
Wilm. 878. 

Snet. Jnl. 76. Dio speaks of it only 
as a permanent title (43. 44, 2\ 

^ Inscr. C. I. L. i. 620; Orell, 582. 

^ Momms. ii. p. 774, n. i. 



forth always assumed by Octavianus, his proper praenomen and gentile 
name drop out of sight, and he becomes ‘ Imp. Caesar, iii vir R.P.C. 

From this must be distinguished the ‘ nomen imperatoris,* which also 
he now began to assume as a permanent title. This was given, as in 
old times, by acclamation on the field of battle and was received by 
Augustus twenty-one times in his life^, for victories gained in person 
or through lieutenants^; of which he had already numbered seven in 

725, B.C. 29 

Also it appears that, in some form, he had received in 718, b.c. 36, 
a tribunitian power ^ Whether we take the authority followed by 
Appian and repeated by Orosius, stating that he was in that year 
chosen tribune for life^; or that followed by Dio, according to which 
the sacrosanctity and seat of a tribune were decreed to him in this 
year, and the power itself in 724, b.c. 30®; he will in cither case have 
held it before 731, b.c. 23, from which date the years of its tenure as 
a title are numbered ®. 

By the end of the second * quinquennium,’ at the close of 721, b.c. 33, 
Lepidus had been deposed, and war with Antonins was imminent. 
Hence, though Antonius appears to have styled himself ‘ triumvir ' till 
his death Caesar limits the formal term of that office to the ten years ; 
and now claims a powder quasi-dictatorial, or a virtual concentration of 
the whole triumvirate in himself, not, apparently, by formal vote, but by 
general consent. ‘ luravit in mea verba tota Italia sponte sua, et me 
b[ello] quo vici ad Actium, ducem depoposcit * Per consensum iini- 
versorum [potitus rerum omnjium ^ {€yK[fjaT]^s yfPOfievos Trdvrav rSiv irpay- 


Also, after a short second consulship in 721, b.c. 33, he enters on 
a continuous scries of nine consulships, his third to his eleventh, 
723-731, B.c. 31-23. 

The following inscription of the year 725, b.c. 29, shows the titles 
which he then bore, but makes no mention of the tribunitian power : — 
Hmp. Caesari. Divi Juli f. cos. quinct. cos. design, sext. imp. sept'^’ 

We come now to the acts of 726, 727, b.c. 28, 27, the tendency of 
which is described from very different points of view. Caesar himself 

* E. g. Inscr. Orell. 594. 

* See on 3. 74, 6. 

^ I. 9. 

* See 2. 18, 2 ; 22, I. 

* Inscr. Orell. 596. 

® On this power as held by the dic- 
tator Caesar, see Dio, 42. 20, 3. 

’ App, 13 . C. 5. 132 ; Oros. 6. 18, 34. 

® Dio. 49. 15, 6; 51. 19, 6. 

® See below, p. 66. 

Momms. ii. p. 697. 

T[/>i]a;v dySpwy ly€v6ixTj[y b]Tjfjio<ria)y 
vpayfji&r<uv Karop&ayriji tTvyex^oiv er^aiy 
8t/fa Mon. Anc. Gr. iv. i. 

Mon. Anc. 3. 

^ Id. vi. 13, and Gr. xvii. 19, 

C. I. L. vi. 873 ; Orell. 596 ; Wilm. 



claims to have tlien restored the Republic : ‘ Rcmpublicam ex mca 
potcslate in senat[us populique Romani ajrbitrium transtuli b' This 
statement is echoed by writers near the time ^ and a coin of this date 
describes him as ‘ libertatis P. R. vindex On the other hand, Dio 
alludes to this time as the date of a re-established monarchy ^ and 
Tacitus as the period when the ascendancy of Caesar was secured^’. 
The reconciliation is simple : the extraordinary dictatorial and con- 
stituent powers surviving from the triumvirate, after spending their 
force in these enactments ^ are surrendered, and all the arbitrary acts 
of that period cancelled''; but the permanent constitution of the prin- 
cipate begins. The senate and the comitia resume their regular func- 
tions ; and, after a professed restoration of all the provinces, armies, 
and revenues the unarmed provinces arc actually given up, and those 
requiring military force, with the legions stationed in them, are retained, 
professedly for ten years only ^ with proconsular ‘imperium;^ while, 
in his home government, Caesar ‘ claims only to be consul, and to be 
satisfied with his tribunitian right to protect the people 

It is claimed as proof of his moderation or discretion, that his con- 
stitution made him not king or dictator but ‘ princeps ' and he is 
careful to state that, while thus holding the first rank in the state, he 
had no more power than his colleagues in any magistracy’^ This 
appellation has been commonly identified with that of ^ princeps senatus,’ 
which had been some thirty-three years dormant ; an honorary rank, 
conferring no other privilege than that of being asked first, when the 
consuls designate were absent. That Caesar was ‘princeps senatus' 
from the census-list of 726, b. c. 28, to his death, is affirmed by him- 
self’^: and such designation is the natural mode of reminding senators 
at each revision of the list that he was one of themselves But, from 
the earliest date, he is always spoken of not as ‘princeps senatus/ but 
as simply ‘princeps’"^;' and speaks thus of himself’*^. Also a saying 

^ Mon. Anc. vi. 13. 

Fast. 1, 5S9; Veil. 2, 89, 3. 

^ Eckhel, vi. S3. 

* Tohrov fiovapxfitrOat avOis dtcpi’- 
i 3 a/s ijp^avTO 52. J, I. 

‘ Potent iae securus, dedit iura quis 
pace et principc uteremur’ 3. 28, 3. 

® It is thought by Mommsen that the 
expression ‘ dedit iura’ (Tac. 1 . 1 .) implies 
autocratic legislation without the comitia. 

^ Dio, 53. 2, 5. 

* M- 53- 4. 3 ; 9 . * 

’ Id. 53. 12, 2 ; 13, I. 

Ann. I. 2, I. The absence of any 
word like ' mox * with * tribunitio iure ’ is 

evidence that Tacitus knew this ]:iowei lo 
have been held by Augustus contempo- 
raneously with Jiis consulships. 


Moil, Anc. Gr. xviii. 6. 

llpu/Tov d^LojjjLaTOs TOTtov laxov rrj^ 
(TvyKhrjTov dxpt- ravTijs T7J9 
ravra ^ypatpov, M €rrj Tcaaapdicopra 
Mon. Anc. Gr. iv. 2. The years are 
reckoned from 726, E.c. 28 (Dio, 53, i, 3), 
to 767, A.ij. 14, not inclusively. 

“ Cp. the language of Vitellius, H. 2. 
9 G 5 - 

A" E. g. Ilor. Od. I. 2, 50. 

' Me principe ’ Mon. Anc. ii 45 ; vi, 9. 



quoted of Tiberius makes him express by that title his relation, not 
to the senate, but to the citizens ^ ; and the earlier Greek writers render 
the word by It is therefore probably to be considered as 

a separate designation, originating at the same date, which had become* 
confounded with ^princeps senatus’ {npoKpiros y€pov(rias), by the time 
of Dio. Such a term would seem to convey no more than the fact 
that Caesar was the foremost citizen of Rome ; and had been so used 
of Pompeius by Cicero ^ and Sallust Even long after it had become 
distinctive, it is still used informally by the eldciT Pliny of Servilius 
Nonianus ® ; and at all times so far refused to pass into a definite title, 
that it never appears in the regular list of those borne by the Caesar, 
and when used at all in inscriptions, has almost always some personal 
term of honour accompanying it, as ‘ princeps optimus,’ ‘ princeps et 
conservator etc. 

His new position is, as it were, consecrated by the title of Augustus, 
decreed by the senate'^, and assumed on the i6th of January 727,6.0. 27*^; 
a title expressive of sanctity, and a step to the divine honours paid to him, 
even during life, in various parts of the empire This title is always 
distinctive of the ‘ princeps,' and until the division of the empire in later 
times, is shared with no one. 

In the middle of 731, ii.c. 23, Augustus closed his series of consul- 
ships, afterwards holding this office twice only, each time for a few days, 
on the introduction of his grandsons to public life^®. His domestic 
magistracy was now formally limited to the tribunitian power, which from 
this time is assumed as a title and reckoned annually from June 27 
There is no trace of annual re-election, and the object of the change 
seems to be merely to substitute some other computation of his years of 
rule for that supplied by his consulships. It has been thought that a 
nominal change was made from ‘ ius tribunitium ' to ‘ tribunitia potestas 
and that the power was further defined and amplified. At the same time 
the powers of his ‘ proconsulare imperium ' were greatly extended 

A further step is marked, when he received, in 735, b.c. 19, at firslifor 

’ A(aTr6Tr}s p\v rwv dovXojv, avroKparojp 
rSiV j0rpaTi<vTci)U, rwv di 3 ^ \oiirwv 

Trp 6 KpiT 6 s upi Dio, 57. 8, 2. 

“ Mon. Anc. Or. vii. 9, etc. ; Strab, 7, 
5i 3. P- ,3 Ml etc. 

^ Ad Fam. i. 9, ii. 

^ H. 3. 61 D, 82 K, p. 152, 23 G 
(speech of Macer). 

® ‘Princeps civilatis* N. H. -28. 2, 5, 
29. Cp. the expression of Tacitus in 
Ann. 3. 75, 1. 

« Inscr. Orell. 25; 617; (C. I. JL. ii. 

2038 ; Wilm. 906). 

’ Adypari avyKXrjrov 'St,f$a(Xrh^ irpola- 
T}yop€v 9 r]]v Mon. Anc. Gr. xvii. 22. 

“ Kal, Praenest. Orell. ii. p. 382, 409. 

® See on i. 10, 5. 

749i 75 »» B.c. 5, 2. 

Fasti, <1731. '[Augustus postquam 
consujlatu se nbdicavit, tr[ib. pot. annua 
facta est] ' Momms. 772, n. i. 

See note on i. 2, 1. 

Dio, 53. 32, 5, See below, p. 69. 


five years only, such censorial power as belonged to the ‘ regimen legum 
et morum*.’ It is also stated by Dio that he received at the same time 
for life the consular power, with its insignia, the regular attendance of 
twelve lictors, and a curule chair between those of the consuls of the year^. 
This is treated by Mommsen as an error, except so hir as relates to the 
mere assumption of the insignia \ Augustus himself mentions two facts 
only that bear upon the poinL Firstly, that in 732, b. c. 22, he refused 
the dictatorship, and also both the annual and perpetual consulship \ 
Secondly, that twice in the latter part of his life he held a census with 
‘ consulare imperium V censorial power being, in the theory of the consti- 
tution, inherent in the consular, before the existence of the censorship as 
a separate oflice. It is inferred, both from what he says and from wliat 
he appears to imply, that this ‘ consulare imperium ’ was used for this 
purpose only, and that no general or permanent consular power was ever 
assumed It is obvious that a ruler holding a ‘ proconsulare imperium ' 
valid within the j)omoerium • had already what was most important in the 
consular power, and Augustus showed no desire for the occumulation of 
empty titles. It would seem, however, possible that the decree which 
Dio appears to quote may have given something more than mere con- 
sular insignia. The conception of the princeps as the chief magistrate 
of the stale, implied in many potvers exercised by^ Augustus and his 
successors, might not impossibly have been represented by a consular 
power or certain specified powers under that name ; the more so, as such 
power might be conceived by a fiction as comprehending functions of 
other magistracies, as those of censor, praetor, or curule aedile, originally 
included in the consulship. Some of these powers of the princeps are 
specified below %• to which may be added that of ‘ nominating ' candidates 
for magistracies which appears in some sort to assume that the princeps 
was imagined as personally holding the comitia, which (in the case of 
elections to the greater magistracies) would be a consular function 

During the remainder of this principate the chief points to notice are 
th^successive quinquennial or decennial renewals of the ‘proconsulare 
imperium ’ the assumption, on the death of Lepidusin 742, n. c. 12, of 

* [^Emfi€\]i]Ti)s TOfv T( vvficov [«]at twp 
Tp6[nwv rj 7 fjLf^yiarrf ^ovat<f [«]x*<po- 
tov^Otjv Mon. Anc. Gr. iii. 15. 

2 Dio. 54. 10, 5. 

* Mornms. ii. p. 836, n. 2 

* Mon. Anc. Gr. iii. 2, 9. 

® Mon. Anc. Lat. ii. 5, 8. 

® The same inference is suggested by 
what appears to be a temporary assump- 
tion of consula^» power by Claudius to 

hold games (Dio, 60. 23. 4). 

’ See p. 69. 

® See p. 72. 

® See p. 80. 

The occasional appointment of con- 
suls and other magistrates by Augustus 
when the comitia failed to elect, seems 
to have been merely arbitrary, and taken 
as justified by the emergency, 

“ Dio, 53. 16, 2. 

F 2 



the office of ‘pontifex maximus always henceforth held by the princeps 
until a Christian emperor conferred it on the bishop of Rome “ ; and the 
formal acceptance, on universal acclamation, of the title ‘ Pater Patriae ’ 
in 752, B. c. 2 

The following inscription gives his titles nearly at the close of his life : 
‘ Imp. Caesar, Divi F. Augustus Pontif. Maxim. Cos. xiii. Imp. xx, 
Tribunic. Potestat. xxxvii. P.P.*’ 

The first succession to the principate must have been modified by the 
fact that the successor was already possessed of ^ proconsularc imperium/ 
and had the tribunitian power and afterwards numbered his years of this 
office without recognising- any change at the death of Augustirs. He also 
dropped the fiction of periodical renewal of imperium, thougli a decen- 
nial festival was held I He must have at least received by decree the 
title of ‘ Augustus,' which, though he affected some reserve in its use ^ 
appears on all his coins and inscriptions ; but he never allowed himself 
to be called ‘pater patriae It is also noteworthy that neither Tiberius, 
Gains, nor Claudius, uses the ‘ praenomen imperatoris The titles borne 
by Tiberius at the close of his life are seen from an inscription quoted 

Gaius appears, from the account of Dio, to have been the first to receive 
all the powers of the principate by a single decree ; while Claudius was 
tlie first to take the name of ‘ Caesar,' to which he had no family claim, 
as a name of the princeps and his house. 

It has been seen that the term ‘ princeps’ in itself implied no monarchy, 
or even magistracy ; but in fact stood for a combination of magisterial 
powers, so as to be contrasted as a kind of greater magistracy with the 
't)ffiice of consul, praetor, or aedile The boast of Augustus, that his emi- 
nence in rank gave him no more power than his colleagues in any office 
can only apply, even in the letter, to such a case as that of his consul- 
ships, and has no meaning in relation to the most essential powers of 
the principate, the ‘ proconsularc imperium ’ and ‘ tribunilia potestas,’ in 
which he had, as a rule, no colleague. Nor were these powers confined 
to their original limits, but received great successive extensions by steps 

Mon. Anc. Lat. ii. 23-28 ; Gr. v. 19 — 
6, 6 ; Kal. Praen. March 6. 

^ See Momms. ii. 1054, ri, i. The priii- 
ceps was also member of all the other 
jniestly colleges, but generally without 
iheir recognition in his titles. 

■ Mon. Anc. vi. 24 ; Gr. xviii. 9. He is 
called ' pater ^ many years earlier in Hor. 
Od. I. 2, 50. 

* Inscr. Orell. 604. 

® See on i. 3, 3. 

® Hio, 24, I ; 38. 34, I. 

^ Suet. Tib. 26; Dio, 57. 2, i. 

® I. 72, 2 ; 2. 87, a. 

® Momms. ii, 745. 

See ch. ix. ^lote 28. 

Dio, 59. 3, 2. 

3 - , 53 . 4 - 

Mon. Anc. vi. 21. See above, 

p. 65. « 


not now always traceable ; besides which, other powers not clearly 
belonging to the idea of either of these offices, centre in the princeps, 
conceived generally as the chief magistrate and representative of the 

I. The ‘ proconsulare imperium,’ as has been seen, must have been al 
first no more than was involved in the charge taken for ten years of 
certain provinces h ‘ Imperium ' must belong to a definite magistracy ; 
all military command, from the time of Sulla, had been vested in pro- 
consuls or propraetors ; and the power given to Augustus would seem 
only a step beyond several republican precedents % and his own action 
one of surrender rather than aggrandisement ^ But his proconsular 
powder soon became virtually, that of his successors even formally, 
perpetual; and when, on the cessation of his consulships in 731, b.c. 23, 
it apparently first received formal definition, it was made coextensive 
with the empire, and valid even within the walls of Rome By tliis act 
the senate and people had surrendered the whole power of the sword into 
his hands. Besides the command of his own provinces and his own 
Icgati, he held now an ‘ imperium maius ’ also over the proconsuls of 
senatorial provinces supreme command even of troops under their 
immediate orders and the right to collect fiscal revenue there through 
his own officers ^ ; nor liad proconsuls power in their province over the 
life of a soldier ^ With him rest all ordinances respecting the levy, 
payment, and dismissal of troops, and regulation of the military hierarchy. 
He levies war, makes peace or treaty^, and represents the state in rela- 
tion to all foreign or dependent powers. Again, he is the high admiral 
of the empire, with fleets near at hand ; and, besides the troops attached 
to these, not only the praetorian guard, his proper household brigade, 
but even the police and niglit-watch of the city, owned no allegiance to 
any magistrate of the republic, but only to Caesar and his prefects, and 
formed no insignificant force at his disposal on the spot”; while the 
validity of his imperium within the w^alls explains his power to |)Ut to 
death citizens even of senatorial rank : and he is so far the * imperator ' 

^ That this * imperium ’ from the first 
was proconsular, follows from the fact 
that the vicegerents, even when of con- 
sular rank, were only Megati, Augusti 
propraetore,* while senatorial governors, 
even when not of consular rank, w'cre 
styled ‘ proconsuls.’ 

* See below, p. 84. * 

’’ See above, p. 65. 

♦ Dio, 53. 32, 5. 

5 Dio, 1. 1. 

® Thus the j^oconsul of Africa reports 

on military matters to Caesar as his su- 
perior officer, not to the senate. See on 3. 

32, I. 

^ See on 4. 15, 3. 

” J)io, 53. [3. 7. 

” ‘ Foedusve cum quibus volet facerc 
liceat’ Lex de Jmp. Vcsi). i. See below, 
p. 71. 

4- 5» I- 
4- 5» 4- 
Dio, 53. 17, 6. 



of the whole Roman world, that the whole senate and people, and even the 
provinces, take the ‘sacramentum' in his name, binding themselves in the 
most solemn terms to maintain his authority against all enemies, and not to 
hold even their own children dearer h Naturally, in time the ‘imperator ' 
and ‘ princeps ’ became synonymous ^ and this power was held sufficient 
in itself to constitute a principate; and, although formally given by 
senatorial decree, retained a fatal memory of the old popular or military 
origin of an ‘ imperator’s ' title and of the irregular command of 
Augustus ‘by universal consent out of which this form of ‘ imperium ' 
had risen ; so that even a constitutional ruler like Vespasian takes the 
salutation and ‘ sacramentum ’ of the soldiers as a valid title, and reckons 
from it, not from the senatorial decree, his ‘ dies accepti imperii Hence 
the revelation of that ‘ state secret^ so fruitful in subsequent history, that 
' a “princeps"’ could be made elsewhere than at Rome‘S;’ and hence the 
* imperator,’ even in profound peace, felt that ‘ he held a wolf by the 
ears and was safe only as long as the soldiers were contented. 

II. The tribunitian power added a civil and urban magistracy to the 
military command; and was not, like the formal office of tribune, un- 
tenable by a patrician. Gracchus and others had shown the formidable 
political strength of the tribunate, not only as regarded its wide and 
indefinite coercive powers, but also in its legislative initiative. Experience 
had no less shown its inherent weaknesses, the liability to paralysis by 
the veto of a colleague, the annual tenure with a doubtful chance of 
re-election, and the want of armed support in case of the last appeal to 
force. But from the tribunitian power of the Caesar all these weaknesses 
were removed. The tribunes of the year were in no sense his colleagues, 
and their voice was powerless against his ; the office was held for life ; 
and the power of the sword was known to be in reserve. I'his office 
also retained memory of its popular origin ; for the decree of the senate 
conferring it was only preliminary to a ratificatory ‘ lex ’ or ‘ plebiscite,’ 
which survived even tlie general abolition of the comitia A fragment 

^ I* 7 * 54 ? The form of oath ^ Suet. Vesp. 6 . 

may be seen from a Lusitanian inscription ® H. i . 4, 2. 

(OrcU. 3665) of the date of the accession ^ Suet. Tib. 25. 

of Gains. » E. g. in i. 77, 3 it is mentioned that 

^ The Mmperium proconsulare ’ does a tribune uses his ‘ intercessio,’ but that 

not appear among the titles of the prin- it was valid only because Tiberius per- 

ceps; but the 'pracnomcn imperatoris,’ niitted it. It is probable that the tribu* 
though originally unconnected with this nitiari power of Caesar was defined as a 
]>ower (see above, p. 63), may in later ‘ potestas maiorHo that of the tribunes 
times have been taken to denote it. of the year. * 

^ See on 3 74,6. ^ 7 'liis is shown by several references 

* See above, p. 64, and Mon. Anc. vi. to the ‘ Acta Arvalium.’ Momms. 839, 
14* n. 2. 4 


still remains of the ‘ lex de imperio Vespasiani which, though appar- 
ently conveying in form ihc tribunitian power, specifies far more preroga- 
tives than belong to the conception of that office, and must either be 
taken to show an almost indefinite extension of its idea or to include 
other powers vested in the princeps. That this power would of itself 
give full right to convoke and consult the senate, as well as to control ® 
its decisions, is matter of course : we find also that the princeps could 
dispense with legal formalities in summoning it*, and could, when absent, 
bring before it in writing a certain number of motions, which took prece- 
dence of all others ^ ; and when Caesar in person put the question, the 
magistrates so fiir became ^privati" as to be asked their ‘ sententia ® ' 
while he himself either guided their decision by speaking first, or reserved 
himself to the end'^, so as either by formal veto® or less formal modifica- 
tion to amend the proposals of others. It appears also that the ^ ius 
auxilii, ad tuendarn plebem,’ and general coercive power even originally 
extended a mile beyond the pomoerium and must ultimately have been 
unrestricted by any limit of distance We can thus readily understand 
the description by Tacitus of this power as *a title of supremacy devised 
by Augustus, to make him pre-eminent over all other authorities, witliout 
assuming the name of king or dictator 

III. The remaining magisterial functions are chiefly censorial or 
consular-censorial*'. The censorship itself fell into abeyance from 
730, B.c. 24, till it was assumed temporarily by Claudius^*, and for life 
by Domitian But Augustus, besides permanently assuming the 
‘regimen legum et morum makes use on one occasion (726, b.c. 28) 
of his consulship, and twice (746 and 767, b.c. 8, a.d. 14) of an ‘im- 
perium consulare to hold a ‘ census populi,' with which, on each 
occasion, a formal ‘lectio senatus ’ appears to have been joined he also, 
in and after 745, b.c. 9 revised annually, as ‘corrector nioruni,’ the 

^ C. T. L. vi. I, 930 ; Wilm. 917 ; Orell. ® As 3. 70, 2 ; Suet. Tib. 33, etc. 

P- . 5 ^> 7 - ^ As 3. iS, I, etc. 

^ See r. 7, 5 ; Dio, 54. 3, 3. Dio, 51. 19, 6. speaking of the year 

^ See I. 8, I, etc. 724, b.c. 30. 

* Lex de Imp. Vesp. 8. “ Tiberius, when associated in this 

“ Mommsen thus explains 'relationem power, is said to have exercised it at 
facere’ (distinct from ‘referre’) Lex de Rhodes. Suet. Tib. ii. 

Imp. Vesp. 4, as also Bio, 53. 3. 56, 2. 

32, 5. The letters of Caesar resijccting See above, p. 67. 

such questions are often called by a fiction .Suet. Cl. 16. 

‘orationes,’ see Ann. 3. 57, i, compared Lbo, Epit. 67. 4, 3. 

with 56, I. The number of such ‘ lela- See above, p. 66. 

tioncs’ is at first limiteef to one at each See above, p. 67. 

silting (Dio, 1 . 1 .), but afterwards extended. Sec the whole passage, Mon. Anc. ii. 

» See 3. 17, 8. i-ii. 

^ See I. 74,5. Dio, 55. 3, 3. 


‘ album scnatorium/ and either then, or as occasion offered, expunged 
the names of unworthy members \ We also hear, during and after this 
principate, of similar regular revision of the * decuriae equitum ' for 
judicial purposes ^ and of the Uurmae equitum equo publico^;' besides 
special gifts or withdrawals of equestrian j)rivileges and the creation 
from time to time of new patrician houses ^ These functions, as well as 
various minor censorial duties, such as the regulation of public buildings, 
of the course of the Tiber, etc., or aedilician, as the ‘ cura annonae,’ 
were undertaken or delegated by the princeps whether as possessed of 
any general consular power or as in some way conceived as the chief 
magistrate of the slate. 

In describing the growth of the power of Augustus from its modest 
beginnings, Tacitus says that he gradually engrossed more and more of 
the senatorial, magisterial, and legislative (or comitial) functions ^ Ilis 
encroachments on the senate and magistrates of the Re})ublic will be 
readily understood from the sketch already given of his powers ; other 
magisterial encroachments may be seen in the multiplication of his own 
officers, to whom he delegated duties cither purely military, as to the 
‘ praefectus praetorio ; ’ or of a mixed character, as to the ‘ praefectus 
urbi ^ or * praefectus vigilum ; ' or purely civil, as to the ‘ praefectus 
annonae,’ by whom Caesar was assisted in superseding a function of the 
acdiles^, and in discharging what Tiberius stated to be his most arduous 
and unremitting duty 

In respect to the kws, Caesar assumed extensive powers both legisla- 
tive and judicial. 

It is obvious that in right of his tribunitian power he could initiate 
legislation; and the ‘leges luliae ’ of 736, n.c. 18, were proposed 
by Augustus in person in the forum ” : but such instances api)ear to 
be very rare. On the other hand, there arc abundant instances of 
direct legislative action, even by the earliest principes, through ordi- 
nances forming part of their ‘ acta,’ and having the force of 

’ On the subsequent practice, sec Ann. 2. 
4S, 3, aiul note there : also Dio, 33. 1 7. 7. 

Pk N. H. 33. I, 30 ; Siiet. Aug. 32; 
Tib. 41, 51 ; Cl. 15. This was originally 
the function of the praetor. . See Cic. 
Cln. 43, 1 21. 

^ Suet. Aug. 38. \Vc find ‘ censoria po- 
lestas,’ for the time being, also conferred 
on those to whom this duty was delegated. 
See 3. 30, 2. 

* H. I. 13, 2 ; 2. 57, 4. 

^ Mon. Anc. ii. i ; Ann. ii. 25, 3 ; Agr. 

9. I- 

Suet. Aug. 37. See Momms. p. 1000, 

See above, p. 67. 

^ Ann. I. 2, 1. 

® See Liv. 10. ii, 9, etc. 

3. .54, 

Sen. de Benef. 6. 32, i. 

Gaius 1. 5 ‘ Constitutio principis est 
quod imperatof decrcto vcl edicto vel 
epistula constituit : nec umquam diibita- 
turn est, quin id legis vicem obtineat, cum 
ipse imperator per legem imperium ac- 
cipiat.’ ' 


law’. Such power is derivable from that exercised in old times by 
those who held the ‘ imperium ' of the state, and the authority of the 
senate to ‘ give laws ' in its name ^ Many such imperial ‘ leges datac ' 
are mentioned, and fragments of some are preserved ; many of them 
giving colonial or municipal rights'*, or ordaining statutes for such 
communities "*. Again, the citizenship, formerly given, as a rule, by 
plebiscite, but often also through authority committed to commanders, 
as Marius, Pompeius, etc. is now formally given by the ^ princei)s,' 
both to individuals usually as the reward of service in the auxi- 
liary forces®, and also to whole communities®. The legal force of 
these edicts and rescripts, though strictly limited to the life of the 
princeps, was in most cases permanent through confirmation of his 
‘ acta ' after his death. 

Again, by his indirect and direct judicial power, he became practically 
the sole fountain of justice. Besides framing the lists of ‘indices selecti’^^,' 
and regulating their duties”, Augustus had, in 726, b.c. 28, ‘and often 
afterwards,’ selected the ‘ praetor urbanus,’ ‘ extra sortem The prin- 
ceps frequently sat as assessor at the praetor’s side’*, and even in absence 
appears to have been treated as present by the fiction of a ‘ calculus 
Minervae ’ deposited in his name "Piberius constantly presides in 
person at the senatorial high court of justice’"*, influencing it by his 
manner’® no less than his vote; and exercises his power of intercession, 
whether in refusing to admit the case’’’^, or in modifying the sentence, 
either at the time or before its formal enrolment The })Ower of 
pardon, vested to some extent in every magistrate and especially 
reserved by the old constitution for the people has now passed wholly 
to Caesar '-^, as in some sense their representative. 

^ On the oath to the ‘acta/ see on i. 
72, 1 ; 4. 42, 3, etc. 

^ Cic. Verr. ii. 2. 49, 121 ‘(^nas leges 
sociis aniicisque dal is qui habet imperium 
a populo Romano, aiictoritateiii legiim 
dojidariim a senatu, hae debent et populi 
Romani et senatus exislimari.’ 

^ E. g. ‘Acs Salpensanuni/ ‘Aes Ma- 
lacilanura/ belonging to the time of 
Domitiaii. 8ec Ilenzen, p. 524. 

* E.g. 14. 27, 2. 

^ See Plin. Ep. ad Traj. 79. 

® See Cic. Balb. 8, 19 ; 20, 46. 

^ See 1. 58, 2 ; 3. 40, 2 ; 6, 37, 4. etc. 

® See the ‘diplomata mililaria’ or 
‘tabulae honestae missi^nis/ C. 1 . L. in. 
p. 843, etc., and Wilm. 904, etc. 

® E. g. U. I. 8, 3. 

‘ Adlectus inter sclectos ab Imp. Caes. 
Aug. ’ Ilcnzei^ 61 58. See other references 

in Momms. p. 918, 

** Suet. Aug. 32. 

Dio, 53. 2, 3. 

I. 75, 1. 

Dio, 31. 19, 7, on the year 724, 
B.c. 30. 

Sec 3. 12, I, etc. 

Sec 4. 34, 2, etc. 

See 3. 70, 2, etc. 

As 3. .18, I, etc. 

See 3, 51, 4. 

See Plin, Epp. ad Trai. 31 ; 32 ; 56, 


By Meges Valcriae de provocatione ’ 
Liv. 2. 8 ; 3. 55 ; 10. 9. 

E. g. 4. 31, I ; 12. 8, 3 ; 13. ri, 2 ; 
14. 12, 6. Tacitus appears (3. 51, 4) to 
recognise no such power of pardon vested 
in the senate as later jurists and inscrip- 
tions (see Momms. 848, n. 3) mention. 



The most peculiar judicial prerogative, consisting in the right of the 
princeps to try offences of all kinds in a private court of his own, is 
traceable as early as the time of Augustus h This court, usually, but 
not invariably restricted to cases of criminals of rank, probably arises 
from the validity of the ‘ proconsulare imperium/ and consequent power 
of life and death, within the pomoerium Tiberius was asked to try 
Cn. Piso, and, after preliminary investigation, exercised his power by 
‘ remitting ’ the case to the senate ^ ; upon which it was his usual 
practice to devolve judicial responsibility, even in* cases most naturally 
belonging to his personal jurisdiction ^ We find instances of such private 
trials after his retirement to Capreac®, though even then he more 
commonly calls in the consuls and senate to pass sentence on the 
record sent to them After him, these private courts became such an 
engine of tyranny ** as to lead to a reaction under the Flavian Caesars 
From this high criminal jurisdiction flows that delegated to others, as to 
the ‘praefcctus urbis' at home and ‘ legati ’ in the provinces, who however 
were obliged to allow the appeal to Caesar, in capital charges affecting a 
Roman citizen 

The civil jurisdiction of the princeps sitting personally, whether as a 
court of first instance or of appeal, is also found as early as the time of 
Augustus''^ and Tiberius This also might be, and was delegated, with 
appeal from the delegate to the delegant. On this subject most of the 
information comes from jurists of much later date 

We also trace an informal board of assessors as well as delegates, 
from the earliest date till the retirement to Capreae, and again under 
Claudius^’*; which passed, at a later time, into a permanent body of 
salaried jurists. 

This body is distinct from the more definite political cabinet or com- 
mittee of twenty senators, regularly appointed in virtue of magistracy or 
by lot^^ for discussion of questions to be afterwards submitted to the full 
house though these persons might also occasionally act as judicial 
assessors . 

^ Suet. Aug. 32. 2 I(L 51. 

^ See above, p. 69, and cp. H. 3. 68, 3 ; 
53 - 32, 5. 

* See 3. 10, 6, ‘ Relationem remitterc’ 
is the special privilege of the princeps. 
Lex de Imp. Vesp. 5. Cp. PUn. Epp. 4. 
9, i ‘ accusatus ... ad senatum remissus 
diu pependit." 

E g. 4 - 15, 3 - 
® Sec 6. 10, 2. 

See 6. 47, 4, etc. 
® See 13. 4, a. 

® Suet. Tit. 9; Dio, Epit. 67. a, 4. 

6. II, 4. 

Acts 22, 24; Pliii. ad Trai. 96, 4. 
Val. Max. 7. 7, 4 ; Suet. Aug. 33. 

2. 48, I. 

* See Momins. p. 943, etc. 

® Suet. Aug. 33 ; Ana. 3. 10, 6 ; Dio, 

57 7. 2, 

® Dio, 60. 4, 3. 

Dio, 53. 21, 4. 

® Suet. Aug. 35. 

Dio, 1 . 1 . 


Notwithstanding these powers, the early ‘ princeps ' lias no such 
monarchy as that of Diocletian or Constantine ; nor, on the other hand, 
does the principate follow the democratic lines traced by the dictator 
Caesar, whose memory Augustan literature seems to have been instructed 
rather to obliterate than to glorify ^ 

The popular assemblies, suspended by the triumviri, restored, but 
gradually controlled by Augustus^, are practically abolished at his death ^ 
From this time, whatever share they may have retained in the forms of 
legislation their most important function, that of electing the magistrates 
of the state, survives at most in the plebiscite, following a ‘ senatus-con- 
sultum,' by which tribunilian power is conferred on the princeps or his 
associate ® ; and, in other elections, in a mere formal ‘ renuntiatio ’ of the 
choice made by the senate ^ The importance of this change is only 
paralleled by the ease with which it appears to have been effected. 

While the people thus cease to ho an element of the constitution, the 
Caesars have made their peace with the aristocracy, and in outward form 
share a dual government with it. There are two sets of magistrates ; on 
the one hand, the old republican and senatorial hierarchy of consuls, 
praetors, etc. ; on the other, the praefects and other delegates of the 
princeps : the former, as of old, elected to oflice, grouped in ‘ collegia/ 
partitioning duties by lot, with annual tenure : the latter appointed by 
Caesar, having no colleagues with duties specifically assigned by him, 
and holding office during his pleasure. 

The old magistrates are indeed styled ‘mere names”;' still it is ad- 
mitted that, in the best days of Tiberius, ‘ consuls and praetors had their 
proper state, even the lesser magistrates had their powers in exercise'*^;’ 
and this admission can be supported by detail. 

The office of consul, though no longer, as a rule, tenable throughout 
the year, and lowered as a distinction by the multiplication of ‘ consules 
suffecti/ or of ‘consuiares' who had received only the ‘ onnmenta/ yet 
shares such dignity as remains to the senate ; with whom the consuls are 
the' official channel of communication^®, and its regular presidents when it 

^ The silence of Horace, and rescn'^c 
of Vergil, respecting him, have been often 

^ Suet. Aug. 40. 

® I. 15, I. The shortlived restoration 
by Gaius (Suet. Cal. 16) hardly needs 
mention. * 

* *Senatus consulta’ and Meges’ are 
still formally distinct (see 4. 16, 4, etc.), 
but the mode of enactment of the few 
‘ leges* cited as* belonging to the time of 

Tiberius, such as the ‘ lex Tunia Norbana' 
and ‘ lex Visellia,’ is unknown. 

^ See above, p. 70. 

® Dio, 58. 20, 4 ; Suet. Pom. lo. 

^ A solitary exception is shown in the 
‘ praefectui a praelorii," usually shared 
between two. 

“ ‘Eadem magistratuum vocabula ’ i. 

3 » r* 

* 4 - 3. 

See I. 73, 3 ; 6. 39, 2, etc. 



meets either as a deliberative ^ or judicial ® body. They can also still 
issue edicts to the people ^ and a survival even of their old summary 
power of life and death is yet traceable ^ It is indeed probable that the 
other magistrates, both through increase of their number, and through 
transference of many of their duties to imperial officers, must have often had 
merely honorary functions ; still, of the twelve praetors, the two foremost 
have their old ‘ iurisdictio and others preside at the ' quaestiones per- 
petuae ' also the important charge of the aerarium and the ‘ cura 
ludorum,' transferred from the acdiles**, belonged to this body. The 
aediles, of whom probably two were ciirule and four plebeian, though no 
doubt relieved of their ‘ cura annonae ' by the ‘ praefectus,' retain a certain 
‘^cura urbis" with power to regulate markets and prices ^ to control 
places of public resort and to impose fines 

The ten tribunes of the people appear still to have retained their seat 
of honour in senate and theatre their viatores and also their ‘ ius re- 
lationis^V and, on sufferance, even their " intercessio Of the quaestors, 
two are charged with communication between Caesar and the senate ; 
four, until the time of Claudius, have ‘ provinciae * in Italy ; one is 
attached to each consuP'*^ \ one accompanies the proconsul to each sena- 
torial province This office would be always keenly sought as 
admitting to the senatorial rank with all its duties and privileges ; the 
praetorship and consulship, again, or, failing them, the ‘ornamenta' of 
such offices, would be the highest objects of senatorial ambition, not 
only as adding to the ^ nobilitas ’ of families, but as stepping-stones to 
provincial governments ; the praetorship to those of the lesser provinces, 
the consulship, both to the greater Caesarian provinces and to the great 
senatorial prizes of Asia and Africa. On the other hand, the offices of 

^ See I. 13, 4, etc. 

2 See 1. 73, 3 ; 2. 28, 4 ; 50, 2 ; 3. 10, 

1, etc. 

^ < 5 . 13. 3 - 

* See 2. 32, 5. Even the powers con- 
ferred by the old ^idtimuin senatus con- 
siiltum ’ are still, by a fjction, treated as 
inherent in their office, 4. 19, 2. On the 
connection of these powers with the 
criminal jurisdiction of the senate, see 
below, p. 78. 

5 See Ann. 1. 15, 5 ; Agr. 6, 4. 

® See Momms. ii. p. 193. 

1. 75, 4; .Suet. Aug. 36. Claudius 
gave it back to rjuaestors. See 13. 29, 2. 
Dio, 54. 2, 3. Sec Ann. 1.15.5; 77 * 

2, etc. 

® See 3. 52, 3, etc.; Suet. Tib, 34; 
Claud. 38. 

As baths (Sen. F.p. 86, 10), popinae 
(Mart. 5, S4, etc.), and lupanaria (Ann. 2. 

85. 2)- ' 

See 13. 28, 4, and on their office to 
burn books, 4. 35, 5. , 

Suet. Claud. 23. 

Dio, 49. 15, 6. 

Ann. 16. 12, 2. 

6 , 12, I. 

77 f 3J 47# I- Cn an attempt 
to make this a reality, see 16. 26, 6. 

The * quaestores Caesaris * or ‘ Au- 
gusti.’ See Suet. Tit. 6; Momms. ii. 
5 * 7 - 

See on 4. 2*/, 3 . 

See 16. 34, I, perhaps two (Cp, Dio, 
48.43, i). 

^ I. 74, I ; Agr. 6, 2, etc. 

** This is implied in lit 33, 3, etc. 


aedile and tribune, though one or other seems usually to have formed 
part of the ^ cursus honorum had so far fallen into disrepute, that 
properly qualified candidates were apt to be wanting”. The lesser 
magistracies, held before the quaestorship, and often collectively desig- 
nated as the ‘ vigintiviratus consisted of four separate boards, (i) The 
‘ tresviri capitales’ were still charged with the duty of executing capital 
sentences, burning books, etc. ■*; but their summary jurisdiction at the 
Moenian column^ had probably wholly or mainly passed to the prae- 
fectus urbis. (2) The * tresviri monetales,’ or ‘ tresviri acre argento aiiro 
llando feriundo ' must have had their office restricted to tlie copper 
coinage still struck by the senate. Their names disajipear from the 
coinage from and after the later years of Augustus ^ (3) The ‘ quatuor- 
viri viis in urbe purgandis ' appear to have been subordinate officers to 
the aediles (4) The ‘ decemviri stlitibus iudicandis,' a very old separate 
board, became now presidents of the centumviral courts”. It is evident 
that all these greater and lesser magistracies filled considerable depart- 
ments of the home government ; and it is also known that the con- 
current, and, ultimately, encroaching functions of Caesar's ‘ praefecti ' 
began by being far less than they ultimately became ^ 

Thus the two classes of magistrates coexisted ; and a similar duality 
pervades the whole government. We have the two classes of provincial 
governments; the senatorial proconsuls, appointed by lot, with annual 
tenure ; and Caesar’s legati, specially designated, and continuing during 
his pleasure. There are two judicial systems ; on one side the consular- 
senatorial high court, the tribunals of the praetor and indices, and of the 
centumviri ; on the other, the personal court of the princeps and those 
of his delegates. There are two treasuries, each of which receives and 
expends public money; even two coinages, as the princeps coins gold 
and silver, and the senate copper 

In some departments, indeed, of the thus divided government the 
senate has, in outward show, more even than its old constitutional 
power. In form, since the abolition of the comitia, it elects the magis- 
trates of the state, wffio, through such election, themselves become 

See Agr. 6. 3. etc. Probably patri- tribuneship, see also Plin. iq)p. i. 23. 
cians. who could neither be tribunes nor “ See 3. 29, i ; Dio, 54. 26, 6. 
plebeian aediles, passed at once from 5 - 9 - S l Agr. 2, j. 

quaestors to praetors. Cic. Div. in Q. Cacc. i6, 50. 

^ This is stated of the Iribuneship Momms, ii, p. 588. 

(Suet. Aug. 40), and of the acdileship Lex lulia mun. 50 ; Momms. ii. p. 588, 

(Dio, 55. 24, 9). An attempt was made Suet. Aug. 36; Dio, 54. 26, 6. 

to ennoble this office by its tenure by On the praef. urbis, sec 6. ri, and, 

Agiippa, already a consular (Dio, 40. 43, on the praef. praetorio, 4. 2. 

I), and Marcel^us (Ann. i, 3. i) On the See Momms. p. 984, etc. 



senators. In form, again, even the choice of a princeps rests with it. 
In several other departments, its formal powers, if not increased, are yet 
retained. The domestic history of this period is still mainly a record 
of its debates and decisions ; nor is the right to express opinion limited 
strictly to the question before the house \ Formally, again, it is still the 
fountain of honour; triumphs^ and triumphal insignia days of public 
rejoicing^ and other compliments to the ruling family^, public funerals® 
and other memorials to the dead’, are awarded by its decree. By its 
decrees, again, vices ^ disorder”, unlawful religions I”, are repeatedly 
rebuked or dealt with. 

Still more remarkable is the institution and development at this time 
of the senatorial high court of criminal judicature whose proceedings 
occupy so large a space in the history of this period. It may not im- 
probably have arisen out of a survival of the old criminal jurisdiction of 
the consuls^-, the senate being conceived as his assessors, as the ‘indices’ 
were those of the praetor^®; and the accuser might apply to either of 
these courts or to the personal court of the princeps as he thought fit’\ 
In practice, the senate becomes under Tiberius by flir the most im- 
portant criminal tribunal of the state, dealing generally with the greatest 
especially with political, offences, and with criminals mostly of senatorial 
or equestrian rank or family The court is competent to refuse to 
receive a case and has some discretion in respect of sentence on the 
accused or amount of recompence to the informer but is described as 
powerless to reconsider a sentence once passed 

Abroad, though no longer controlling the greater provinces, it formally 
retains its old power over those remaining to it. To these it appoints 

^ See 2. 33 

.2; 38, 3; 3. 34, i,ctc. 

*' 1 - 65 * I 

3 - 11, I* 

I. 72, I 

2. 52, 9, etc. 

2. 32, 3 

3. 47, 3, etc. 

I. 14, 1 

3- 67 . 2 ; 64, 3. etc. 

3 - 48. I 

4. 15, 3; 6. 11, 7, etc. 

2. 83, 2 

4. 9, 2, etc. 

2 . 33, I 85, 1, etc. 

I- 77» 5; 4* 14. 4; 6. 13, 3» etc. 

2. 32, 5 ; 85, 5, etc. 

See Momms, ii. p. j i i~i 1 7. 

See above, p. 76, note 4. 

The magistrate presiding ap])ears 
no less bound by their decision, which 
was sometimes, but not as a rule, given 
on oath (see i. 74, 5 ; 4. 21, 5). The pro- 
cess is called technically * cognitio pa- 
trum,’ as distinct from the 'iudicia* of 
the praetor’s court. See i. 75, i. 

This may be illustrated by the trial 
of Piso, who at first assumes or affects to 
assume that the process will be the ordi- 

nary ‘quaestio de veneficiis’ before the 
praetor (2. 79, 2). Trio lays a charge 
before the consuls, when by another move 
it is carried before the prince|^s, who 
after an informal hearing ‘ remits ’ it to 
the senate (3. 10), choosing this course 
rather than that of sending it to the 
praetor (3. 12, 10). It is implied ^hat 
any of these three tribunals could have 
heard the case. 

That it was not restricted to these 
would appear from 3. 22, i ; 14. 40, i ; 
H. 4. 45, I, etc. 

** Criminals of lower rank are men- 
tioned in 3. 32, 5; 15. 22, I, etc., also 
foreign princes 2. 42, 5 ; 67, 3, etc., also 
slaves (14. 42, 2) or freedmeii (Plin. Epp. 
8. 14, 12) of senators. 

•» 4. 21, 4; 13. 10, 3. 

3- SO- etc. 

4. 20, 3, etc. 

^ 3* 5*» 4* See above, p. 73, note 22. 



governors, as of old, by lot or otherwise'; from these it receives all 
deputations for redress of grievances ; one such scene, that of the 
audience of the many embassies on the right of asylum, being described 
as unusually impressive \ Petitions, at other times, are addressed to it 
for relief of burdens ^ and for erection or restoration of temples * ; and 
judicial questions of boundary ^ or property®. We have even survivals 
of the old correspondence with foreign princes’^, and embassies of 
honour to such as have deserved well of Rome ®. 

The princeps keeps the senate constantly informed by reports of all 
the more important occurrences in the provinces®; and it surprises us to 
find, that even on purely military questions, though their unasked in- 
terference is resented they are represented as sharing a responsibility 

To maintain such double government in true equilibrium would be 
impossible, even if honestly attempted ; but the hollowness of this ap- 
parent duality is clearly seen, not only in that the power of the sword is 
wholly excepted from it, but also in the securities taken by the princeps 
to ensure a subservient senate. 

Admission to this body, as well as promotion to its higher ranks, was 
ordinarily gained through magistracy; and the abolition of the comitia 
would have left the senate self-elective, were not the choice of candidates 
influenced in two distinct modes by Caesar. 

(i) Any influential citizen in the old Republic might informally com- 
mend a candidate, by introducing him to the tribes, and canvassing for 
him. Augustus originally supported his friends in this manner ; but in 
and after 761, a.d. 8, a formal written ‘ commendatio ^ is substituted^^. 
Henceforth in each election we have ‘ candidati Caesaris in respect of 
whom the comitia, and afterwards the senate, have a mere conjee (Velire^''', 
and this right of ‘ commendatio ’ is strictly guaranteed in the ^ lex * con- 
ferring the principate at each succession'®. The proportion of such 
candidates is definite, and not large ; in the quaestorship apparently only 

\See 3. 32, I ; 35> I ; 58, X, etc. 

^ 3. 60, 6. 

3 I. 76, 4; 2. 47, 3 ‘>.4. x.S. i, etc. On 
such questions the initiative appears 
usually to rest with Caesar. 

* 4 - * 5 . 5: 37. 1 : 43. 6; 55 . i- 
’ 4 - 43. 1 - * 4 - 43 . 7 - 

’ 2. 88. I. ® 4. 26, 4. 

® On the constant consultation of the 
senate by Tiberius, see Suet. Tib. 30; 
b>io, 57- 7. 3. He repo'Xs to it on the 
suppression of the mutiny (i. 52, 2), the 
state of the east (2. 43, i), the Gallic 
rebellion (3. 47, 1), etc. Subsequently 
such reports become rare except where 

request is made for a decree of triumphal 
honours. See Mommsen, p.916. 

6. 3 , i. 

I. 25, 3; 26, I. The words arc 

probably insincere. 

^3 Suet. Aug. 56. 

” Dio, 53. 34, 3. A return to the prac- 
tice of the dictator (Suet. Jul. 41). 

Veil. 2. 124, 4. Cp. Ann. 1. 15, 2, etc. 

‘ Sine repulsa et ambitu designandos * 
Ann. 1 . 1 . 

Lex de Imp. Vesp. 12. There ap- 
appears also to have been right of com- 
mendation to priesthoods. See note on 

3 « 19. 



two ^ out of twenty ^ in the praetorship four out of twelve ^ ; with some 
unknown proportion of tribunes and aediles 

( 2 ) The presiding magistrate at the old eomitia could always refuse to 
receive the name of, and reject votes tendered for, an unqualified candi- 
date Out of this grew a right, claimed by Caesar as chief magistrate, 
to * nominate ’ candidates, as well as to * commend'^ / Such ‘ nominatio," 
made by publishing a list of candidates, implied no more than that they 
were qualified to receive votes, and might contain any number of names; 
but it was the interest, and probably a common practice, of the princeps, 
to name no more nor fewer candidates than there were vacancies ; and 
thus to reduce the whole election to a sham ; for, though the presiding 
consul had probably power to publish a supplementary list"*, those 
‘nominated* by Caesar would be sure of preference. In the choice of 
consuls this mode of influence seems to have been adopted. There is 
no trace of formal • commendatio,* or of special ‘ candidati Caesaris * for 
this office, but care seems to have been taken to control the elections 

Again, candidates for the quacstorship, which gave admission to the 
senate, must have been ‘ tribuni militum,* or have served on the ‘ viginti- 
viratus and had usually filled both positions. Of these qualifications, 
the first, as a military rank, could clearly be only obtained with consent 
of Caesar^'. 

Besides those entering the senate through magistracy, others are men- 
tioned in inscriptions, as early as the time of Claudius, as ‘adlecti a 
principe ^^nd names were probably then added at the ‘ lectiones sena- 
tus ' held by Augustus Such ‘ adlecti * have usually a rank assigned 
as if they had been qualified by office The power of expulsion of 
senators and annual revision of the list has been already mentioned, as 
well as the constant control of that body by the rights of ‘ relation * and 

^ ' Quacstores Caesaris ’ and ' quae- 
storcs candidati Caesaris’ are generally 
identified, Moinrns. ii, 517. 

n. 22, 9. The doubling of the 
number by the dictator Caesar (Dio, 43. 
47, 2) was probably not pernianeiit. 

^ I. 15, 2. The number 12 is some- 
times exceeded. Sec on 2. 32, i. 

* As to tribunes, it is only known that 
some were ‘candidati Caesaris' (Henzeii, 
Inscr. 6501) ; as to aediles, not even 

^ E. g. Liv. 7. 22 ; 9. 46. The phrase 
is ‘accipere nomcn ’ or ‘rationcm habere, 
alicuius.’ See also Veil. 2. 92, 3. 

« See Dio, 53, 21, 7 ; 58. 20, 3. 

See I. 14, 6. 

® The language of Plin. Pan. 69 ap- 
pears to imply that those who were 
neither ‘commended’ nor ‘nominated* 
by Caesar, had yet hojic of election. < 

® See on i. 81. Afterwards they seem 
more directly appointed by Caesar. See 
H. I. 77, 2 ; 2 . 71, 3; Moinnis. p. 8S4. 

See on 3. 29, i. 

In form, some are still ‘a populo,* 
others ‘August!.* See Marquardt, Staatsv. 
h. p. 3.‘i4- 

Henzen, Inscr. 6005, etc. 

Sec above, p, 71, and Mon. Anc. ii. i. 

‘Inter tribunicios,’ ‘praetorios,’ etc. 
Orell. Inscr. 1170, etc. ‘Adlecti inter 
consulares’ are not found till the third 
century. Monims. p. 901^ 


‘ intercession ^ ’ to which may be added the power of preventing ob- 
noxious senators from drawing lots for provinces 

The duality of government is thus shown to be fictitious ; but it was 
the policy of most principes, especially of Augustus and Tiberius, to lay 
‘ public affairs and the most important matters relating to individuals ’ 
before the senate, ‘ to allow the chief men to debate, and even to check 
their servility Besides the formal share of government already men- 
tioned as left to them, we find, as an additional recognition of their 
dignity, that even the commanders of the legions, and the governors of 
Caesarian provinces, in whose choice the senate has no share, are yet 
always chosen from its ranks. 

Similar prudent moderation marks the position and demeanour of the 
early Caesars in other respects; notwithstanding that Oriental ideas of 
monarchy could not fail to modify the professed idea of the Augustan 
constitution, whereby the princeps was but the first citizen of Rome k 
The vast patronage at his disposal would of itself surround him with the 
atmosphere of a court and its crowd of petitioners for favour ^ Ills 
daily levee was thronged by magistrates and senators of highest rank, as 
those of other Roman nobles by their humble clients ; while the assemb’ 
lage on greater occasions approached a national gathering ^ The 
‘ cohors amicorum,' though an old Republican institution, accpiires a 
new significance, and has its hierarchy of grades, grounded partly on the 
rank or official position, but chiefly on the actual personal intimacy of 
the friend The interchange of presents on gala days \ the invitation to 
occasional banquets ^ the selection of a person as a companion in travel 
\vcre valued as marks of special favour; the formal renunciation of 
friendship was tantamount to a sentence of banishment Yet, on the 
other hand, the early princeps disclaims the public title of ^domlnusd- 

' See above, p. 7 1 . 

Ann. 6. 40, 3. Another means of 
control over the senate consisted in the 
appointment by Caesar of the registrar 
of thpir *acta’ (5.4, 1), so ns to ensure 
suppression of obnoxious records. 

^ 4. 6, 2. 

* For a full account of the court of the 
princeps and its ceremonial, see Fried- 
laender, Sitteng. i. ch. 2. The subject 
belongs chiefly to a later period, and will 
be further mentioned in the Introduction 
to vol, ii. It may here be mentioned 
that Tiberius prohibited the daily kiss, 
apparently introduced from the East by 
Augustus, and limited the gifts (‘slrcnae'). 
See Suet. Tib. 34. 

® See the reasons for retirement, pressed 
on Tiberius by Stianus (4, 41, 4). 

* See Dio, 56. 26, 3, etc. 

On the distinction ‘ primac ct sccundne 
admissioiiis ’ and the repuDliean prece- 
dents, see Fricdl. I. ]. j). iiy, also a full 
list of the friends of the ( aesar, from the 
time of Augustus; p. 182, sqq. 

• Especially on the ist o I January. See 
Dio, 54. 35, 2, etc. 

® ‘Solenncs cocnae * (Suet. Tib. 34). 

The ‘comitatus’ usually included 
senators and knights, ami others of neither 
rank, who are rather ‘ grati ’ than ‘ amici.'' 
Sec note on 4. 58, i ; also Suet. Tib. 46. 

See 3. 24, 5. The banishment of 
Ovid was more formal, hut apparently by 
mere command, without judicial process" 

2. 87, 2 (where see note). On the 
use of this title in ordinary life, see 
Fricdl. i. p. 395, sqtp 



nor has he throne or diadem, but the familiar curule chair, the laurel- 
wreath and lictors. His household troops keep the old title of ‘ cohors 
praetoria/ Nor is Dio right in representing him as ‘ legibus solutus ^ ' 
his special exemption from some laws ^ implying that he is bound by all 
others. Again, his family have no dignities except by special decree. 
Livia, the type in early times of exceptional female privilege, received 
tribunitian sanctity, and was made ^sui iuris ’ in her husband’s lifetime^: 
her honours at his death were strictly limited^; her deification at the 
time of her death refused ^ ; her political influence was only personal : 
not till after Domitian does ‘ Augusta ' become a regular title ® ; only 
Agrippina seems formally to share the power of husband or son, and to 
be in very deed an ‘ empress : ’ the association of the sisters of Gaius in 
the oath seems a mere freak of power : sons of the ruling house are 
no more than, and are not always, ‘ principes iuventutis ’ in youth ; and 
arc afterwards enabled only by special decree^ to forestall the lawful age for 
magistracies : the households of Caesar are at first no greater than those 
of other eminent citizens his secretaries, accountants, etc., no higher 
than freedmen. 

Nor could the princeps formally name a successor; much as he could 
do indirectly to guide the choice of one. The person left heir in his will 
had a position of vantage by succeeding to the ‘ fiscus,’ in which public 
money w\as mingled with the ‘res privata principis:’ yet neither Livia 
nor Tiberius Gemellus acquired by heirship any share of empire. An 
act of adoption by the princeps is figuratively called by Tacitus ‘ comitia 
imperii ; * but such adoption was not limited to one and hardly receives 
its full significance till the adoption of Trajan. Similarly the title of 
‘ princeps iuventutis,’ though sometimes taken to mark out a successor 
might be shared by more than one and was usually dropped at man- 
hood. Far more influence would be exerted by the association of an in- 
tended heir in the ‘ proconsulare imperium,’ or ‘ tribunitia potestas,’ or, as 
was the case with Tiberius, in both But this step was rarely taken, and 

^ r)io, 53. 18, 1. 

Sec I.ex clc Imp. Vesp. 24. 

Dio, 49. 38, 1 (719, B.c. 35). Octavia 
received the same privilege with her. 

^ I. S, 2 ; 14, I. On subsequent marks 
of respect, see 3. 64, 3 ; 71 1 ; 4. 15, 4; 

i6, 6. 

® 5- 2 , I. 

Momms. p. 794. 

’ Suet. Cal. 15. 

* Sec on I. 3, 2. 

• Sec on 3, 29, I. 

See 4. 6, 7. 

See 1.8, I ; Suet. Aug. loi. 

Suet. Tib. 76. 

II. 1. 14, I. 

Gaius and Lucius were adopted to- 
gether (see on 1. 3, 2), as were afterwards 
Tiberius and Agrippa Postumus (Suet. 
Tib. J5). 

Gaius Caesar is called Mam dcsig- 
natus princess ’ in the cenotaph of Pisa, 
Orcll. 643. 

As by Gaius and Lucius. 

.See on I. 3, 3. 


might even be dangerous, for not every heir could so be trusted \ ‘ Pro- 

consularc imperium ’ seems indeed capable of degrees, and was given to 
Germanicus^, probably to Drusus^ probably also to Scianus'*, in a lower 
form than the full ^ consortium" held by Tiberius® with Augustus. The 
tribunitian power seems to be treated as more significant, and is sharcil 
still more sparingly ; with Augustus only by Agrippa and Tiberius, wiili 
Tiberius only by Drusus®; never again, till shared by Titus with 
Vespasian : and even Tiberius, when first admitted to share that power, 
must have felt that others stood nearer to the succession than he. 

But whatever the position of the expectant successor, tlie formal choice 
lay with the senate, and its ratification with the comitia and the powers 
were again defined at each succession®. In any case, the principale is 
no monarchy in which ‘ the king never dies ; " there is always an intervah 
during which its character as an excrescence of the revolution reapi)ears, 
in that no ‘ interrex ’ is needed as if the republic had been* left without 
chief magistrates- The competence of the consuls still survives ; to them 
a living princeps can pretend’®, or even offer” to resign; and at his 
death they carrj’ on government during the interval and the form of the 
constitution is still complete. 

The senate again at these epochs may assert itself by ‘ condemning the 
memory of the dead, whether by omitting his name from the list of 
precedents in the ^ lex " of his successor ”, or by the milder anixia of 
refusing deification’®. Among other formidable ‘secret principles of the 
constitution " revealed in 821, a. d. 68, w^as also this, that the senate could 
even unmake and outlaw a living princeps, through the old formula, 
invoked by Tiberius against his own natural heirs of declaring him a 
public enemy 

Without doubt the early principes owed much of the stability of their 

^ See on 3. 56, 3. ^ See above, p. 70. 

^ See 1. 14, 4. It was not valid in the As in the Lex de Imp. Vesp. 

East without a fresh <iecree (2. 43, 2). As Tiberius, 4. 9, i. 

^ It is i^robable (see 1. 14, 5) that As V^ilollius, ll. 3. 68, 3. 

Di'usys had it after his consulshij); but Ann. i. 7 ’ 4 ! L i* 

it was not valid within the pomoeriiiin See Monirns. p. 1078. 

(see 3. 19, 4). So that of Nero under Thus tlie names of Gaius and Nero, 

Claudius was only ‘extra urbem ' (12. Galba, Olho, and Vi tel; i us, - are omitted 
41, 2). from the Lex de Ini|). Vesp. The ‘ re- 

* Scianus is called ‘ adiiitor/ not ‘col- .scussio actorurn’ rest- d rather with the 

let^^a ’ (4. 7, 2). The term in 5. 6, 2, is successor. Suet. (d. ii. 

of doubtful meaning. Tiberius, though his name was not 

® We are not told that even this was omitted like those mentioned above, 

valid within the city, though the com- was not deified, nor were his ‘acta’ in- 

mand taken of the guard hy Tiberius on eluded in the annual oath of maintenance, 

the death of Augustus (1. 7, 7) would Sec Dio, 59. 9, i. 

apr)ear to imply it. Suet. Cal. 7. 

® 3 - 56, 5* ” Suet. Ncr. 49. 

’ Suet, Til, 6. » 

G 2 



rule to their subtle manipulation of republican ideas. Not even ‘ the 
extinction of the bolder spirits by proscription and battle V and the growth 
of ‘ a generation bent on slavery^/ helped them more than the homage 
paid at least in the letter to constitutional forms, the respect for which, 
even in the character of fictions and survivals, is so marked a trait of the 
Roman mind ; especially at a time when demoralisation and its remedies 
were alike felt to be burdensome and men could neither bear complete 
bondage nor complete liberty ^ If Julius Caesar might have pleaded 
that he had but gone a step further on the path of Sulla ; Augustus, with 
far more prudence, made a show of imitating the great autocrat of the 
aristocracy only in his wish to abdicate ; while ruling under more skilful 
disguise, and with more coinjilete precedents. Men might recollect, and 
were, no doubt, industriously reminded, that even his more irregular 
[)owers were severally such as their fathers had acquiesced in : that there 
had always 1:)een a constitutional right to commend and to reject can- 
didates for a magistracy : that the senate had been always in theory no 
more than an advising body : that a * cohors praetoria ’ was as old as the 
days of Scipio African us : that Gracchus had contemplated, and partly 
realised, a continuity of * tribunitian power : ’ that Marius and Sulla, and 
still more Pompeius, and yet more recently Cassius ^ had held an ' impe- 
rium maius,' embracing more than a province : that l^ompeius again, most 
dangerous innovator of all, had been admiral of the state, with power to 
send his fleets where he would ^ ; and had even been consul at home, 
while holding ‘ proconsularc imperium ’ abroad, administered by legati 
in his name. It was by a strange irony of fate, that, not only demagogues, 
but even the last great champions of the ‘ optimates,’ supplied the leading 
political ideas of the Caesars ; and that it was by weapons drawn mainly 
from its own armoury that the senatorial rule had perished. 

‘ I. 2, I. 

" 3. 3* 

■ ‘ N'ec vitia nostra nee remedia 
I’ossnmns ’ Liv. Praef. 9. 

‘ ‘ Impcralunis es honiinibus qui ncc 
totam sorviUitcm pati possunt nee totam 
lilicrtatcm' H. i. 16, ii. 

® See above, pp. 79, 80. 

Fes til s, s. V. 

^ See Cic. Phil. ii. 12, 

” ‘ OrniU’s terras Cii. Pompeio atque 
omnia maria esse permissa ' Cic? keg. 
Agr. 2. 17, 46. 






Population of Rome and its classes— (rt) senators, (0 knights, (^') plebs, 
(^/) slaves ......... 

Police and g^eneral condition of the city and people ...... 90 

Condition and population of Italy . . . . . . . . -9* 

Tile Provinces — 

Boundaries of the empire at the death of Augustus ..... 9;. 

List of senatorial provinces, and further account of the two principal 

ones, Asia and Africa ......... <>4 

Caesarian jirovinces 9S 

General administration of provinces during this period . . . . ic i 

Dependent stales and principalities 10 2 

Military and naval forces . . . 10;, 

Consolidation of the empire . . . . . . . . . . . lov; 

Approximation to unity in language, status, religion , . . . . .110 

In the selection of what can here be said on this great subject, cliief 
stress must be laid on the information furnished by Tacitus liimsclf. 
Among modern works, especial obligations must be acknowledged to 
Marquardt’s ‘ Romische Staatsverwalturig/ and Fricdlacnder’s ‘ Sitten- 
geschichte,' to which those who seek further information must be re- 
ferred k 

The People of Rome. 

Tpwards the aristocracy the policy of Augustus and Tiberius was 
eminently conservative ; and though many noble houses had perished in 
the revolution, many others were saved from decay by imperial gifts k 
sufficiently frequent to be almost regarded by a Hortensius as his right k 
dkberius is also specially recorded to have considered nol)ility of ancestry 
in his award of honours k Consequently, we still find under him not 

only the Acmilii Lepidi and Calpurnii Puioncs^ holding their heads 


* Several matters, belonging more ^ 2. 37, 7. 

properly to a later date, will be men- * 4 . 6, 2. 

tioned in the Introduction to vol. ii. * See 3. 22, i j 6. 27, 5 ; and notes. 

See I. 75, 5 > 2. 37, I ; Suet. Aug. 41. « 2. 43, 4. 



almost as high as under the republic, but also many other time-honoured 
names frequent in high positions, such as those of Aurelius Cotta ^ 
Cassius Longinus ^ Cornelius Lentulus^ Cornelius Sulla Felix ^ Do- 
mitius Ahenobarbus Furius Camillus ^ Junius Silanus'^, Mamercus 
Scaurus^ Scribonius Libo®, Sulpicius Galba ^‘*, Valerius Messala ”, and 
others. Such families showed their pride of ancestry in the host of 
ancestors surrounding their atrium and paraded at their funerals ” ; and 
even their unworthy members seem to have retained no small share 
of popular reverence Side by side with these are the houses that had 
come to the front in the revolution, as the descendants of Agrippa 
Pollio and Taurus ”, or those since ennobled like the Viiellii while a 
Sulpicius Quiriiius under Augustus, or a Curtius Rufus*” under Tibe- 
rius, are examples of men of the people rising to rank by personal 
energy. Such decay of old himilies as belongs to this stage, seems thus 
to be traceable to little else but their own hideous gluttony and luxury 
and ruinous ostentation^-; to their vast parks and villas which helped to 
make the food of Italy dependent on wind and wave ^ and which had 
seemed, even in the time of Horace, to be crowding the fish out of the 
sea and leaving on land few acres for the plough 

It must be l)orne in mind that senatorial families must have ranged in 
wealth from the bare census of a million exceeded by many 

knights and even freedmen, to the 400 millions of an augur Lentulus 
'rhe greatest, with their vast estates and slave-gangs in Italy and the 
provinces, and often with great sums employed in trade and usury, 
through indulgent administration of prohibitory laws lived on a princely 
scale, and rewarded their host of retainers with almost royal munifi- 
cence On the other hand, the amount of state and style of 

' .V 2, 5, etc. 

6. 15, I, etc. 

•' 4. 46, 1, etc. 

^ 6. 15, I, etc. 

4. 75, I, etc. 

® 2. 52, 5. etc. 

" 2. 59, I, etc. 

^ I. 13, 4, etc. He is .said to have 
been the last of his house. See note on 
6. 29, 7. 

•’ 2. r, I, etc. 

3 - 52. I. etc. 

“ 1.8, 5, etc. 

2 , 27, 2, etc. 

3. 76, 4, etc. 

Sympathy is shown on tins ground 
to the undeserving Lepida. See 3. 23, i. 

77 » vie. His descendants by 
Julia are not here meant. 

1. 12, 6 , etc. 

” 2. I, I. 

See Suet. Vit, 2. 
” 3. 2. 

II. 21, 3. 

.3* 55’ Tntrod. to vol. ii. 

‘ Studio magnificentiae prolabrban- 
tiir ^ 1. 1. 

3- .33. .3 ; .34. /• 

Cp. Ilor. Od. 2. 15, I ; 3. i, 33. 

See note on i. 75, 5. 

See note on 3. 59, 1. 

‘Neque enim quisquam tali culpa 
vacuus * 6. t6 , 5. 

Mcssalinus Cotta (see on 2. 32, 2) 
was long remembered for his munificence 
(Juv. 5, 109 ; 95) ; which is illustrated 

by an inscription, recording repeated 
gifts of 400,000 H.S. to a freedman, and 
other bounty to his family. .See Friedl. 
i. 220. ♦ 


life ^ imposed even on the poorest would make many anxious to lay down 
their rank and many outsiders of moderate means well-satisfied not to 
enter it ^ On the whole, however, such a position was the gieat ol>jcct 
of ambition, and admission to its ranks or a rise in tliein was sought by 
fair means or foul. The base side of senatorial character is abundantly 
brought before us by Tacitus; on the other hand, it is but fair to recol- 
lect that from this class come the series of provincial governors, of 
whom few are unequal to their place, and many show Iiigli qualities of 
tlie soldier and statesman, while even so low a nature as that of L. 
Vitellius rises above itself under the responsibilities of powers At home 
again even the pliant Ateius Capito shares with his nobler rival Antistius 
Labeo the glory of founding the system of jurisprudence which forms 
the greatest legacy bequeathed by Rome to the world I 

The second or equestrian order had also undergone many changes 
under Augustus ; who, besides reconstituting the judicial body into four 
decuriae each about 1000 strong, of whom the three first were essentially 
equestrian had also reorganized and frequently revised the list of 
‘ equites equo publico,’ who, as a more select body within the mass, are 
called * equites Romani ’ in a stricter sense. Their solemn processions 
were revived and the expectant heirs of the empire, Gains and Lucius, 
became their heads, under the title of ‘ principes iuventutis I'he ‘ ius 
annulorum,’ still, as would appear, not permitted beyond this select 
body*’, was further subjected in the ninth year of Tiberius to stringent 
regulations respecting birth as well as census 

From Augustus also dates the rise of a still more select equestrian 
aristocracy under the title of ‘ equites illustres ’ or other similar names ; 
men of senatorial census, or even among the wealthiest in the state 
who remained within the eciuestrian rank from choice. Of these the 
most famous was IMaecenas, and those who filled similar positions in 

' In the time of Tiberias, n house 
rentv^t at 6000 Il.S. would be almost 
too mean for a senator. Veil. 2. 10, i. 

^ 1* 75 « .^* 

Cp. the sentiment of Horace, Sat. 
I. 6, 100-109. 

* 6. 32, 6. 

® See 3. 75. 

See ri. N. II. 33. 1 (7), 30. It would 
appear that Augustus did not really re- 
constitute the * tribuni aerarii,^ to whom, 
as representatives of the plebs, his fourth 
‘decuria' practically corresponded; but 
formed his first three ‘decuriae’ of senators 
and knights mixed ; and that, when the 
senate itself became a judicial body. 

senators probably ceased to sit on the 
‘decuriae iurlicumf which thus come to 
be called ‘decuriae eijuilum’ 'rib. 

41). See Marquardt, Ifist. !''([. Rom. 
p 50, note. Subsccjueiitly, the fourth 
‘clecuria,’ originally plebeian (Suet. Aug. 
32), became equestrian, and a fifth was 
added by Gaius, 

^ Suet. Aug. 38, 

® 1.3, 2. 

» Plin. 1. 1. 

Plin. 1 . 1 . 32. 

.See note on 2. 59, 4. 

Vedius Pollio (see on i. 10, 4) wes 
a knight of enormous wealth, the ^on oi 
a freedinan. Dio, 54, 23, i. 



imperial confidence afier him, as Sallustius Crispus ^ and Seianus, and 
many others who by filling such offices as the important ‘ praefecturae ' 
in Rome" and that of Egypt ^ held a position superior to most senators. 
The equestrian order was thus a gainer by the revolution, both through 
the relative depression of the order above them, and through the special 
career of emolument and distinction held out to them ^ Throughout 
the empire, their ' societates ’ farmed the revenue ® ; the residence of 
senators in Rome left them the aristocracy of municipal Italy and the 
provinces ; and many might pass from the lower to the higher rank of 
their order by gaining the ‘ knights’ patent of nobility — a procurator- 

The resident senators and knights with their wives and children, and 
many of the families of those absent on foreign service, formed an upper 
population in Rome, variously estimated at from 10,000 to nearly 50,000'^. 
To these wealthy classes belonged most of the ‘doinus' or palaces^, 
filling, with their gardens and grounds, so large a portion of the city ; 
which, with the great addition made by Augustus to the public buildings 
and open spaces, must have compressed into closer and closer quarters 
the vast crowd occupying the chambers in the Tnsulae’ or blocks of 
buildings, towering often seventy feet high where the ‘ plcbs ^ found such 
lodgings as they could afford, and, in the labyrinthine streets of ‘ vetus 
Roma ’ before the lire of Nero lived in probably even greater dis- 
comfort than in tlie time* of JuvenaPk The plcbs, however, had its 
many grades of position within its ranks. Many must have been only 
barely below the equestrian census and many others, if not, like the 
senators and cqiiites, great capitalists, must have earned in various ways 
large incomes, in the thousand callings and trades of Rome. To this 
class also belonged vast numbers, among freeborn or freedrnen, of wlvat 
are now called the liberal professions. The schoolmaster, as Orbilius 

^ See 3. 30, 4. 

^ Tlic ‘ praefectus nrln ’ was a senator 
of consular rank, but the ‘jiracfccti prae- 
loricf/ 'aimoiiae/ and Sdgiliun/ were 

=' H. I. II, I. 

* 'Hie erjucstrian ' ciirsiis honorum’ may 
be illustrated by the inscription to Va- 
lerius Proculus (Wilm. 1256), who was 
successively praefectus cohortis, legionary 
tribune, praefectus classis, procurator of 
fwe provinces rising in importance, prae- 
fectus annouae, and lastly praefectus 

•> 4. 6, 4. 

«Agr. 4, I. 

Sec Marquardt, Staatsv. ii. p. f20; 
Fricdl. i. p. 52 ; Dyer, Diet, of Gcog. 
• Roma,’ p. 747. 

^ (.)n the distinction of ^doraus’ and 
‘ insulae,’ see 6. 45, i, etc. 

Augustus had fixed this limit (Strab. 
5. 3, p. 235), which would be far below 
the height of many hoiLses in the old city 
of Edinburgh. 

15- 3^. 4 ; Liv. 5- .SS' 

” Juv. 3. 193^225. 

Hor. Ep. r. I, 58. 

Id, Ep. 2. I, 70. 


or Verrius Flaccus ^ ; the rank and file of advocates who managed 
cases beneath the dignity of the great senatorial pleaders ; many, if not 
most of the teachers of rhetoric^; lawyers even of such reputation as 
Masurius Sabinus were still plebeians. Such again, probably not so 
often freeborn Romans as freedmen or foreigners, w^ere the architects, 
sculptors, painters, and other artists, the musicians and players the 
physicians ^ and practitioners of the forbidden arts of astrology”^ and 
magic. Another large class would include the inferior officials in the 
public service, scribes, apparitors, attendants on magistrates, and many 
other walks of middle-class life which cannot here be specified. 

Below all these lay a great mass of poverty, ranging from those who 
had more or less scanty or precarious earnings down to the beggarswho, 
as now, infested the public places. For the ‘ plebs sordida,' many of 
whom were outside the pale of the thirty-five tribes ^ such provision as 
would answer to a modern poor law was made by the monthly corn dole 
and other occasional subsidies ^ Also large numbers of the poorer and 
many also of the better classes got what they could from the position of 
clients of noble houses. On the ‘ clientcla ’ under the empire most of our 
information is of later date ; but it would seem even from Horace that 
the old ideas and old personal relation of clientship^^ had passed away, 
and that already great men had their ostentatious crowds of such depen- 
dents. Still Augustan literature knows nothing of the scramble for the 
‘ sportula,' or the ignominious position of a Trebius at the table of a 

Side by side with the rapidly diminishing ‘ plebs ingenua ' was the 
swarm of freedmen. Most of these were probably still outside the pale of 
the tribes and none had yet the political and social position in which this 


* A freodman, whose reputation as made a hnight (Dio, 53. 30, 3b On do- 

a teacher induced Augustus to employ niestic physicians, see on 4. 63, 3. 

him to teach Iiis sons. ^Suct. de ]ll. ’ As Thrasyllus (6. 2c, 3). 

Gr. 17. * See the inscription (Orell. 754) of the 

* Cogitaret plebcm quae toga enitc- time of Titus, ‘ Ple2)s urbana (juac fru- 

secret ’ 1 1. 7, 7. In the time of Juvenal mentum publicum accipit et trihus;’ 

(7, 106, sejq.) they were an ilbpaid also the distinction in Suet. Aug. 57, 

order. between ‘ tribus ’ and ‘ cetcrum genus.’ 

® Blandus, in the time of Augustus, ® See 2. 87, 1, etc. 
was the first knight who ever aclopted 'Glieiiti promere iura’ Kp. 2. i, 

this profession. See note on 6. 27, i. 104. 

* He was made a knight by 'riberius, Horace gives a picture of friendly 

but not till he was fifty years old. On clientship in the later Republic, in the 

l»lebeian lawyers, cp. Juv. 8, 49. story of Philippus and Volteius (Dp. 1. 

’’ The singer Tigellius a Sardinian 7, 46, sqq.), 

(Hor. Sat. i. 3, 3); most of the ‘his- ‘ Tuiba clientium ’ Od. 3. i, 13. 

trioncs’ were freedmen. See notes on 1. 4. 27, 3. 

54, 3, etc. Later, the tribes were full of them 

** Antonins ^lusa, a freedman, was (13. 27, 1). 



class are found a generation later ^ Even at this date there are those whose 
wealth and position might vie with that of the nobles ^5 and great numbers 
must have belonged to professions or callings requiring high education 
and earning high payment. The remainder probably swelled the ranks 
of the client-class. Augustus endeavoured both to limit manumission by 
enactment and precept and also to utilise freedmen in the service of the 
state ; in which they formed the bulk of the ^ vigiles and were even 
drafted wholesale into the legions after the catastrophe of Varus ^ ; while 
under Tiberius a large number were deported to be made useful or left 
to perish in Sardinia ^ and a law was passed to define the status of a 
class of this order 

Any numerical estimate of the ‘ plebs urbana' with their wives and 
families rests almost wholly on guess-work. We cannot tell how many 
of the suburban or even nearest rural population may have helped to 
swell the numbers of the 200,000 recipients of public corn under Augustus^ 
or the 250,000 to 300,000 sharers in his occasional ‘ congiaria It is 
therefore not surprising that calculations from such data give a result 
varying from more than a million to less than half that sum 

Similar uncertainty attends the attempt to estimate the mass of public 
and private urban slaves. They are generally called a vast multitude ; 
the ‘ familia ' of Pedanius Secundus alone numbers 400 ; still the 

majority of the plebs must have had none or next to none, and many poor 
knights or senators very few. A reasonable estimate takes them at 
800,000 or 900,000, who, with perhaps 60,000 peregrini, and a garrison 
of 20,000 may make up the million and a half to two millions of souls 
in Rome 

To this vast crowd the chief gift of Augustus was a fairly efficient 
organization of police. The city was partitioned into fourteen ‘ regioncs,' 
each allotted to the charge of one of the magistrates for the year 

^ See Introd. to vol. ii. 

* The u ealth of Idciiius under Augustus 
is proverbial (see Juv. i, J09, and Mayor, 
ad loc.) ; and under Tiberius we hear of 
a freedman temporarily prefect of Egypt 
(Dio, 58. 19, 6) ; and of others, Thallus, 
Euhodus (Jos. Ant. 18. 6, 4, 8), and 
Nomius (Plin. N. H. 13. 65, 94), as rich 
and influential. 

He restricted those to be manumitted 
by will to 100, and advised his successors 
to be sparing in the practice. Dio (Zon.) 
56. 3 .b 3 - 

^ Dio, 55. 26, 4. 

^ * Veniacula multitudo ’ i. 31, 4. 

2. 85, 5. 

‘ I.ex lunia Norbana.* 

* Mon. Anc. iii. 21. 

® Id. iii. 14-16. 

** Sec Marquardt, ii. p. 1 20; Friedl. i. 
p. 52 ; Merivale, Must. c. xl. p. 495, etc. ; 
Dyer, 1 . 1 . p, 747, 

3 - 53 . 5; 4 - 27, 3 - 
'' 14. 43. 5 - 

I. e. the vigiles, urban cohorts, and, 
from the ninth year of Tiberius, nine 
pnaetorian cohorts. 

** Sec the authorities above cited. 

Dio, 55. 8, 6, under the year 748, 

B.C. 6. « 


Under these were grouped the 265 ‘ vici or quasi-parochial corporations, 
choosing each their four wardens or ‘ vico-magistri whose duties, 
though mainly religious, were also in part constabulary at least till the 
institution in 756, a.d. 6, of the ‘ vigilesV who were so distributed that 
each cohort, 1000 strong, had watch and w'ard of two regions "’, to guard 
from fire and robbery ; both of which were still rife enough in crowded 
districts, and streets lit only by the poor passenger’s lamp-wick, and now 
and then by the rich man’s torch train ^ Besides the ‘ vigiles,’ the urban 
anc^ praetorian guards were in reserve, if needed, and the police magis- 
tracy, beyond such powers as remained to aediles and other magistrates ^ 
rested with the city praefect 

The principate of Tiberius seems on the whole to mark the period 
when the populace are least considered. They take the oath of allegiance 
at his accession and then seem to retire from ]:)romincnce. They have 
no votes to sell the general tie of clientship would thereby become 
more unmeaning, and the rabble are not yet the ‘ clientela Caesaris.’ 
Their only interest is in their bread and their amusements and in both 
they seem to have their grievances. To keep famine at bay is indeed felt 
by the princeps to be his most arduous task and to require efforts far 
exceeding those of Augustus Still, the cry for bread, finding expression 
at the great popular gatherings of the games, is fierce and even menacing^'* ; 
in the general poverty even a small tax seems burdensome ; and, 
beyond doing his utmost for the food suj)ply, Tiberius keeps them at a 
distance. The legacies of Augustus are paid grudgingly ‘congiaria’ 
are infrequent and, though the people have the cheap daily lounge 
of their public baths, thanks to Maecenas and Agrippa, and their ‘ cir- 
censes’ and new Mudi Augustales ’ yet the presence of the princeps 
at their games, if vouchsafed at all, is no longer genial and the sangui- 
nary excitement of gladiatorial shows so rare, that crownls flock to one 
given by private speculation in the neighbourhood Their moods are 
schooled and rebuked by edicts, their murmurs treated as vapour *’^, 

^ Plin. N. II. 3. 5, 66. 

® Suet. Aug. 30; Dio, 55. 8, 6. 

Dio, 1. 1. See Marquardt, iii. p. 


* Dio, 55. 26, 4. 

® Paulus, Dig. I. 15, 3. Sec Mar- 
quardt, ii. p. 470. 

® 3, 197, sqq. ; and 278, sqq. 

^ Sec above, ch. vi. pp.*76, 77. 

^ 6 . II. 

T- 7. 3- 
Juv, 10, 77. 

Id. 10, 80.^ 



. 3 . 5’h « ; 

6. 13, 2 . 
Ann, I.I. 
I. 78, 2. 
Dio, 57. 

4. 6, 6. 

14, 2. 

See 2. 42, I ; 3. 29, 3. 

I- 15, 3; .^4. 3- 
r- .s4» 3 ; 76, 6. 

4. 62, 3 ; Suet. Tib. 47, 

I. 8, 6 ; 3. 6, I ; 4. 67, C. 
6. 13, 3. 

I. 15, 2, etc. 

9 % 


their compliments declined One genuine enthusiasm, that for Gcr- 
mauicus and his house seems left to them ; otherwise those for 
whom none care, care for none ; and find it their one sound instinct to 
side with fortune and to hate the fallen worthy parents of those who, 
half a century later, looked on civil war in the streets as only a more 
exciting gladiatorial combat \ 


Few changes of importance in the administration or condition of 
belong to this period, Augustus was but recognising facts already 
accomplished, in fixing the western frontier of Italy at the line of the Varus 
(Var)^ and of the small procuratorial province, of the maritime Alps : 
a small semi-independent state being reserved in the district of the Cottian 
Alps round Segusium (Susa) near Turin On the east, Istria was 
included, the Arsia (Arsa) being fixed as the boundary towards Illyricum^. 

Augustus had also given the peninsula its first organization as a whole, 
by mapping it out into the eleven regions recorded by Pliny ; an 
arrangement which, though probably intended only to fixeilitate a census, 
became the pei manent basis of its administration, which in other respects 
appears to have undergone little change till the second century A.od^. 

The probable population of Italy at this time can be barely guessed 
at ” ; but there is abundant evidence that the free rustic people, rapidly 
diminishing as early as the time of the Gracchi^®, and further thinned by 
civil wars, had sunk far below the number that could have been employed 
or supported; probably even below the uXiyai'fipcorrLa'^'^ of the time of 
the dictator Caesar. Strabo attests the depopulation of Southern Italy : 
Livy is no less explicit on that of the central districts, and is amazed that 
the country which once sent fortli the Accpiian and Volscian armies could 
now barely recruit the household troops of Rome, and would be a desert, 
but for the slave-gangs : the most eloquent words ascribed by Tacitus 

* As tlie title of ‘pater patriae’ i. 72, 
2 ; 2. 87, 2. 

“ See I. 33 ; 2. 41 ; 82 ; 3. 1 -6 ; ii ; 
r- a ".S* 

" Juv. 10, 73. 

‘ if. .3. 83^ I. 

'' Plin. N. II. 3. 5, 44; Luc. 1, 404. 

® Ann. 15. 32, t; II. 2. 12, 5. 

" The native prince, Cotliirs, ranhed 
as ‘ praefectus.’ Insc. Orell. 626. Under 
Nero it became a province. Suet. Ner. 

riiii. N. H. 3, 5, 44. 

N. H. 3. 5, 46, etc. See IMarquardt, 

Staalsv. i. p. 69. 

Spart. Iladr. 22, 13. 

Mcrivale (eh. xxxix. p. 432) would 
estimate it as hi|;;li as thirteen millions ; 
which, when all the towns arc allowed 
for, and the rural slaves, would still 
leave the free rustic population scanty 
for the area. But probably this total 
is far too hig;h. 

ITut Ti. (Vacch. 8. 

13 Dio, 43. 25, 2. 

5. c. p. 242 ; and 6 . p. 253, 3S1, 

6. 12. 



to Tiberius dwell on the scanty produce of a soil that cannot have been 
cultivated to its best h Pliny traces the evil to the ‘ latifundia/ which 
had extinguished all careful and energetic husbandry " ; the words of 
Tiberius point scornfully to the tracts made wholly unproductive by the 
noble mansions with their parks and pleasure grounds Probably the 
rich and fertile Transpadane district, less devastated by civil war, and 
apparently more free from the curse of the chained slave-gangs ^ may 
have formed a contrast to the general state of the peninsula, in which the 
huge city, and many flourishing towns, must have made the desolation of 
other towns and of the rural districts only more evident. 

Love of country life, with its frugal simplicity and healthy habits, is 
undoubtedly genuine in Horace ; and the ideal of such a life, or of that of 
a retired Italian town, is professedly admired by many a Roman who knew 
as little of it as the money-lender Alfius or who had little real intention 
to take refuge at Cumae w'ith Umbricius'’, or to change the perilous 
distinctions of Rome for the simple duties of an acdilc at Ulubrae ^ As a 
fact, the tide still set from Italy, as from the rest of the world, to Rome : 
nor do sober critics in any age take the ideal pictures of retired life as 
altogether serious, How^ever the contrasts drawn by Roman writers arc 
so far substantiated, that Vespasian not only learnt, in a municipal 
home, the habits w^hich trained him to be the reformer of imperial extra- 
vagance; but was also enabled, by a stream of new men of similar origin, 
to recruit the effete Roman aristocracy with an infusion of healthier 

The Provinces. 

When it is said that the empire at the death of Augustus was bounded 
by the ocean or by distant rivers not only are the provinces on the 
African continent left out of sight, but also the northern and eastern 
frontiers are very loosely indicated. In speaking of the Rhine as a 
boundary, it should be remembered that, besides such outposts as Aliso ‘'‘j 
the Batavi, between the branches of its bifurcation and the Frisii and 
pai»t of the Chauci wdiolly beyond it w’ere subject to Rome ; while 
above Moguntiacum (Mainz), the only frontier definitely knowm to us is 
that of the ‘ limes chiefly constructed by Domitian and Hadrian 
extending from the Main near Obernburg to the Danube near Ratisbon 

^ 3 * 54 ; 7 * ^ -^ 5 ' Marquarilt, i. p. 124, foil. 

^ 3- 54 ; 7 - * ^"PP‘ 3 * * 9 »" 7 * '* 4; P'rontin, Strat. i. 3, to. 

® ilor. Epod. 2, 67. Spart. vit, Hadr. 12, 6. 

« Juv. 3, I. sqq. , Id. 10, 102. " Another portion reached from the 

" Suet. Vesp. 2 ; Ann. 3. 55, 4. Main to the Lahn, not far from Coblenz, 

9 I. 6. 2. 7. 5, b t this appears at the time of Tibt 

“ j. 6, 4; G. 29, etc. ' have been lioslile ground. See on 

“ 38, 1 ; 4» 72, etc. 56, 1. 



Within this tract, the district afterwards known as the ' agri decumates ' 
was no doubt at this time a debateable ground ^ ; but some such line as 
that of the ‘ limes ^ must have been already the frontier of Vindelicia, 
until the point at which the Danube, by far the greatest river-frontier of 
the Empire, forms, during the whole of its remaining course, the boundary 
of Vindelicia or Rhaetia, of Noricum^ of Pannonia, and of Moesia. 

In Asia Minor the frontier would mainly coincide with the Halys ^ and 
Mount Taurus, till the incorporation of Cappadocia and Commagene 
witli the provincial empire in 771, a. n. t8 ^ made the Euphrates a con- 
tinuous frontier of these and of the province of Syria from a little above 
lat. 39'' to about 

From this point, neither east nor south has any such clearly marked 
natural frontiers. We know that neither Palmyra” nor Petra” was within 
the limits of Syria or Palestine ; that Egypt ended at Elephantine and 
Syene ^ ; while the other provinces on the African continent must have 
occupied generally the strip possessed in earlier times by Greek, 
Phoenician, and Libyan, as distinct from the abode of the Aethiopian 
races ^ This portion of the empire was completed to the straits of 
Gibraltar, by the addition of Mauretania in the time of Claudius 

Besides the many acts of Augustus, in respect of the acquisition, 
extension, consolidation, and regulation of provinces ; by far the most 
important change dating from liis time is the division of the provincial 
empire between himself and the senate Out of the distinct govern- 
ments, about thirty in number subsisting at his death, only the following, 
and these not at all times, remain in the hands of the senate : i. Sicily; 
2. Sardinia and Corsica ; 3. Hispania Bactica ; 4. Gallia Narbonensis ; 
5. Macedonia ; 6. Achaia ; 7. Asia ; 8. Bithynia (with part of Western 
Pontus); 9. Cyprus; 10. Crete and Cyrenaica^^; ii. Africa (with New 
Africa or Nurnidia). It has been mentioned above that the governors 

* ‘ Diibine posscssioiiis solum’ G. 29, 4. 

Ann. 2. 63, 1. 

Strab. 12, p. 544. Some of Pontus 
was however already included. Mar- 
quardt, i. p. 192. 

* See 2. 42, 6 ; 56, 4. Commagene 
was afterwards again given to a native 
prince, but finally incorporated by Ves- 
pasian. Suet. Vesp. 8. 

Pliii. N. H. 5. 25, 88. 

® it was conquered in the time of 
Trajan. Dio, 68. 14, 5. 

’ 2. 6 t , 2. 

See Hdt. 4. 145, sqq. 

Dio, 60. 9, 

S.e chaj). vi. p. 63, etc. 

The combinations or subdivisions of 
provinces at various times maka. the 
iiiimber variable. At the death of Trlljan, 
when the empire stood at its highest 
point, there appear to have been forty- 
five provincial governments. See Mar* 
quardt, i, p. 330. 

These were counted as senatorial in 
the original division, but, as a fact, were 
under Caesarian procurators from A.D. 6 
to 66. See Marquardt, i. p. 97. 

Macedonia and Achaia were trans- 
ferred to Caesar from 768 to 797, A.D. 
15-44. See I. 76, 4; Dio, 60. 24, 1. 

** Sec 3. 38, i ; 70, I. 

See ch. vi. pp. 69, 7J, 78. 


of these provinces were appointed usually by lot, with annual tenure ; 
Asia and Africa being reserved for consulars, the others, as a rule, given 
to ‘ praetorii ; ' but that both classes of governors are properly styled pro- 
consuls and have, as in old times, each his attendant quaestor ; and 
also, in praetorian provinces one, in consular three ‘ legati ^ ; * who are 
fully styled ‘ legati propraetore V though sometimes even consulars 
Tile proconsul received a salary from the treasury ® and had also the 
lictors and other insignia of his rank, except the military dress and sword, 
withdrawn to denote that he liad no longer power to execute a soldier 
Some further check was placed on -him by the presence of a Caesarian 
officer, the ‘ procurator hsci/ whose functions, originally strictly limited ^ 
received such extension as to encroach considerably on those of both 
quaestor and proconsul ^ 

Some illustration of the mode of appointment to and tenure of these 
])roconsulates may he drawn from such lists as can be compiled of the 
proconsuls of Asia and Africa during this period. In Asia the following 
can be made out ^ : — 

1. L. Valerius Pot. f. Messalla Volesus, cos. 758, a. d. 5 ; procos. about 

765, A. D. 12 

2 . Q, Poppaeus Q. f. Q. n. Secundus, cos. suff. 762, a. d. 9 ; ^procos. 

about 772, A. I). 19 

3. C. Junius C. f. M. n, Silanus, cos. 763, a. i). 10; procos. 773-4, 

A. 1 ). 20-21 

4. M. Aemilius L. f. Lepidus, cos. 759, a. n. 6 ; procos. 774-5, a.d. 

2 1—22 

5. C. Fontcius Capito, cos. 765, a. n. 12 ; procos. in some year before 

778, A.D. 25 perhaps substituted for Ser. Cornelius Malugin- 

ensis (cos. suffi 763, a.d. 10), who was disqualified to be procos. 

in 775, A. D. 22 

6. M'. Lepidus, cos. 764, a.d. 12; procos. 779-780, a.d, 26-27 

^ Sec note on i. 74, 1. 

Dio, 5 .V 14. 7 - 

^ Monims. Staatsr, ii. p. 236. 

^ As Vitelliiis, Suet. Vit. 5. 

® ‘ Salariiim proconsulare ’ (A^^r. 42, 3) ; 
cp. Dio, 52. 23, I. 

® Dio, 53. 13, 6. The exceptional posi- 
tion of the proconsul of Africa, in this 
respect, is noted below. -Sec 3. 21, i. 

’’ 4' 3 ; 57. 23, 5. 

T2. 60, 1 ; Suet. Cl 1 2. 

® 7 'hesc names are taken from the list 

in Wafhlington’s ‘ Fastes des Provinces 

See 3. 68, i ; Sen. dc Ira, 2 . 5, 5. 
Dio, 56. 10. 3. 

Coin of Pergamum with heads of 
An iista and Tiberius. 

3. 66 6y. 

See on 3. 32, 2. 

4 - 4 - 

3 - 5 *^. I ; 7 >. 3 - 
See on 4. 56, 3. 



7. Sex. Appuleius, Sex. f. Sex. n., cos. 767. a. d. 14 ^ ; procos. probably 

between 780 and 783, a. d. 27-30 

8. Sex. Pompeius, Sex. f. Cn. n., cos. 767, a. n. 14 ^ ; procos. also prob- 

ably between 780 and 783, A. D. 27-30 ^ 

9. P. Petronius^ P. f., cos. sufF. 772, a. n. 19; procos. probably for 

six years, from 782 to 788, a. d. 29-35 ^ 

10. C. Asinius, C. f. C. n. Pollio, cos. 776, a. d. 23 ; probably not procos. 

till the time of Gains ^ 

The proconsuls of Africa can be less fully made out, and appear to 
have oftener exceeded the liniit of annual tenure : — 

r. L. Asprenas, cos. sufF. 759, a. n. 6; procos. 767, a. t3. 14 ^ 

2. L. Aclius Lamia, cos. 756, a. d. 3 ; procos. probably between 768 

and 770, A. D. 15 and 17 

3. M. Furius P. f. P. n. Camillus, cos. 761, a. d. 8 ; procos. 770-771, 

A. 1 ). 17-18 

4. L. Apronius, C. f. C. n., cos. sufT. 761, a. i>. 8 ; procos. for three 

years, 771-774, a. d. 18-21 

5. Q. Junius Blacsus, cos. suflF. 763, a. d. 10; procos. extra sortem, in 
^774 and 775, A.n. at, 22 

6. P. Cornelius Dolabclla, cos. 763, a. d. 10; procos. 777, a. d. 24 

7. C. Vibius Marsus, cos. suff. 770, a. i). 17; procos. three years, 

probably 780-782, a. d. 27-29 

8. M. Silanus, cos. 772, a. n. 19 procos. apparently for six years, 

a.d. 32-37 

Augustus bad reestablished the rule enforced by Pompeius, prescribing 
an interval of five years between the tenure of magistracy and the ‘ sor- 
titio provinciae It is however plain from the above lists that the 
interval in the case of consular provinces was now usually much longer. 
This would be the natural consequence of the increased number of con- 
sulars resulting from the frequent appointment, especially after 742, c. 

' I. 7. 3- 

“ An Iiiiicr. at Assos (C. I. G. 3571) 
attests the fact of his proconsulate, but 
the date is conjectural. 

" I. 7, 3 . 

* Val. Max. 2. 6, 8. The date is con- 

3; 49» 2 ; 6. 45, 4. 

® For the evidence, see Waddington, 
p. 119* ■^4.1,1. 

• Medal at Sardis commemorating 
Drusus and German icus (Waddington). 

• Sec note on i. 53, 9. 

See nute on 4. 13, 5. 

2. 52. 

See on 3. 21, i. 

3. 35, 2 ; 58, 1. 

4. 23, 2. 

Kckhel, iv. 14S ; Mionnet, vi. 589. 
See note on 2. *74, 1. 

2. 59, I. 

li. 4. 48, 2 ; Marquardt, i. p. 308 ; 
Henzen, Scavi, p. n. 

Dio, 53. 14, 2. « 


1 2 \ of ‘ consules suffecti ; ’ which would tend to produce an increasing, 
stagnation in the succession to proconsulships. This again was remedied 
in various ways. Some consulars were disqualified others set aside l>y 
the senate ^ or by Caesar ^ others declined the ' sortitio 'I The lists 
also show that the order of seniority was not always adhered to ; being 
probably modified by the preference enjoined by the ‘ Lex Papia 
Poppaea and probably also by a postponement of the turn of any 
who, wdien their time came, were absent from Rome. 

A few words may be added on tlie extent and resources of these two 
provinces, the great prizes left to the senatorial award. 

Asia on the north waS l)ounded by the line of the Rhyndacus, on the 
south by that of the Calbis; the two lines enclosing a kind of triangle, having 
its apex near Philoinelium, and comprising, with nearly all Phrygia, 
INTysia, T.ydia, and Caria, the Aeolian, Ionian, and Doiian Greek cities, 
with most of the adjacent islands, inclusive of the Cyclades k The chief 
city and residence of the governor was Ephesus ; l.)ut several others are 
entitled /ir;rpo7roXet«, two have the rank of coloniae, at least eighteen that 
of ‘civitates liberae Only a passing reference can here be made to the 
frequent prominence of this province in the business before the sen ite ; 
and to the evidence of its great resources and high civilisation at all 
times as well as of its gradual recovery from the ravages of war and 
extortion ; and the general qualities which, in spite of imperial vigilance, 
made it in the time of Domitian, hardly less than in that of Cicero a 
snare to governors. 

Africa was bounded on the east by ^ Philaenorum arae at the eastern 
recess of the Great Syrtis, near Muhktar; while on the west, during the 
independence of Mauretania, the boundary between them was fixed at 
Saldae^'\ identified with Jhldjaya (Bougie). It had thus a coast line 
extending some fifteen degrees of longitude, and comprising the greater 
part of modern Tripoli, the whole of Tunis, and a considerable portion 
of Algeria. In the time of Pliny it contained thirty ‘ civitates liberae,’ 

^ See C. I. L. i. p. 546- 
^ As Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis, 3. 
7 ^ 3 - 

'* See 3. 32, 3. 

* As C. Galba, 6. 40, 3. 

® As Agricola, Agr. 42, i. 

® See 2. 51, 2 ; Ap[ endix to B. iii. 

On these boundaries, see Waddington, 
* Pastes des Provinces Asiatiques ; ’ and 
Marquardt, Staatsv. i, p. 190. 

^ Marquardt, i. p. 189. 

» E. g. 2. 47; 3, 60-63; etc. ; 4. 14; 

15; 3 ^i 55; 56 «» 

E. g. Cic. Leg. Man. c. 6; Kp. ad 
Q. F. 1,1. Its famous orators are alluded 
to in Ann. 3. 67, 2. 

‘In provincia tarn corruplrice ’ Cic. 
ad Q. F. I. 1,6, § 19; ‘provincia dives 
et parala pcccantibus ’ Agr. 6, 2. 

Plin. N. H. 5. 4. 29; Mela, i. 7, 33. 

Strabo, p. 831. On the formation of 
the provinces of Mauretania, this became 
the western limit of Mauretania Sitifensis ; 
which reached eastward to the Ampsagas, 
which is thus the western limit of Africa 
in Pliu. N. 1 1 . 5. 4, 29. 



fifteen ‘ oppida civiiim Romanorum,’ and six coloniae ' ; the most famous 
towns in these two latter classes respectively being Utica and Carthage 

Our record of African events at this time mentions only the predatory 
warfare of Taefarinas^' ; but tliere is abundant other evidence that Africa 
was in many respects the most important senatorial government, and 
therefore with reason the most jealously watched by Caesar. Next to 
Egypt it Avas the most important source of the corn supply of Italy ; 
and, probably on this account, the proconsul was assisted or controlled 
not by one, but by two or more ‘ procuratores fisci Again, here alone 
the senatorial proconsul has regular command of a legion and the 
chance of winning military renown; an exceptional position which Gains 
removed by introducing the anomaly of a co-ordinate ‘ legatus Augusti," 
who had command of the troops, and, a])parently, also some territorial 

The Caesarian provinces can be classified in three ranks, of which the 
two first answer to the two classes of senatorial provinces ; the legati 
being in the greatest provinces always of consular, and in those of the 
second class, of praetorian rank although, in recognition of the ‘pro- 
consulare imperium ' as vested in Caesar, all have the uniform title of 
‘ legati August! propraetore,' and the same insignia of five fasces, with tlie 
military dress and sword ; their difTcrence of rank being only noted by 
the addition to their titles of ‘ vir consularis by tliose who were such. 
To the highest class belong all those provinces involving important 
military commands ; of which the following had been established at the 
death of Augustus ; i. Hispania Tarraconensis ; 2. Germania superior; 
3. Germania inferior ; 4. Pannonia; 5. Moesia ; 6. Dalmatia (with Illyri- 
cum) ; 7. Syria (with Cilicia) The second class, as constituted at the 
same period, will comprise : i. Lusitania; 2. Aquilania ; 3. Gallia Lug- 
dunensis; 4. Gallia Belgica ; 5. Galatia 6. Pamphylia. A third class 

1 Plin. N. II. 5. 4, 29. 

Id. § 24. 

‘‘ 2. 52; 3. 20; 32; 73; 4. 23. 

Its fertility is otten extolled by 
Horace, e. g. Od. i. i, 10; 3. 16, 31 ; Sat. 


•* n.4. 50, 3. 

^ The presence of a second legion is 
exceptional. See note on 4. 6, ,3. 

^ IT. 4 4S, 2 ; Dio, 59. 20, 7. The words 
of Dio appear to indicate the creation 
of a so]nirate province, which might 
possildy l)c that of Niimidia. Tacitus 
speaks rather of a divided command of 
the same province. 

® K. g. in Sj)ain, Strab. 3. p. 167. 

® Pio, 53- 

Or ^ consularis legatus/ as II. i. 56, 
1 ; 2. 86, 4. • 

From the time of Claudius, Britannia 
would be added to this list. 

On tJie union of Cilicia with Syria, 
see Ann. 2. 78, 3 ; 80, i, etc. 

During most of the lime of Augustus 
and the first three years of Tiberius, some 
eminent person, as Agrippa, Drusus, Ti- 
berius, or Gcrmanicus, in charge of the 
German war, governed also the three 
Gaulish provinces, with legati under 
him. See Marquardt, i. p. i t 6. 

With O*ontus Polemoniacus,’ from 
Nero’s time. Ivlarquardt, i. p. 202. 



of provinces, consisting of those in which little or no military force was 
stationed, had no higher officer than the ‘ procurator Aiigusti/ who 
appears as a subordinate officer in greater provinces. To this class 
belong at this time ^ : i. Alpes Maritimac ; 2. Rhaetia ; 3. Vindclicia ^ ; 
4. Noricum ; 5, Judaea (when not under native princes) \ The |)rocurator 
of Judaea was certainly resjionsible to tlie Icgatus of Syria and probably 
all such governors w^erc subordinated to their nearest Megati.’ An excep- 
tion to all these classes is the position of Egypt, w here Caesar represented 
the king and had an equestrian ' jiracfectiis ’ as vicegerent 

The governors appointed by Caesar held office during pleasure and 
for no fixed term ^ though a period of from three to five 3'cars seems 
usual k Tiberius is especially noted for continuing them in office during 
periods of indefinite length ^ ; as may be illustrated from sucli lists as 
can be made of the governors of important j>rovinccs during this jicriod. 

In Syria we find only the following ^ 

I. Q. Caccilius Mctellus Creticiis Silanus, cos. 760, a. n. 7; legatus 

Syriae from at least 763-4, a, n. lo-i i to 770, a. d. 17 

3. Cn. Calpurnius Ihso, cos. 747, n. c. 7; legatus 770-772, a. d. 


3. L. Aelius Lamia, cos. 756, a. d. 3 ; leg. Syr. for many years end- 

ing in 7S5, A. D. 32 'k and possibly even the next successor to 


4. L. Pomponius Flaccus, cos. 770, a. d. 17; leg. Syr. 785-786, a. n. 


5. L. Vitcllius, cos. 7vS7, a. d. 34 ; leg. Syr. 788-792, a. d. 35-39 

In Low^er Germany Ave have only record of three legati : — 

^ To tliesc were added Tliracia aii<l 
the two Mauietnniae in the time of 
CTlaudins, and the Alpes ("ottiae in the 
time of Nero. Sec II. i. ii, 3; Suet. 
Ner.’iS. Also Capjiadocia belonged to 
this class from the time of Tiberius to 
that of Vespasian, who placed it under 
a consular legatus. Suet. Ves]>. 8. 

“ Vindelicia was perhaps at this lime 
separate from Rhoetia (2. 17, 6), but 
afterwards certainly joined with it. II. i. 

3 J .3* 4- ^‘tc. 

I. e. 759 -794, A. l). 6-41; and again 
after 797, A.D. 44. 

^ See 12. 54, 5 ; Jos. Ant. 18. 4, 2.- 
* H. I. II, I. See also Ann. 2.59,4; 
Strab. 16. I, T2, p. 797. 

« Dio, 53. 13.^ 6. 

’ Dio, 52. ?3, 2, where this is repre- 
sented as the advice of Maecenas. 

” Arm. I. So, 2. 

® Sec Zumpt, Comm. Rl>igr. vol. li. 
pp. 125 135 : Manpiardt, i. 260; and 
authorities there cited. 

Monimscn, ‘ Kes gestae Divi Aug.' 
(Mon. Anc.), [). i 15. 

2. 43, 6. 

2. 43 69, etc. 

‘ Ailministrandac Suriae imagine tan- 
dem exsoliitus,’ as having been kept in 
Rome, 6. 27, 2. 

The irregular appointment of C'n. Sen - 
tius (2. 74, 1) was ])robably not permanent. 

6. 27, 3. 

See 6.32, 5. Probably the office had 
been vacant since the death of Flaccus. 

H 2 



1. A. Severus Caecina, legatus probably from about 767-772, a. d. 


2. C. Visellius Varro, cos. suit. 765, a. d. 12 ; mentioned as legatus in 

774, A. n. 21®. 

3. L, Apronius, cos. suff. 761, a. n. 8 ; legatus in 781, a. d. 28 * ; and 

appears still to be so in 7S7, a. d. 34 

The long tenure of appointments under Tiberius is further illustrated 
by the flict that in Upper Germany C. Silius (cos. 766, a. D. 13) was 
legatus from 767 to 774, a. d. 14-21-'; and C. Lentulus Gactulicus 
(cos, 779, A. D. 26) from 782 to 792, a. d. 29-39'’'; while L. Arrunlius 
was nominally legatus of Spain for at least ten years ; and Poppaeus 
Sabinus had charge of important provinces for no less than twcnty-foiir 
years The procuratores also were constantly retained in olFicc 
Among such, it is known that Valerius Gratus and Pontius Pilatus'’ 
were respectively eleven and ten years procurators of Judaea; 768-779, 
and 779-789, a. D. 15-26, and 26-36. 

The Icgati and procurators had fixed salaries from the treasury'-; and 
the former were assisted by their ‘ legati legionum ' as vicegerents while 
in financial matters the procurator corresponded to the proconsurs 

These vast provinces cannot be here described ; by far the most 
important were the ‘ Germaniac ' and Syria. In each of the two former, 
the legatus and his four legions lived as in a camp, confronted by warlike 
tribes, and w^ere also liable to furnish troops for a not impossible Gaulish 
rising^”. In Syria, the garrison of similar strength, if actually enervated 
by peace, had yet the whole prestige of Rome in the East depending on 
it ; while the tact and firmness of its ruler would alike be exercised in 
controlling the mixed crowd, Greek, Phoenician, and Jewish, made 
subject to him, esj)ccia]]y in his vast capital, Antioch : which, in popula- 
tion second only to Rome itself *'’', by iis seductions, as well as those of 
its famous suburb of Epidaphna would be filial to many a soldier’s 

* I. 31, 2, etc. ; 3. 33, I. 

" 3 - 4h 3 - 

' 4 . 73» J* 

* 6. 30, 3. 

^ 4. 18, I. 

^ 6. 30, 3; Dio, 59. 22, 5. 

* See 4. 6, 5. 

Jos Ant. 18. 2, 2 . 

” Id. iS. 4, 2. 

Dio, 52. 23, 1. Dor the various 

amounts, see Manjuardt, i. p. 4/6. 

The ‘ legati iuridici ’ in these pro- 
vinces seem of later date (Marquardt, 
i. p. 41 1), but there may ])robably have 
been now some sucJi officers in great 
provinces such as Syria. 

Marquardt, i. p. 412. 

See 3. 40,^etc. ; also the great rising 
in 822, a.d. 6q. 

See Merivale, Hist, ch, xl, p 454. 

Ann. 2. 83, 3. Dor a description, see 
Gibbon, ch. 23. 



discipline. Next to these, Egypt, with its vast granaries, strange fanati- 
cisms^, and the motley crowd of Alexandria, almost rivalling that of 
Antioch ^ ; and Moesia and Pannonia, where Dacian hordes were already 
beginning to be heard of on the Danube ^ ; must have been the cliief 
objects of solicitude to Caesar. 

The amount of provincial revenue was probaldy not reduced, but the 
mode of assessment reorganized*; and, in general terms, it i.s admitted 
even by Tacitus, that the provinces were better off under the prineipate 
than under the Republic and were treated with marked justice and 
moderation during at least the early years of Tiberius ; and that the 
Caesarian provinces were so far more economically governed than the 
senatorial, that a change from one to the other was a virtual abatement 
of tribute In both classes of provinces, extortion was severely checked ^ 
instead of being criminally connived at ; and governors were warned to 
sliear, not flay, their sheep ^ whose prosperity had become the common 
interest of ruled and ruler. 

Nevertheless, it is easy to exaggerate the beneficial results and to 
overlook the still existing evils Conviction of the guilty did not 
necessarily imply restitution to the pillaged^'; and the punishment 
must have been often inadequate and have failed to deter others. 
In the last years of Augustus, the atrocities of Volesus Messalla in 
Asia^^ were such as could hardly have been exceeded under the Re- 
public : in the same province, williin the next ten years, another pro- 
consul'* and a procurator'® are convicted of extortion ; and proconsuls 
of two other provinces are condemned on equally serious charges : 
nor does vSilius come with cleaner hands from Germany'^: in Sj)ain 
a legatus is assassinated llirough some money grievance, of which we 
have only the Roman version''^: the Frisii are goaded into rebellion 

‘ See. II. I. TT, T, etc. 
^ Sec Merivale, 1 . 1 . 

See l lor. Od. 3. 8, iS, etc. 
iJy means of tlie great provincial 
census {dtroypaiprj) instituted in ^'27, 
27, and probably rcvi.scd every live 
years. See Marquardt, i. p. 204, sqcp ; 
and note on 6. 41, 1. 

Sec I. 2, 2. 

« 4- 6. 7. 

’ r. 76. 4 - 

^ This is shown by the numerous con- 
victions mentioned below. It is noted 
that provincials themselves are encouraged 
to appear as accusers (3. 67, 2 ; 70, i ; 
4. 15, 3, etc.) ; and if influential, are even 
courted by governors (15. 21, 2), See 
also Marquardtri. p. 416, 

Suet. Tib. 32 ; Dio, j;7. 10, 5. 

Juvenars advice to a j>rov.inci.Tl go-^ 
vernor (8, 87-139) gives n sLifrieicnlly 
dark jiicture of the cruelty and exiorlion 
still practised in his time. 

.See 4. 20, I. Cp. ‘tu victrix pro- 
vincia i>loras ’ Juv. i, 50, 

As that of Marius Ihiscus, Juv. i, 

"Cum trecentos uno die securi per- 
cussisset, incedens inter cadavera siq>erbr> 
viilUi . . . Graece jiroclamavit ; O rem re- 
giain.’ Sen. de Ira, 2. 5, 5. 

'* 3. 67, 2. 

'= 4. 1 5, 4. 

3- 70. 1 ; 4- 13. 2- 



by the exactions of a subordinate officer^; and the chief Gaulish tribes 
driven to the same course by a load of debt^ probably not uncon- 
nected with ruinous requisitions for the wars of Germanicus ^ : Pontius 
Pilate was allowed ten years of misgovernment in Judaea : and fuller 
records from the provinces themselves would probably have shown 
many other such blots on the administration, under even one of the 
most frugal and vigilant of the Caesars. 

With the provinces should be enumerated the semi-independent states 
and kingdoms, wliose position must have varied greatly. »Somc were 
small free states, as Samos ^ Rhodes ^ Lycia " ; analogous to the many 
free cities within the provinces. In others the prince had the title of 
* praefectus ' (as Cottius^), or the position in fact (as Herod and his 
sons) of a procurator ^ ; or may have been under a similar control to 
that exercised over the Thracian princes Juba and his sons in 
Mauretania and the princes left in Cilicia may have been free 
from other obligations than to furnish troops on demand The Cap- 
t)adocian king was even liable to be brought before the bar of the 
senate The relation of Commagene is unknown Beyond this 
the Armenian kingdom and the smaller Caspian principalities seem 
to have accepted a kind of Roman suzerainty as their best protection 
against Parthia. 

Many of these were subsecpiently incorporated into the empire ; 
but the conquest of Britain is the principal departure, prior to Trajan, 
from the cautious advice of Augustus The campaigns of Geimanicus 
did but avenge the fate of Varus, and secure the frontier by spreading 
terror beyond : though visions may have passed before his own mind 
of a frontier on the Elbe which he never really reached and which 
fades more and more out of Roman knowledge “k 

' 4 ' 72. A- 

3. 40, I. ircavy tribute, cruel and 
haughty governors are complained of 

C§ 4)- 

Offerings, icpreseuted as wholly vo- 
luntary (i. 71, 3), are yet admitted to 
have exhausted their means. Sec 2. 5, 3. 

* Jos. Ant. iS. 3 and 4. 

Plin. N. H. 5. 31, 135. 

*' Ann, 12. tyS, 2. 

' Suet. Cl. 25. 

Tnscr. Orell. 626- 
^ Sec Marquardt, i. p, 249. 

Part of 'I'hrace at least had to furnish 

troops (4. 46, 2), and the prijice in his 
minority hatl a Roman tutor (2. 67, 4). 

“ llis kingdom is distinctly^ ‘doiuiiu 
popuU Romani’ (4. 5, 3). • 

2. 42, 7 ; 6. 41, 1, etc. 

" 2- 78, 3 ; 4- 24. 3- 
A* 2. 42, 5. 

2. 42, 7. 

A® See 4. 5, 4. 

See Suet. Cl. 25 ; Ner. 18 ; Vesp. 8, 
A® Ann. I. II, 7. 

2. 22, 1. 

See on 4. 44, 3 . 

G. 41, 2. ■ 


The jMilitary and Naval Forces. 

The vast army which had come under the command of Augustus, 
through the addition of the legions of Lei)idus to his own and the 
subsequent union of as mucli as he retained of this combined force 
with the legions of Antonius, appears to have been reduced by him 
after Actium to a standing army of eighteen legions ; of which twelve, 
numbered consecutively, had been always his own, and six, also bearing 
numbers below twelve, had belonged to his colleagues ’. Eight more 
legions, numbered from 13 to 20, had been added afterwards, prob- 
ably at the time of the war with Maroboduus and the great rising in 
Pannonia and lllyricum ^ Of these eight, three, the 17th, i8Lh, 
and 19th, were annihilated with Varus and never reconstituted ’; but 
two others, the 21st and 22nd, were enrolled after tliat disaster 

We can thus explain the absence of some numbers and duplication 
or even triplication of others, in the following list of the legions as 
existing in the time of Tiberius, d'he number and local disposition 
of several can be sup[)lied from Tacitus ; for others, as well as for 
the titles borne by all, the chief evidence is to be found in numerous 


1 . Germ nil ica . 
IT. Augusta .... 
in. Augusta ... 

III. Callica 

III. Cb'ienaica 

IV. Maced on ica 
IV. Scytliica .... 

V. Macedonica 

Where fjuarlercd 
...Lower Germany. 
...Upper Germany. 

.. .S3Tia. 


Provi ncial Sum nut ry, 

Spain (3). 

IV. Macedonica. 

Vi. Victrix. 

X. Gem in a. 

Lower Germany (4). 

I. Gennaiiica. 

V. Alaudae. 

XX. Valeria Victrix. 
XXI. Kajiax. 

^ This inference is drawn by Mommsen, 
‘ Res gestae Divi AugusLi/ p. 47, from 
evidence there given. 

- Legions with these numbers are first 
mentioned from 760, A.r>. 7. Sec Moiimi- 
sen, 1. 1. 

® Evidence as to the two latter is fur- 
nished by Ann, 1. 60, 4, and laser. Orell. 
621. From the absence of any siibscfiuent 
mention of a 17th legion, it is interred 
that this was the third. 

* Of these the 2isl furnishes the ‘ver- 
nacula multitudo ’ of i. 31, 4; the other 
is presumed to have been raised with it. 

See Mommsen, 1 . 1 . On the opinion that 
the 1st legion was also raised at this 
date, .see on 1. 42, 6. 

'' T.acitus specifics the legions of Pan- 
nonia (j. 23, 6), of J.ovvcr Germany (i, 
31, 3), and of U];per Gennany (i. 37, 4), 
and two of the Syrian legions (2. 57, 2 ; 
79, 3). 'The (jlh legion wa.s temporarily 
in Africa (3. 9, i ; 4- 23, 2 j, and is counted 
there in the general summary (4. 5, 3). 
On the whole list, see Momnusen, * Res 
gestae Divi Augusti,’ p. 46 ; Marqnardt, 
Staatsv. i. p. 432. 



Where quartcreJ. 

V. Alaudae Lower Germany. 

VI. Victrix Spain. 

VI. Ferrata Syria. 

VII. [Claudia] Dalmatia. 

VIII. Augusta Paniiouia. 

IX. Hispana Pannonia. 

X. Fretensis Syria. 

X. Gemina Spain. 

XI. [Claudia] Dalmatia. 

XII. Fulminata .Syria. 

XIII. (jemina Upper Germany. 

XIV. Gemina Mariia Victrix ...Upper Germany. 

XV. Apollinaris Pannonia. 

XVI. Gallica Upper Germany. 

XX. Valeria Victrix I, .ower Germany. 

XXI. Kapax Lower Germany. 

XXIT. Dciotariana l^gypl. 

Provi tuial Sunima ry. 

Upper Germany (4). 

II. Augusta. 

XIII. Gemina. 

XiV. Gemina Martia Victrix. 
X VI. Gallica. 

Pannonia (3). 

VI 11 . Augusta. 

IX. Hispana. 

‘^XV. vVpollinaris. 

Dalmatia (2). 

VTT ) 

I afterwards Claudiae. 

Moesia (2). 

IV, Scythica. 

V. Maccdonica. 

Syria (4). 

III. Gallica. 

VI. Ferrata. 

X. Frelensis. 

XIL Fulminata. 

Egypt (2). 

III. Cyrenaica. 

XXII. Dciotariana. 

Africa (t). 

III. Augusta. 

By the year 882, a.d. 69, we find the number of legions increased 
to thirty-one, chiefly in consequence of the occupation of Britain and 
the Jewish war; but it is subsequently reduced to thirty. The local 
disposition is also altered by that time in many cases h 

The legion consisted, as at other times, of ten cohorts, divided into 
thirty maniples and si.xty centuries^; but w'c have no certain information 
of its numerical strength. The estimate of 6100 foot and 726 horse 
given by Vegetius^, would certainly not agree with that of this time in 
respect of the ‘ equites legionis,' who appear now to have only num- 
bered 120'*, nor is there any evidence that the first cohort was now, a,s in 
the time of Vegetius, twice the strength of the others If a medium 
estimate of about eighty men to the century be taken ^ the total strength 
of the legion, including its officers, its cavalry, and those in charge of the 
* ballistae* and other engines forming its train of artillery’’', would amount 
to rather more than 5000. 

^ For the legions of still later date, as 
related to these, see Dio, 55. 23, 24. 

Gell. 16. 4 ((pioling Cincius). 

® Veg. 2, 6. 

* Jos. B. J, 3. d, 2. They were prob- 
ably on the footing of auxiliaries in respect 

of not being citizens. SeeNipp. on 4. 73. 

5 Veg. 2, 6 . * See note ou 3. 21, 3. 

® Hygin. § i, 3 . 

Cp. ‘ Quintae decumae legionis bal- 
lista’ IT. 3. 23, 2 ; Jos. Bell. Jud. 5. 6, 3 ; 
Marqiiardt. ii. p. 508. 



The old names ‘ hastati,’ ‘ principcs/ and * pilani/ survive^ ; and, 
though no longer designating any difference of equipment, denote pre- 
cedence in honorary rank. Each cohort contained two centuries, or one 
maniple, of each of these ; and the cohorts also rank in honour accord- 
ing to their number. This hierarchy of rank serves to place the sixty 
centurions in 'a constantly ascending scries ^ ; the maniple, rather than 
the century, being the unit of the legion, and bcang under the command 
of the first of its two cenibrions. The lowest centurion would thus be 
the subordinate centurion of the ‘ hastati ’ of the tentli cohort, styled 
‘ decumus hastatus posterioris centuriae,' or ‘ decumus hastatns posterior ; ’ 
and the highest, the commander of the maniple of ' pilani ’ in the first 
cohort, who would be fully styled ‘primae cohortis j^ilus prior,’ or more 
commonly ' centurio pi imipiliis ^ or ‘ primopilus In passing through 
all these gradations, the centurion changed his century at each successive 
step ^ and in this highest position had custody of tlie legionary eagle, 
with large accompanying emoluments ; ranked next to the Uribuni;’ and 
was admitted with them to the council of the general ^ I'he centurions 
appear to have still aiDpointed their subordinate officers'^, but to have 
been themselves now directly a})pointed by Caesar, olten as a personal 
favour ^ and, apparently, without previous service ^ 

Augustus had pcrpc;tuated the custom introduced l)y the dictator 
Caesar of placing the whole legion under the command of a Megatus/ 
These * legati legionum ” ^ are senatorS"of praetorian rank, or in a position 
to expect such rank and, as has been seen, ranked also as provincial 
vicegerents under the * Icgatus Augusti 

The position of the legionary ‘ tribuni militum ' now bc'comes some- 
what anomalous ; inasmuch as thc-y are no longer, as formerly, com- 
manders in turn of the legion^'*, and several of their other duties must 
have been transferred to the ‘ pracfeclus castrorum Nor do they 
appear to have commanded the legionary cohorts, which, so far as they 
had a separate command, were probably^ placed each under its first cen- 

* The older term ‘ triarii ' seems ob- 
solete, and the term for the ‘ oido * and 
its centurion is not ' pilaniis ’ Init ‘ pilns.’ 
See Marqiiardt, ii. p. 362, n. 18, ‘ I’ilanus " 
is found in Varro and Ovid. 

* See Marcjuardt, ii. p. 359, etc. 

’’ Also q>rinii pili,’ or ‘ primi ordinis’ 
'centuiio’ H. 3. 22, 5; Ann. i. 29, 2, etc. 
See Marquardl, ii. p. 363. 

* Veg. 2, 21. 

^ ‘ Locupletem aquilam ’ Juv. 14, 197. 

® Polyb. 6. 24, 2. 

’ As * optiones ’ Veget. 2, 7, etc. 

* Cp. * vitem posec libel lo* Juv. 14, 193. 
See also Marqiiaidt, ii. p. 360. 

’Vjc Tcue utt’ tKaToj'Tfipxt]crdvTOJV 

Dio, 32. 25, 7. 

Caes. P. G. J. 52, 1 ; 2. 20, 3 ; .J. 

I, etc. 


6 , etc. 

2. 36, I ; 14. 28, I, etc. 

See above, p. 100. 

Polyb. 6. 34, T. 

See Marquardt, ii. p, 443, n. 9, 

.See I. 30 , 1. 

I NTR on UC T1 ON. 


turion Such of their duties as are still traceable can hardly be gener- 
ally characterized*^; and this rank becomes hardly so much one of 
military promotion, as a * tirocinium ’ for young men of the highest 
rank and a stepping-stone to the quacstorship and senate 

Auxiliary Cilizen Troops. 

1. ^ Vcxillarii,’ or ‘ velerani sub vexillo retenti.’ Augustus had ordained 
that the k'gionary soldier should be dismissed with gratuities ah(a- a term 
of service originally fixed at sixteen"*, and later at twenty years’ service*’. 
Probably the same events which led to the enrolment of additional 
legions, combined with the exhaustion of the ‘aerarium militare’^,' led 
him to i><)stj)one his obligations by a characteristic fiction ; by wliich the 
veterans, though removed from the legion and released from the oath, 
were kept together under separate colours, perha})S exempted from camp 
duties and reserved for battle but awaiting indefinite ly their final dis- 
charge and reward. The words ‘ vexilluin,’ ‘ vcxillarii,’ and ‘ vexillalio/ 
though often used of any legionary detachment under separate command 
appear to have a special application to these troops, who arc distinguished 
from the legions by 7 ’acitiis in scv(Tal places They might he quar- 
tered with^^, or separated from their legions and, perhaps l)y combina- 
tion, are sometimes xooo strong’^; but if the number 500, the only 
estimate of such a battalion given in these books, may be treated as the 
normal strength of those belonging to one legion it would agree with 
the computation of Hyginus, who reckons them as equivalent to an 
extra cohort 

2. * Cohortes civiiim 'Romanorimi ’ are mentioned in several inscriptions, 
usually as volunteers, freciuently as Italians ; and may probably have 
been generally formed of such as chose a military profession, and who 
lived in other districts than tliosc from which the home army was raised. 
There appear to have been at one lime at least thirty-two such cohorts 

^ Sec MnrqnarcU, ii. p. 447. 

See 1. I ; 44, 4 ; also Marqiianlt, 
ii. p. 446. 

^ IC, g. Suet. Tib. 9. Sec Marquardt, 

ii. P- ?,5B- 

* Sec above, ch. vi. p, 80. 

•’ Dio, 54. 25, 6. 

Id. 55. 23, I. 

’ Id. 55. 25, 2 ; Alin. I. 78, 2. 

See I. 4. WhelhtTsiich was already 
the position of ‘ vctcrani sub vexillo ’ is 
doubtful. vSee note there. 

“ E. g. * vexilluin tironum * 2. 78, 3; 
and many other contexts. 

K g- I • 17.4 ; 26, 2 ; 35, 2 : 36, 4 ; 
39, 2; 44, 6; 3. 21, 2; H. 2. 11, 6. 

Cp. ‘vctcranorum cxcrcitus ’ Inscr. Orcll. 

i^ 77 - •' 

“ K. g. I. 39, 2. 

" E.g. I. 44, 6. 

liiscr. llciizcn 545<5. 

3. 21, 2. 

'Dc M. C. § 5. May it be possible 
that this is the origin of the doubling of 
the first cohort in the lime of Vegetius ? 
See above, p. 104 

See Inscr. IIcnzen67oy. The 'cohors 
Italica’ of Acts 10. i appears to be of 
this description ; possibly also the * co> 
hors Augusta’ of Acts 27. i. Other such 
appear in Egypt. Strab. 17. l, 12, 797. 
Inscr, Ilenzcn 6756, etc. 


but they are omitted in the general summary of Tacitus though men- 
tioned with the legions in the will of Augustus 

Other auxiliary forces^ * Cohor/es alaeque sociac! 

These forces are too numerous and manifold to be here d(?scribed ; 
their titles are given in a multitude of inscriptions and their total 
strength is estimated by Tacitus as being much the same in the aggregate 
as that of the legions ^ Commanded by separate oflicers such forces, 
when attached to the legion, were under the supreme command of its 
‘ Icgalus/ and compensated for its weakness in cavalry ^ besides supple- 
menting it with light-armed troops of various descriptions”, and with 
others armed and disciplined like the legions themselves ^ Other such 
forces were more locally distributed and furnished protection where no 
legionary troops were stationed. It is shown by inscriptions tliat they 
were constantly employed in other than their own native provinces. 

Special forces of Italy. 

A. — Military, 

1. Praetorian cohorts. These are stated to have l)een nine in number 
in the time of Tiberius ; each cohort being apparently [ooo strong^’, 
including a force of cavalry^-; and all having their headcpiarters in the 
camp just outside the ^ agger 7'hcsc cohorts were increased to six- 
teen by Vitcllius reduced again to nine by Vespasian and subse- 
quently fixed at leu 

2 . Urban cohorts. Of these, the ‘ proju'ius miles’ of the ‘ praefeclus 
urbis three were kept in Rome under Til>crius and four under 
Vitellius and Vespasian ; and they arc so far joined to the jiractorians 
as to be numbered in a series l)Cginning where tlie former end, as the 
tenth to the fourteenth The praetorian cohorts have titles similar to 
those of the legions ; the urban arc known by their numbers onh* 

The home army had the privilege of being professedly enlisted from the 


^ I. 8, 3. 

® See Iriscr. Ilenzcn, Index, pp. 134- 


‘ 4- 5. 5. 

* Usually 'praefecli, 
buni.’ Sec inserr. 



^ *Alae’ were 500 or 1000 strong. 
See Marquardt, ii. p. 456. ' 

I. 51, 7 ; 2. 16, 5, etc. 

* 3- 43. 2 , etc. 

® * Apud idonea provinciariim ’ 4. 5, 5. 

4- 6. 4- 

M. 2. 93, 3. 

** I. 24, 3. Apparently a 'turma’ of 
horse vveut with each ‘ conliiria.’ Mar- 
quardt, ii. p. 462. 

4. 2, 2. 

" It. 2. 93, 3. 

I)i|>l. C. T. L. iii. p. 853. 

Inscr. llenzcn 6862. 

H. 3. 64, T. 

Ami. 4. 5, 4. See note on 3. 41, 2, 
II. 2. 93, 3; C.I. L. iii. p. 853. 

See Henzeii, Index, p. 132. 

Id. p. 131. 



old recruiting grounds of the Repuldic The rest of Italy, so far as its 
scanty free population admitted it, might help to keep up the legions and 
other cohorts of citizens, but of all these the main supply was now drawn 
from ih^i civic population throughout the empire ^ Voluntary enlistment 
seems usual, but ^ delectus ’ in the provinces preferable ^ ; and enlist- 
ment was no doubt kept down to a minimum by withholding the 
‘ missio V 

On the i)ay and grievances of the legionary soldier it is sufficient to 
refer to the narrative of the mutiny '"', and the contrast there drawn be- 
tween themselves and the praetorians ; while a more favourable estimate 
of their privileges, at a somewhat later date, can be formed from the six- 
teenth Satire of Juvenal; and some information as to the rewards on 
retirement, chiefly the gift of ‘ civitas ’ to auxiliaries, and the ratification 
of marriages generally, can he gathered from the various ‘ diplomata ‘’’Z 
To those of higher rank, many further advantages were attainalde. 
Centurions, besides being promoted to such posts as tlie command of 
auxiliary cohorts or squadrons’^, or the rank of * pracfecti castrorum V 
had regular pensions on retirement ^ and the ‘priraipili' appear to have 
retained even for life* tiic title of ‘ prim ipila res have been 

appointed to responsible posts in the army, or as subordinate governors 
of provincial districts 

13. — Naval, 

The fleets of Misenum and Ravenna^- are each dignified with the title 
‘ classis praetoria but otlierwise rank below not only the household 
troops but the legions. The admiral, * praefectus ranks below the 
* praefectus .praetorii and is, at first, a knight; or, later, sometimes 
a freedman The marine soldiers, ‘ classiarii/ are not Roman citizens, 
and, though of more consideration than the rowers are so far on a par 

' 4 - 5 . 5 - 

“ See 40, 5 ‘ Inops Italia, imbcllis 
nrbaiia pic bes, nihil validiim in cxercitibiis 
nisi c|uod extcrauni/ 

4 - 4 . 4 - 

* ‘ Missiones veteran oruni rarissirnas 
fecit’ Suet. 'hib. 48. 

® See Ann. i. 17 ; 26 ; 35 ; 36; 78, 

® These are collected in C.I. L. iii. 
p. 843, etc. For specimens, .see Henzeii 
etc. ; Wilm. 904, etc. 

Esp. ‘ primipili,’ cp. ITenzen, Inscr. 

" I. 20, 2. 

These were reduced by Caligula. 
Suet. Cal. 44. 

‘ Primipilaris sei’.cx ’ Quint. Or. 

6. 3, 92. 

*' Marquardt, ii. p. 3 <^5. See 2. 11, 2 ; 
4 - 2; 13- 36, 2 ; II. I. 31, 3 ; 187, 2 ; 

2, 22, 6; 3. 70, I ; 4. 15, 6. They had 
often equestrian rank on retirement. See 
Mart. 6. 58, 10. 

Ann. 4. 5, I. 

See Inscr. Ilenzen, Index, p. 142, As 
a fixed and regular title, the epithet ap- 
pears to be of later date. See Mommsen, 
Staatsr. ii. p. 827. 

The elder Pliny, who held this office 
at his death,*had been previously * prae- 
fectus alae ’ and procurator. 

F. g. Lucilius Bas.sus, I!. 2. 100, 4. 

E. g. Aiiicetus, Ann. 14. 3, 5. 

See on 14. 4. 5. 


with them that we find both rewarded with the ‘ civitas ’ after twenty-vsix 
years' service \ . The ships are usually either ‘ triremes ' or ^ Liburnae 
and are distinguished by names like modern ships ^ The captains, 
whether of triremes or Liburnians, are designated as ‘ trierarchi We 
have no knowledge of the strength of these fleets ; which are little men- 
tioned in general, but acquire some prominence in the civil war of 822, 
A.D. 69. 

Various auxiliary fleets, whether of ships of war ® or transports 
existed in the provinces, and are mentioned in various inscriptions 

The total strength of all these forces can be only very roughly esti- 
mated. Taking the legion with its auxiliaries at 1 0,000, we have a total 
of 250,000 for the main armies ; to w'hich the home army, the ' das- 
siarii,* and all the various detached forces may add a further total of 
100,000. This it should be remembered represents at that time the 
whole military and naval force of the civilised world. 

Consolidation ol the E.mpirk. 

Augustus is said to have bequeathed at his death not a mere aggregate 
of territories, but an organized whole \ The administration, especially 
of the provinces and armies, was centralised in a way y)reviously unknown, 
and the improvement of roads and institution of couriers gave new 
rapidity to inter-communication : and, not to speak of his periodical 
financial statements his summary of the whole position of the empire, 
published after his death must have given to the senate a new insight 
into its organization. If, beyond this, neither he nor his successor had 
devised any plans for bringing the whole mass into a condition of homo- 
geneous unity ; it is none the less evident that tendencies in this direction 
were constantly operating. The practical recognition of common inter- 
ests between rulers and ruled; the security of traffic; the vast require- 
ments of the city of Rome, both as regards necessaries of life and 
luxuries^*; the local centres of traffic afforded especially by camps and 

^ See the ‘diplomata’ cited by Mar- 
qiiardt, ii. p. 49;^, n. 2. 

^ The inscriptions show a few shi{)s 
above triremes; the ‘biremes’ (4. 27, 
I, etc.) are probably the same as the 
‘ Idbiirnae.* 

® Sec Henzen, Index, p. 14^- 

^ E. g. H. 2. 16, 2 . 

® ‘Sociae triremes’ Ann. 4. 5, 5. 

® See 2. 6, etc. 

E. g. ‘ classis Germanica,’ ‘ Moe- 
sica,’ ‘Pannonica,’ • Syiiaca.' See Henzen, 

Index, p. 142. 

** ' Cuncta inter se connexa ’ 1.9, 6. 

® Suet. Aug. 30 ; Ann. 3. 31, 7. 

Suet. Aug. 49. On the rapidity of 
communication, see note on 1. 16, i. 

“ This custom was dropped by Tibe- 
rius, and revived by Gaius. Suet. Cal. 

1. ti, 7. 

E. g. the corn trade. 

“ 3- 53» 5> etc. See Fiiedl. vol. lii. 
ch. i. 



colonies ; must have tended, even more than the centralised government, 
to level the barriers of nations. Two languages again were more and 
more taking the place of a Babel of tongues : the prevalence of Greek 
in the East may be estimated from the extent of its use among even a 
race so tenacious of nationality as the Hebrews ^ ; while, in the West, 
Latin, already prevalent in Gaul, making the vernacular forgotten in 
many parts of Spain and generally spoken also in Pannonia was not 
wholly lost even by Rome's bitterest enemies ^ ; and, as the official lan- 
guage of the whole empire, had some hold even in the East 

Again, though Tiberius probably imitated the reserve of Augustus in 
bestowing the ^ civitas ’ yet even this great equalisation of privilege must 
have been steadily extending itself. By the manumission of slaves, 
which, in spite of checks imposed upon it, must have been constant, any 
Roman could call into existence those who at a stroke of the wand 
succeeded to most'^, and whose sons would succeed to all, civic privileges. 
Many a Roman pauper by transplantation to a colony became there the 
parent of a prosperous civic family. Many an auxiliary soldier, already 
habituated to Roman customs by service under the standards, received 
the civitas on his ^discharge ^ and his sons might serve and rise in the 
ranks of the legions and thus lay the foundation of a career of honour. 

Lastly, in spite of the vast diversity of tolerated religions, some traces 
of common religious ideas begin to developc themselves. The restora- 
tion of religion had formed a great part of the policy of Augustus, and 
his aspirations are devoutly seconded by the poets of his courts Besides 
the rebuilding or restoration of almost every temple in the city he had 
endeavoured to bring home religion to the mass of the people by a kind 
of parochial system, in the worship of the ‘ Lares compitales ' at the 300 
chapels^' instituted in the various vici, under the ministration of their 
freodmen priests (‘ Augustalcs '), and superintendence of the S’ico- 
magistri With these the worship of his own ‘Genius’ was associated 
by which constant usage, as well as by the ‘ ludi compitalicii the polit- 

^ It is implicfl iri»Acts 22. 2 thnt Greek 
would have been intelligible, though less 
-SO than TT(d)rew, to most of the crowd 
at Jerusnlem. 

“ Strabo, c. 2, p. 151. 

3 Veil. 2. 1 10, 5. 

^ As Arminiiis. See 2. 10, 3. 
llesides the trilingual inscription on 
the cr<jss, and f.atiri words in N. T., the 
mixture in the names of Jewish persons 
is noticed, as ‘Simon the Cyrenian, the 
father pf Alexander and Rufus ’ Mark 
13. 2f. See Mcrivalc, ch. xxxix. p. 377. 

® Suet. Aug. 40. We find it however 

given by Augustus not only to individuals 
(c. g, 1. 58, 2), but to communities (Suet. 
Aug. 47); of which Utica is an instance. 
Dio, 49. 16, I. 

’ .See Pcrsiiis, Sat. 5, 78. 

® See the ‘diplomata’ above referred 
to, p. 108. 

® As in Vergil and Horace frequently. 
I,ivy 4. 20, 5 ; Mon. Anc. iv. 1-30. 
Verg, Aen. 8, 716. 

See Marquardt, iii. p. 198. 

Ovid, Fast. 5, 145; Hor. Od. 4. 5, 
34 - 

Suet. Ang. 31. 



ical order was connected with the sacred ideas of domestic security ; not 
only in Rome and Italy, but in many parts of the empire h d’o this was 
added afterwards throughout the empire the later cult of the ‘ Divus 
Augustus^’ and his deified successors ; as also in some cases, tliat of the 
living Caesar, associated with the imperial city*': the whole forming a 
kind of apotheosis of order and peace, which appears to have been for 
the present the nearest approach to an universal religion. 

Otherwise there was more interchange than fusion of manifold reli- 
gions. Temples to Jupiter Capitolinus arc found in provinces ^ ; and, in 
turn, whatever was attractive in provincial religions struck root in Rome; 
and supplied, what the colder forms of the state ritual failed to supply, 
some food for the fervour of religious enthusiasm and for speculative 
theology. INTany foreign religions obtained si)ccial licence, and even tlie 
illicit might enjoy practical impunity, till circumstances pointed attention 
to them; as in the suppression of Isiac rites by Agrippa’’; or the stern 
vengeance taken by Tiberius on the priests of this cull for a llagrant 
moral scandar*; or the deportation of Jews arising out of a gross pecu- 
niary fraiun : the penalty being apparently in neither ease such as sensU)ly 
to abate the prevalence of such worships. 

Nor could any coercion keep out the forbidden mysteries of astro](\gy 
and magic ^ ; the former of which had the direct countenance of 'i'ibe- 
riiis, though his protection of Thrasyllus did not interfere with the 
chaslisemcrit of the meaner herd The influence of all foreign super- 
stitions on a less strong mind may be seen in the case of Germanicus ; 
in, the restless search after foreign oracles, worships, miracles which 
seems to have so far guided his movements in the East ; and in the 
belief shared by his friends as well as himself, that the magician was as 
capable of causing his death as the poisoner 

Meanwhile, the only religion capable of taking the place both of the 
effete ideas of old Roman worship, and of the gross fanaticisms of foreign 
superstition, was known as yet only to a few poor Jews, and hardly 
reaches to the outer world till the time of Claudius 

' Sacrifice for the health of Angiistiis 
was offered daily in the Jewish temple. 
Philo, leg. ad C. 588. 

^ I’his was allowed by Augustus in the 
provinces even during his life. See on 
1. JO, 5. 

3 See 4. 15; 37; 55. 

^ Pausan. 2, 4. 

^ Tn 703, H. c. 20. Dio, 34- 6, 6. 

® Jos. Ant. 18. 3, 4; Ann. 2.85,5. 

’ Jos. 1 . 1 ., Ann. 1 . 1 . 

^ See 2. 27, 2 , etc. ‘ ( ienus lioininum 
. . . fjuud in civilate nostra c*t vetabiUir 
semper ct retinebitur ’ 11. i. 22, 

6. 20, 3. 

2- 32. 5 ' 

See 2. 54, 61. 

‘ 3* 69, 5. 

^ On the altitude of the Roman au- 
thc'ities at that period to Judaism and, 
Ch islianity, see Introd. to vol. ii. 







First period. Life of Tiberius prior to his principale . ‘ . . . . .112 

Second [)criod, 767-775, A.D. 14-22 . . . . . . . . .118 

Third period, 776-781,^.0. 23-2S ......... 123 

Fouith and fifth perioris, 782-790, A.l>. 29-37 . . . . • • .127 

Testimony of other authors . . , . . . . . . .132 

General conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . • > 35 

No rti. — Several of the works on this subject are mentioned by Nipp. (Inlrod. p. 33); 
to whose list of various jud^nnents may be added the vigorous defence of Tiberius by 
Professor Beesly (‘Catiline, Clodius, and Tiberius,’ London, 1878), the more modified 
praise in M. Diiruy’s History, the more unfavourable view taken by M. Boissicr in his 
work, ‘ I/Opposition sous Ics Cesars* (especially ch. 6, on the delators), and the 
unmeasured invective of Comte Champagny (Ixs Cesars, i. p. 280-360). 

Many obligations, not easy to specify in their jilaces, must be here acknowledged 
to several of these works ; but my chief endeavour has been to give an independent 
judgment on the facts and interpretations of facts contained in 1’acilus and other 
original authorities. 

Tacitus would undoubtedly wish his readers to take, as his most 
deliberate judgment on Tiberius, the summary at the end of the Sixth 
Book, where his life is marked out into periods, showing a gradual 
moral deterioration, affecting both his private habits and i)ersonal 
government b It will therefore be convenient to examine these suc- 

I. ‘ Egregium vita famaque quoad privatus vel in irnperiis sub Augusto 

This emphatic praise, from so unfavourable a witness, though perhaps 
quahfied by insinuations of latent cruelty b and tales, which we seem 
intended to believe, of a foretaste at Rhodes of Capreae ^ ; must at least 
be taken as an admission that his public life to his 56th year was un- 
impeachable, and seems to carry with it a disbelief in the tales of 
drunkenness caught up by Suetonius 

‘From earliest infancy, his lot was one of peril b' Born in the 
year of Philippi‘S (712, a. c. 42), he shared in unconscious infancy the 
hurried flight of his parents from Perusia ; was only four years old when 

‘ 6. 51, 5. 

® MTat is given as a rumour, i. 4, 4, is 
assumed as a fact, 4. 57, 4. 

* Suet. Tib. 42. 
® 6. 51, 2. 

® Suet. Tib. 5, 


his mother became the wife of the triumvir ; only nine ' when his fither’s 
death transferred him to the tutelage of his stepfather, who two years 
later became the undisputed master of the Roman empire. From this 
point, his life, in the judgment of popular exaggeration, seemed enviable 
in the extreme. He is ‘ brought up from infancy in a reigning family, 
loaded with consulships and triumphs in his youth To a more careful 
observer, the thirty-five years next ensuing are a history of liarassing 
intrigues and rivalries ■■ and souring disappointments, hardly compensated 
by ultimate success. 

He assumed the ‘toga virilis’ in 727, b.c. 27, and by special privilege 
became quaestor in his nineteenth year, in 731, n.c. 23'*; at which time 
the death of young IVIarcellus, who was about a year older, removed 
the first of his various rivals from his path I He was praetor in 737, 
B.c. 17, at the age of tw^enty-five, and consul in 741, b.c. 13, at the age 
of twenty-nine 

Side by side with his advancement in civil offices came a succession 
of military commands. After a ‘tirocinium^ as military tribune in the 
Cantabrian war, ho was sent in 734, b.c. 20, in his twenty-second year, 
with forces to the East, to give a king to Armenia ; and had the honour 
of bringing back the standards lost with Crassus'^. In 739, b.c. 15, he 
shared avilh his brother Drusus the more arduous task of sulxluing the 
mountaineers of the Grisons and TyroF^ ; a service which probably gave 
the youths their ‘nomcn imperatorium^’ About this time he received in 
marriage Vipsania Agrippina, daughter, by a former wife of Agri})j)a, 
wdio now stood next to Augustus as his son-in-law and his colleague in 
the tribiinitian power 

Whatever hopes may have been raised by the unexpected death of 
Agrippa, in 742, b.c. 12, at the age of fifty-one — which left only Iw'o 
boys, aged eight and five^^, between the stepsons and the succession 
would fade gradually as time went on and the lads grew older ; w hik^ the 
immediate disastrous eonsequence to Tiberius was the shadow cast over 
his domestic life, by his forced divorce from Vipsania, to whom he avas 
deeply attached *^, and his marriage, for mere dynastic reasons, to Julia, 
who may have courted him as a lover, but despised him as her husband, 
and showed her contempt by her outrageous profligacy Almost 

1 Suet. Tib. 6 . / 1.4^4. 

® * Multis aeinulis conflictatiis cst * 6 . 
51 * 2 . 

^ Dio, 53. 28, 3. Md. 30, 4. 

^ Id. 54. 25, I. 

^ Suet. Tib. 9 ; Ann. 2 . 3, 4. 

« Suet. Tib. 1 . 1 .; Hor. Od. 4. 14. 

• 1. 3. I* 

Poinponia, daiij^^^blcr of Atticus the 
friend of Cicero. See 2. 4, a- 7 - 

Dio, 5.4. b, 5. Sec 3. 56, 3. 

A third was born afterwards. 

Suetonius (Tib. 7) {.jives a touching 
.anecdote of their only meeting after the 

1. 53, 2 ; Suet. Tib. 7. 



immediately after this marriage he was sent to suppress a rising in 
Dalmatia and Pannonia^; and, after the death in 745, n.c. 9, of his 
brother Drusus, at the head of whose funeral train he marched on foot in 
mid-winter from the Rhine to Rome ^ he prosecuted the war in Germany ^ ; 
for successes in which he was rewarded in 74;^ and 747, lec. 9, 7, by 
triumphal distinctions of some kind ‘‘ and a second consulship in the 
latter year. In 748, b. c. 6, he seemed still more fully to fill the 
place of Agriiipa, by receiving for five years the tribunitian power; a 
position wdiich Augustus felt he could safely trust to one of such an 
‘ unambitious temperament 

It \vas now" that he formed his strange resolution of retirement to 
Rhodes, and with great difficulty obtained the necessary permission 
The conduct of his w"ifc is assigned as the most potent reason ' ; an in- 
lluential second motive can be traced in the rise to manhood of the 
young Caesars ; and his retirement of seven years is characterised by 
studious, not to say i)edantic pursuits ^ and initiation by Thrasyllus into 
the dangerous mysteries of astrology, which took so firm a hold upon his 
inind'*^. After the banishmeut of Julia in 752, b.c. 2, he had desired, but 
had not been permitted, to return. The jirotection of his (ribunitian 
power expired, and the rest of his al.esmicc* was a scarcely disguisc^d 
exile ; in wdiicli he was made to feel once for all that a private position 
to one in such a rank w"as impossible, by being exposed to insult and 
even to peril of life, during the progress of Gaius Caesar to the East 
under the sinister infiuence of jM. Lollius In 755, a.d. 2, the year of 
the death of Lucius Caesar, he obtained leave to return to Rome ; but 
lived in complete retirement till the death of Gaius in 757, a.d. 4, caused 
a complete cViange in his xiosition. 

Now, at the age of forty-six, he w^as adopted into the family of the 
Caesars his trilmniliaii power w"as renewed for another five years and 
he was disjilayed as the heir before the greatest armies of the stale If 
we are to believe Velleius, he w^as welcoincd l)y the legions with rajiturcs 
of enthusiasm, and his achievements in the next seven years plao3 him 
in the front rank of Roman generals’"’. The aim of these military 

’ Ifio, 54. 31, 2. 

* 55- 2, I ; Suet. Tib. 7. 

Veil. 2. 97, 2; Suet. Tib. 9; Dio, 

55- T* 

‘ On the exact nature of these there 
appears to be some discrepancy between 
Veil 2. 97, 4 and Suet. Tib. 9. 

* 4. 

Suet. Tib. 10, 
o 2. 

Suet. Tib. 11. 

® 6 , 20 , 3, 

Suet. Tib. 11 ; 12. 

" 3. 48, 3.' Suet. Tib. 13. 

Suet. Til). 15. Ilis adoption took 
filace June 26 (Kal. Amh.) or 27 (Veil. 
2. 103, 2), 757, A.D. 4. The renewal of 
trib. pot. mky probably liave dated from 
July I. See Mommsen, Staatsr. ii. p. 774. 
See note on i. 10, 7. 

Veil, 2. 104, etc. 


operations was to found a great province in further Germany, and to 
transfer the frontier from the Rhine probably to the Elbe. In the two 
campaigns of 757 and 758, a. d. 4 and 5, the resistance in North 
Germany appeared to have been broken ; a third campaign was intended, 
by a concentrated attack with twelve legions on Boliemia, to crush 
IVIaroboduus, who had organized what might be called an empire of 
South Germany ^ ; when the blaze of rebellion in Pannonia and Dalmatia 
in 759, A.n. 6, taxed all the resources of Rome to face a crisis which, 
with some apparent forgetfulness of the Teutons and the Cimbri, is 
called the gravest since the Punic wars^. By the time that this was 
quelled all had been lost in Germany by the; annihilation of the army of 
Varus in 762, a . d . 9 3 and nothing remained but to exact vengeance 
and secure the frontier. The schemes of Gc;rman concpiest would seem 
to have been less nearly executed, or their feasibility more misconceived, 
than our authoritic:s admit to us ; but the restoration of order within the 
empire at least was complete and permanent, and the triumj>h of 
Tiberius in 765, a.d. 12, well earned*. Nor is tliere reason to doiilit 
the most distinguishing trait of his generalship, his carefulness of his 
soldiers’ lives®, a duty more than ever incumbent on a general who 
knew that almost the last reserve of Rome was in the field'’. Rewarded, 
besides his trium})h, Avith a permanent renewal of triburiitian power and 
a ' jiroconsulare iin})erium ’ coordinate in the provinces with that of the 
princeps ^ he had again set out for lllyricum when the last illness of 
Augustus recalled him hastily to Italy, winch for the remaining twenty- 
three years of his life lu; never quitted. 

Our attention throughout this period must be mainly directed to the 
circumstances which formed the character of the future prince. It was 
evidently always the dearest wish of Augustus to found a family dynasty, 
The priucipalc could never be formally bequeathed and, by the hi st 
princeps, even the custom of succession had wholly to l)e created : but 
he seems clearly to have seen that with tact and discretion lie could 
practically name his successor; and, though a sonless man, had no such 
noble ambition as Galba conceived and Nerva realised, of directing 
choice to the worthiest. Yet he could see that his intended successor 

' The chief authority for these cam- 
paigns is Velleius, wlio served in lliem. 
On their strategy, see the remarks of 
Professor Beesly. 

^ Suet. Tib. 16. On this ‘war, see Veil. 
2. 110-116. 

® See Veil. 2. 117-120. 

* Veil. 2. 1 2 1, 3. 

® Id. 1 14. 

^ On the difficulty of finding soldiers, 
sec Dio, 55. 31, I ; 56. 23, 2. 

This renewal liad | rohahly taken 
place during his absence. See note on 

I. 10, 7. 

^ Suet. Tib. 21. See above, ch. vi. 

p. 83. 

See ch. vi. p. 82. 



must be ripe in years and tried in service, prominent enough to be such 
as a free state might be supposed to choose. Again, the precariousness 
of his own health obliged Augustus always to contemplate the possibility 
of a speedy as well as a distant succession. Hence it was always his 
policy to surround his throne with props ^ and to have different heirs in 
various grades of expectancy. In the first rank were his nearest relatives, 
to be his choice if time allowed him to make them suflicicntly prominent. 
Such in the earlier years was IMarcellus, and such in later times were 
Gains and Lucius Caesar. Secondly, there must be another in reserve, 
already ripe in years and tried in real life, who might fill the chief place 
in case of a sudden vacancy ; but who, after a sacrifice of the best years 
of his life for the ruling house, might expect to be summarily set aside 
for a youth, if circumstances hereafter made it feasible. Such in the 
earlier years was Agrippa, and such was in later times the position of 
Tiberius. Each was victim in turn to the matrimonial arrangements 
whicli Augustus always carried out with more than a Roman's disregard 
of natural affection, often with a cynical contempt even for common 
decency Each had endeavoured to escajie from an intolerable position 
by retirement from Rome Agrippa, had he lived long enough, would 
probably again have had to retire before his own sons, adopted into the 
family of the Caesars over his head. Tiberius, even at the death of Gaius, 
had Gennanicus been ten years older or Augustus ten years younger, 
would })robably have been again postponed to the grandson of Clctavia, 
whose children by Agrippina would still more, nearly represent the tnie 
blood of Augustus ^ 

Wc may w^cll believe that a sense of public ® duty cooperated with the 
solicitations of Livia, in procuring the adoption of her son, which she so 
often recalled to him in after times as the crowning service of her life ^ 
Still, with the tenacity that marked all his policy, Augustus seemed even 
then to leave a chance open for future family schemes, not only by him- 
self adopting at the same time the wrorthless Agrippa Postumus but 
also by compelling Tiberius, as the price of his own adoption, to adopt 

^ ‘ Quo pluribiis nuinimentis insistcret ’ 

I- 3, 

^ To secure one political ally he had 
himself set aside the daughter of Scrviliiis 
for Clodia (^Suet. Aug. 62) ; to win 
another, he married Scribonia (App. B. C. 
5. 5.^), whom he divorced, on the day of 
her (laughter’s birth (Dio, 48. 34, 3), for 
the scandalous marriage with Livia (Ann. 
I, 10, 4). For like reasons he sacrificed 
Octavia to Antonins, and comjrclled 
Agrippa possibly to divorce I'omponia 

for Marcella, certainly Marcella for Julia, 
who was given, for mere dynastic reasons, 
to three successive husbands. The cruel 
divorce of Tiberius from Vipsania is 
mentioned above. 

^ On the retirement of Agrippa at the 
rise of Marcellus, see Veil. 2. 93, 2 ; Dio, 
53- 32, I. ‘ 

* See ch. ix. 

* See Suet. Tib. 21. 

® 4. 57 ^ 4. 

^ Suet. Tib. 15. 


Germanicus \ and thus to prejudice the position of his son by blood, 
Drusus, who was a year or two younger. Even the prospect of a possible 
civil war could not turn the old man from a scheme which might one 
day bring back the inheritance of the Caesars to his own direct descend- 
ants. Hence the undisguised coldness and jealousy of Tiberius and 
Livia towards Germanicus and his house, and the suspicions, not the less 
real because baseless, that the young man might turn his popularity to 
disloyal use ; hence the idea that even Agrippa, though formally banished 
in perpetuity, was still formidable while he lived, and might any day 
return to favour*'. 

Augustus again, while addressing Tiberius by letter in a fulsome strain 
of palpable exaggeration is said to have often jested to his courtiers 
about the poor Roman people, who were to be ' so delil)crately masti- 
cated; ' often to have broken off lively conversation at his approach', 
and even in a public rescript to have ‘ taunted him with his personal 
peculiarities under colour of apology The epigrammatists who did not 
spare Tiberius even as prince'’’, assuredly did not spare him all this time'^; 
and even a posthumous stroke w'as dealt in the will which made liim 
principal heir, by a pointed allusion to those who should have filled his 

Such circumstances, acting on such a temperament, produced much 
such a character as we should expect. We are to think of the man 
Tiberius as one naturally austere, reserved, and distant '' ; the best ot 
whose life had been spent in caini)S or in retirement ; whose position at 
court had been generally more or less overshadowed by rivals ; and 
whose domestic life had been wrecked for political objects in which he 
had no ])rimary interest ; while he had been schooled for years in repres- 
sion and disguise, with fatalists always at his elbow to tell him that his 
day of revenge would come 'h He had lived in the coldest sliadc of 
neglect, as well as in the full sunshine of flattery, and could rale the 
homage of senate arul people at its ]>roper worth. Of all views of his 
character, none is more amply borne out by facts than that which states 
that his resolution was as weak as his penetration was keen" ; so that, 
the more clearly he could read men's minds, the more he was at a loss 

' I, 3, 5; Suet. 1.1. 

2 I. 5, 2. 

^ See Suet. Tib. 21. 

♦ Id. 

® 1. 10, 7. 

• I. 72, 5; Suet. Tib. 59. ’ Tb. 

* Suet. Tib. 23 'Quoniam atrox for- 
tuna Gaium et Lucium filios mihi eripuil.’ 

® * Tristissimum, iit con;blat, hoininum’ 
Plin. N. If. 28. 2 (5), 23. 

‘ C'irca ac rol i^ioiics neglegciitior, 
quippe addictus rnathcmaticae, plenusqiie 
persuasionis, cuncta fato agi ’ Suet. Tib. 
09. See ou 6. 21. 

" I. 80. 3. 



to deal with them. It is in this mixture of strength and weakness’, as 
well as in the union of his natural self-distrust reserve, and austerity, 
with the souring experiences of a lifetime, that we find the leading traits 
of character of the future ruler. 

II. ‘ Occultum ac subdolum fingendis virtutibus, donee Gcrmanicus ac 
Drusus super file re.* 

This period, the first eight years of this principate, treated by Tacitus 
in the first three books, and reviewed at the lieginning of the fourth, is at 
once that on which his information is most full, and liis estimate most 
questionable : the whole time being thus summarily dismissed, not as that 
in which the purpose was most sincere, but in which the disguise was best 

The fiict of generally just and moderate government is admitted and 
indisjiutablc. We arc told of constant consultation of the senate, even 
on matters not strictly belonging to their cognisance^; that its chief 
members are encouraged to discuss, and rebuked for servility ^ ; that the 
office of the magistrates of the republic is respected ; the laws, with one 
exception uprightly administered ; that in tlie bestowal of dignities the 
worthiest were selected ; that Tiberius set an example of frugality, both 
in the moderate size and number of his Italian estates, amid the vast villas 
of the nobles \ and in unostentatious management and retinue ; as well 
as an example of moderation in conducting disputes with other citizens 
as between equals in the knv-courts. It is furtlier admitted that tliese 
characteristics at home were accoinpanied by clemency ami vigilance 
abroad : that no new burdens were laid on the provinces ; the old ones 
adjusted with care and remitted on occasion ; personal violence and 
confiscation scrupulously avoided ; cruelty and extortion in governors 
duly punished ; fiscal procuratorships conferred on men of character, 
even without personal knowledge ; and their tenure ind(‘finitcly extended, 
as if to diminish temptation to peculation, by giving men time to grow 
rich without it. 

Many even of what seemed to Tacitus defects of policy, wouKl be 
merits to an impartial critic ; who, for instance, would hardly be induced 
to believe that Gcrmanicus, whose chief recorded achievements arc those 
of mere ravage and massacre ^ or ostentatious and futile obsequies to the 

^ rrofessor Bccsly has well noted the ^ See note on i. 52, 2. 

indications of such a teni})eramcnt in his * 4 7> 4J 59^ 2. 

physiognomy, as in fhe well known Vati- '' On their ^function at this time, see 

can statue (Mus. Chiarom. 494). ch. vi. p. 75, etc. 

Sec on I. 11, 1, etc., and especially ^ See below, p. 121. 

4. 38, 4, where his diflidenco is variously See 3. 53, 5, 

explained, as due to modesty, self-dc- ^ 51 J 56. 

predation, or ineanspiritediiess. 


remains of those who fell with Varus or at best barren victories in llie 
held % balanced by disastrous retreats ", and entailing untold requisitions 
on Gaul was recalled from an all but completed contpu si \ 

The general foreign policy of such a ruler naturally finds little favour 
with a historian who looked back with fondness to the military gkn'ies of 
the old re|)ublic and was writing when the star of eonquest was again 
in the ascendant, when the eagles had advanced to the Car})alhians and 
the Pruth, the fleet to the Persian gulf and llic Indian Ocean. Mis 
disdain iis natural for the old " narrow limits of empire 'V for the ‘ timid 
or envious ' advice of Augustus ^ and for a prince who 'cared not to 
extend the frontier, ’ and under whom ‘peace w’as slightly if at all dis 
lurbed Yet this policy, while prudent and consistent, was not undig- 
nified. The civil war of Arminius and IMaroboduus-^ fully attests the 
wisdom of leaving Germany to its internal conllicls^'. The anxiety to 
preserve order and to settle dinieullles williout recourse to arms wall 
commend itself no less than the just partition of Thrace under its own 
princes ; the acquisition of Cappadocia with advantage both to its own 
inhabitants and to the Roman people ’■'; and ihc maintenance of prestige 
in the East without open breach walh Parthia ; while Armenia is secured 
to the Roman interest through a prince of Roman sympathies, yet not 
too Roman for his subjects 

Aga4n, the severe punisliment of governors for extortion will be 
generally held deserving of more praise than is awarded by the historian, 
who, even when candidly admitting a case of proved guilt in tliis res])ect, 
appears to lay no stress upon it Nor can we vshaie his apparent regrc^i 
that largess w^as not lavished on the needy descendant of the llorlensii^ ; 
the more so as it is admitted that Tilicrius cared not, at least at this time, 
to enrich himself^^ or to be sparing of bounty to persons^^’ or communi- 
ties on just occasion. 

Again, w^hen all his resources w'cre strained to feed the }>eoj)le% we 
should hardly blame the economy, even if W'c are allowed to imagine no 
betto motive, from wliich their mere amusements w’erc c urtailcd 

* 1.61. ^ 2. 16, etc. Artaxias was the j)eo]))c’s i:])oice, and 

^ I. 63-/'! ; 2. 23. ^ Sec 2. 5, 3, free from Ihc ddccls of Voiiones. See 2. 

•' 2. 26, 2. 4. 32, 2. 56, 2. 

4. 4, 6. ® 1 . ir, 7. E.g. I. 74,7; 3. 38, 1 ; 70, i ; 4. 19, 

® 4- 32, 3* ^^2. 44; 63. 5, etc. 

2. 26, 3. Many other such conflicts 2. 37; 38. 

are mentioned in the note there. 2. 48; 3. 18, 2. 

‘Nc conposita turbar<^ntiir ’ 2.65, i. .See note on J. 75, 4. 

2, 64, 2. 2. 6j', 4. 2. 47, 3 ; 4. 13, 1. 

By its revenue the ‘centesima’ was 2. 87, 1 ; 4. 6, 6 . 

reduced (2. 42, 6) ; yet the tnirdens of its i. 54, 3 ; 4. 62, 3. 

people were lessened (2. 56, 4). 



To say that he was austere and generally feared ^ is to say that his 
disposition was such as nature and circumstances had made it ; nor is 
his carelessness of popularity unaccompanied with the rational desire of 
solid approval ^ 

The evidence on which the whole of this period ’ is pronounced to be 
one of mere sustained hypocrisy, is best challenged by taking the leading 
instances alleged. 

The first instance is at the outset, when a show is made of declining 
the principatc which every step had been taken to secure. Undoubtedly 
the reluctance was so far insincere, that his Rhodian retirement must 
have taught him, that for one so placed, the only safety \vas to rule ; but 
if we suppose his natural irresolution to have mingled with his disguise, 
he would not be the only one whose self-reliance had failed him at the 
crisis of his fortunes ; and of the reasons given for his conduct, two at 
least are thoroughly substantial. As regards the armies, he certainly did 
‘ hold a w'olf by the ears whether he was aw' arc of the actual mutiny or 
not ; and the constitution of the principatc, as well as the absence at this 
date of any monarchical or dynastic tradition required him to secure his 
position by laying all stress on the apparent free choice of the senate 

Another leading instance is sought in his whole conduct to Germanicus, 
which again, even in its most questionable points, shows habitual irresolu- 
tion rather than malice. The position in which Germanicus is found at 
the death of Augustus is strengthened rather than impaired ^ ; he is 
allowed to levy war in such mode and on such scale as he pleases ; his 
distinctions are at least equal to his deserts ® ; his recall, as has been said 
above is justifiable. Yet it is but natural that the compulsory adoption 
should rankle in a mind so disposed to brood on its grievances “ : and, 
side by side with the confidence which Tiberius felt when great armies 
were under his sons might lurk some distrust of the young man’s popu- 
larity, and of the masculine energy of his wife Thus we discern a 
motive for sending him to the East, where the legions did not know him, 
and for replacing a legate so connected with him as Creticus Silanus^'^ by 
one who could be trusted at least to hold his own. Cn. Piso, again, was 
much to be mistrusted. The proudest member of one of the noblest 
houses yet left he had spoken out in the senate’*^, and had perhaps been 
noted by Augustus as dangerous ' Yet his wife stood high in the favour 

‘ 4- 7, I. 

^ ‘ Odcrint. clnm probent’ Suet. Tib. t:g. 
« Suet. Tib. 25. 

* See above, p, 115. 

1. 7. to. ^ I. 3, 5. 

’ I. Hf 4- ® I. 55, I ; 58,9, 

p. 1 19. 

* See abov^ p. 116. 

* See I. 7, II, and note there. 

*2-44. I • ‘■■*1.69,4. 

' 2. 43. 3- ” W. 

■» -74. <5. 1-13. 3- 


of Augusta and he could hardly be passed over in the award of pro- 
vinces. It is reasonable to suppose that the one mistrust was set against 
the other, that he was to be some check on his young ‘ imperator who, 
in turn, was to check him by an ‘ impcrium maius * on the spot. Such a 
view is consistent with the belief that the full extent to which such rivalry 
might be pushed was not foreseen. Nor need a word here be said on 
any insinuation of the complicity of Tiberius in a death ascribed by the 
superstitious to witchcraft, and by those who dispensed with evidence to 
poisoning ^ : still less on the imagination apparently for a moment enter- 
tained by Tacitus that the really fatal charge against Piso, that of levying 
civil war in the province, was somehow the outcome of a deep-laid plot 
of Tiberius to destroy him \ 

We pass to the state trials, especially those for ‘ maiestas,’ the one point 
excepted in the summary ° from the generally just administration of laws 
during this period. 

Tacitus is himself our best authority as to the offences originally and 
subsequently made indictable under this term *** ; which appears to have 
been gradually defined, with increasing width, by the ‘ leges ’ ‘ Appulcia ’ 
(654, B, c. 100), ‘ Varia' (663, b. c. 91), ‘Cornelia' (during the rule of 
Sulla), and ‘ lulia ’ (enacted by Augustus) ; and which, even in the time 
of Cicero, has a formidably elastic meaning, w’hich would hardly require 
pressing to make it cover offensive words’^. This application is, lunv- 
ever, at least extremely limited ^ until the time of Tiberius, under whom it 
is extended even to spoken words ® : and the strict limitation to libels on 
the prince himself and his parent’® is disregarded in practice”. 

During this first period, about twelve trials may be noted, in which 
this is either the sole charge, or more frecpiently coupled with others 
In two cases acts are alleged, wdiich in any age would have been treason- 
able ”, if proved ; in the other the charge is grounded either on a more or 
less strained interpretation of acts, or, in one or two cases, on words’®. 
It should be added, that in three cases the charge of ‘ maiestas ' is dis- 

^ 2. 43, 5, etc. year of his rule. See i. 74, 3. 

“ Gcrmanicus is so styled, 3. 12, 4. See 4. 34, 3. 

® I'his charge evidently In oke down, E. g. 3. 49, i. 

but was still believed. See 3. 14, 2, 4. Such a case as that of Idbo Drusiis 

* See on I. 13, 3. is here included for convenience, though 

® 4. 6, 3. not strictly ojie of ‘ maiestas.* 

® 1. 72, 3, where see notes. ‘Omnium accusatiohum complemen- 

‘ Maiestatem minuere cst dc digni- turn’ 3, 38, i. 
tate, aut amplitudine, aut potestate populi ** Cn. Piso, and Anlistius Veins (3. 
aut corum quibus po])ulus potestatem 38, 2). 

dedit, aliquid derogarc’ Oc luv. 2. 17, i. 74, 3 ; 3. 49, 1. In some cases the 

** See on i. 72, 4. nature of the charge is unspecified, as iu 

® We find this as early as the second 3. 66, 2. 



missed before triaP ; and that three others result in acquittal^; and 
that the one case in which death is inflicted for an offence of words takes 
place in the absence of Tiberius, who finds fault with, and takes measures 
to prevent in future so precipitate a sentence 

It may be admitted that the number of cases is not large in itself, and 
that many among this number seem due to the desire of accusers to 
secure a conviction by multiplying counts in the indictment, especially by 
adding a charge not less sweeping and formidable than the modern 
phrase of ‘ conduct calculated to bring the government into con- 
tempt ; ' a charge especially difficult to meet under such a constitu- 
tion as that of the Caesars, resting on innumerable vague lines and 
fictions. We may also admit that Tiberius, though with frequent 
vacillations of purpose ^ shows on the whole at present no disposition to 
press for convictions, or for extreme sentences upon conviction. On the 
other hand, even a small numerical list of such trials becomes consider- 
able, when viewed in relation to a period of profound tranquillity and 
acquiescence ; when, with insignificant exceptions, the air is stirred by no 
conspiracies®, and the nobles arc servile, even to the disdain of their 
ruler We are far removed, both from such an open outbreak in the 
senate as that which had forced Augustus to withdraw the ‘ Lex lulia 
maritalis V and even from the attitude of the Stoic aristocrats under Nero; 
and the opposition has shrunk into epigrams the babble of ‘ dinner 
parties and places of resort ‘ idle murmurs ‘ whispers or suspicious 
silence ; Mn a word, into what no despotism has ever been able to 
repress, and what no strong government need ever consider dangerous. 

Nor are the charges in themselves so noteworthy as the accompany- 
ing growth of an organized system of delation, destined to acquire such 
fatal prominence for nearly a century afterwards. In Rome, at all times, 
the absence of a public prosecutor threw the duty of accusation on 
individuals ; and the desire to conduct an impeachment was always 
strong among Roman orators ; all the more so under the Empire, from 
the closing of other roads to distinction, and the increasing prevalence of 
rhetorical schools, in which the brilliant strokes of a fashionable accuser 
are held up to the admiration of the rising generation Even for men 

' I. 73; 3 - 70. 2. 

I- 74 » 7; 2. 50, 4; 3. 38, I (comp, 
with 70, 0- ® 3. 51, 2. 

* See especially the narrative of the 
trial of Aemilia Lepida, 3. 22, 3. 

^ Libo Drusus, it Tacitus is to be be- 
lieved, was no real conspirator (2. 30, 2). 
The only instance of more importance is 
the attempt of Clemens to personate 
Agrippa, which is staled to have been 

influentially supported (2. 40, 6), 

® 3. 63. 3 - 
See Dio, 54. 16. 

® I. 72, 5; Suet. Tib. 59. 

* In conviviis et circulis’ 3 54, I. 
'Inani r«more’ i. 15, 2. 

Many famous delators are criticised, 
from a merely rhetorical point of view, 
by M Seneca and Quintilian. 


of rank and wealth still more for the needy and obscure ^ such a career 
had thus manifold attractions. But Roman moral sentiment drew a strong 
distinction between those who had a right to accuse or were deputed to 
do so, and those who volunteered for the duty ^ ; confining to the latter 
class the odious name of ‘ delator 

By considering the strength of the impelling motives, we are led to see 
a plain truth in the maxim of Domitian at his best time, that ‘ the prince 
who does not chock accusers stimulates tlicm '' : ’ and there can be no 
doubt that Tiberius encouraged them from the first, both in this sense 
and even in a more substantial manner®; and that (notwithstanding a 
few precedents under Augustus^) his princijiate is so marked by the de- 
velopment of delation as to be not unjustly termed the period of its 

We must suppose him to have intended the natural consequence, to let 
men see that the accuser was always on the watch, that even trivial acts 
or mere words, even the pasquinades so natural to Italian scurrility, were 
well within the scope of the law and placed them at his mercy; that by legal 
fictions their own household might be forced to give evidence against 
them^, that the senate was only too forward to condemn, while the 
princeps reserved to liimself the credit of extending clemency to the 

We need not attribute this to any other motive than to his general 
policy of keeping himself in the background and using the instruinentaUty 
of others, and to that constitutional self-distrust and suspicion, which 
made him even at the outset feci insecure, unless surrounded by an atmos- 
phere of intimidation. On any interpretation, while giving far more credit 
than Tacitus gives at this time for a genuine desire to govern well, we 
are compelled to qualify our praise by ‘ si maiestatis quacstio exi- 

III. ‘ Inter bona nialaque mixtus, incolumi matre.’ 

Such is the summary of the six years comprised in Book IV., 77 ^- 
781, 23-28, the ninth to the fifteenth of the rule of Tiberius, and 
the sixty-fourth to the seventieth of his life. The words seem a platitude, 

^ * Primores senatus* (6. 7, 4), such as and shari; g all the ])roporty (2. 32, i). 
Mamercus Scaurus (3. 66, 2, etc.). Besides the case of ComoHus Gallus, 

^ As Junius Otho, 3. 66, 4. we have a more systematic encourage- 

® I‘liny says (Kpp. 3. 7, 3) in censure mcnl under the ‘lex>ia Poi)paea.* See 
of Silius Italicus ‘ credehatur sponte ac- 3. 2S, 4. 

cusasse.* * ® Cp. the language of Tacitus, * Qui 

* The word is wholly post- Augustan. formam vitae iniit ’ etc. (i, 74, 1) ; ‘Turn 

® Suet. Dom. 9. prirnum reperta sunt mala,’ etc. (2. 

® Kven in the early period we find 27, i). 
them rewarded with political promotion, “ 2. 30, 3. 



and the ' bona/ if not admitted to have been real before, must be sup- 
posed less real now. Tacitus must be understood to mean that some evil 
traits, such as cruelty and covetousness ^ begin to escape their disguise, 
but that the appearance of many virtues is kept up. 

The ascendancy of Seianus, greatly extended by the death of Drusus^, 
is still so far held in check by Augusta as to require him to proceed 
cautiously, and his bold request for the hand of Livia meets with a 
decided rebuff^. Yet, though only a knight, he appears to have already 
some share in the ' proconsulare imperium and has been able to carry 
out a change more fraught with results in later Roman history than 
perhaps any other event of this principate, the concentration of the 
praetorians in the well-known barrack outside the Servian ‘ agger ’ a 
change at once attesting the influence of the minister, and the timidity 
of the ruler, who could be persuaded that so powerful a force on the 
spot was necessary to his safety. Seianus is represented as already 
steadily aiming at the throne : Drusus is out of the way, and the house 
of German! cus, though still personally secured, are represented as having 
their position undermined by insidious attacks and by the overthrow of 
one friend after another'^. 

This whole period is described in an eloquent passage as a dreary 
chronicle of ^ cruel orders, incessant accusations, treacherous friendships 
Under an exaggeration, similar to that of earlier passages we discern 
this truth, that the record of trials, mostly for state offences, is almost the 
sole history of tlie lime ; and that, besides a large increase in the number 
of such cases, from about twelve in eight years to about twenty in six^®, 
we have also an increase in the espionage of informers and in the 
severity of sentences. 

Many distinctions must however be drawn. Serious charges were 
brought, and some of them really proved, against Siliiis Serenus 
Lucilius Capito ; and the gratitude of the cities of Asia must be set 
against the murmurs of Roman nobles. All would now respect the 
indignant protest of Tiberius against leniency to Suillius, convicted of 

^ Cp. ^Saevire ipse aut saevieiitibiis 
vires praebere ' (4. i, 1). (^reecl for con- 
fiscation is alleged to show itself first at 
tlie trial of Silius. See 4. 20, 2.. 

" 4 - 12, .V 

" 4- 40- 

* He is styled * adiutor imperii,’ which 
is im|)licd to be a sUp to the full position 
of ‘ collega ’ 4. 7, 2. See ch. vi. j:). 83. 

® 4. 2, 1. 

6 4. 12, 2 ; 17, 4 ; 59,5; 60, 1. 

’ 4. 18, I j 52, 1 ; 68, l. 

® 4- 33. 3- 

Sec 3. 38, I ; 44» 2. 

Trials for ordinary criminal offences, 
such as some of those in c. 22 ; 42 ; 52, 
arc omitted, but the list is not confined 
to such as are strictly cases of maicstas. 
Wc may add from Dio (57. 22, 5) the 
name of Aeltus Saturninus, thrown from 
the Tarpeiau rock for libellous words in 
776, A.i). 23. 

4* 19. 5* 4- 13, a. 

“ 4' >5. 3- “ 4- 15. 4- 


selling justice; and the later history of the man is admitted to have 
shown that compassion was undeserved’. Nor will any regret the 
punishment of informers for false or vexatious charges Three again 
are acquitted ^ another saved by indefinite adjournment^, another par- 
doned amidst genuine applause^, in another case the gravest part of 
the charge is allowed to drop in another expulsion from the senate is 
the only penally 

Granting however that the numerical list shrinks thus considerably on 
investigation, many cases will still remain showing an increased sensitive- 
ness to libels and vindictiveness in punishing them. Charges of this 
kind, if not, in the former case, actually entering into the indictment, help 
to bring about the downfill of Silius^ and L. Piso^; it is for these that 
Votienus is condemned to exile ’*^5 and that Cassius Severus, an old 
offender”, has his punishment increased By a further stretch, the law 
is made to reach Cremutius Cordus for a work which, according to one 
account, was of old standing and had even been recited before Augustus 
and for a mere passage in which the eulogy was awarded to Cassius 
which had once been spoken over him by Brutus”. We are assured 
that the whole circumstances of the trial left the accused no prospect of 
escaping condemnation but by suicide. 

Sometimes again conviction is alleged to have been enforced where 
proof was weanling; as in the trial of old Serenus on charges of con- 
spiracy preferred by his son ; charges which were certainly dismissed as 
absurd in respect to some of the persons implicated in them, and on 
which the evidence is stated to have altogether broken down Yet 
Caesar is represented as insisting upon a condemnatory vote, though 
interposing to modify the proposed penalty of death or stricter banish- 
ment ”, satisfied apparently with the conviction itself. 

Lastly, at the close of this period, in the case of Titius Sabin us we are 
informed of disgraceful expedients to procure evidence ”, of a hurried 
vote and immediate execution without trial, on the very opening festival 
of the* new year, in obedience to a missive from the prince There may 
have been more in the case than is reported”, but the ominous beginning 
of the terrible letters from Capreae must be noted here. 

Informers again appear to be more openly encouraged, protected from 
just retribution in case of falsehood and secured of their reward, even 

’ 4 * 31, , 

* 4' 3^» 7* "fhe most formidable are 
said to have escaped (c. 36, 5). 

^ 4- 13. 3; 4- ‘4.21,4. 

‘ 4. 66, 3. ’ 4. 42, 3. 

4. 18, 2. 

® 4. 21, 2. 

” 4 ‘ 42, 3 ‘ 

“ See I. 72, 4. 

” 4* 21, 5. 

Suet. Tib. 6i. 

” 4. 34, i; Suet.l. 1 . 



4 * 29* I- 
4 * 30, I. 

4. 68 ; 69. 
c. 70. 

See on c. 70, 

4- 3«, 8 ; 36, 5. 



where condemnation was anticipated by suicided Confiscations also 
now begin to appear, and so far bear out the imputation that an appetite 
for them has arisen 

Traces of the better and greater side of his character still indeed re- 
main, in the dignified address on the death of Drusus ", energy in public 
business ^ prompt investigation of a ciiaie strict repression of a 
popular scandal ^ resolute disdain of extravagant honours munificence 
on occasion of a public disaster®. 'Much again of mere gratuitous in- 
sinuation may yet be cast aside : such as that he was jealous of honour 
paid to young Nero and Drusus®; attended to public business only to 
disarm suspicion^*'; refused a temple from mere meanspiritedness ; sup- 
pressed mention of military disasters because he dared trust no one to 
levy war’®; and the like. The memoirs of the younger Agrippina are 
once at least’®, and probably more than o^ce’^ laid under contribution, 
with other matter which must be received with much reserve 

Still, after all deductions made, there seems to be evidence that, 
besides the increased sensitiveness to attack, already noticed, a change 
is growing upon him, a consciousness of fiiiling powers in which even 
the offer to resign may have been half-sincere a growing dread of 
conspiracies and of those in whose interest they might be supposed to 
lake place ; whereby the house of Germanicus, still in favour at the 
beginning of this period are on the brink of destruction at its close 
How fixr their conduct Justified, or could be made to appear to justify, 
such estrangement, can be never kuo^vn. We can see that their position 
was sufficiently secure at the outset to have made it their best policy 
calmly to bide their time : we can also see that Scianus had an obvious 
motive for insidious attacks on them; and may even have forced them 
to intrigue in self-defence : and that, with or without such incentives, 
the fiery and domineering nature of Agrippina®^’ may have made her play 
only too readily into his hands. 

These causes at any rate tended to promote the ascendancy of the only 
real minister whom Tiberius ever had. It is by playing on these^weak- 
nesses that Seianiis is represented to have induced him to take the great 
step which marks the close of this period; that of permanently withdraw- 
ing from Rome®’, and fixing his headquarters in the natural island- 

’ 4- 3. ® 4. 64. 1. 

^ 4. 20, 2. ® 4. 17, 2. 

^ 4. 4. 5,5. 1. 

* 4- I. ’’ 4- 38, 4- 

' 4- 2- 4. 74» 

6 4. 14, 4, 13 4. 53, 3. 

4- 57 J 38* E. g- c. 52 ; 54 ; 60. 


See on 4. 39 ; 40. 

4. 9. I- 

4. 8, 6.^ 

4. 8, 5. 

4- 70, 7- 

‘Aequi inpatiens, dominandi avidi 

25 » 3 - 

" 4- 41 : 57- 


fortress of Capreae \ Accepting, on general authority, the counsel of 
this adviser as the primary motive for such seclusion, Tacitus adds, with* 
perhaps more than due stress, others which we may place in the second 
rank^ The dictation still exercised by Augusta, even at the age of 
eighty-five, is intolerable to an almost septuagenarian son, and amounts 
to a virtual claim to share the power which she had w'on for him. His 
habits of life are said to have driven him to fly the restraint of society : 
even his personal appearance to have led him to shun the eyes of men. 
The tall gaunt form, awkward even in its erectness has contracted an 
ungainly stoop; the countenance, so refined and distinguished in his 
busts and coins, has become a loathsome spectacle. 

The period which begins with the concentration of a body-guard seems 
aptly to end with almost a self-imprisonment : and w^e appear to see a 
picture, neither inconsistent nor indistinct, of a phase intermediate be- 
tween his best and worst; one of an old age of increasing timidity, sus- 
picion, and isolation, aggravated by a counsellor whose interest lay in 
doing so ; and tending to bear the fruit naturally borne by such qualities, 
when, to the misfortune of mankind, they ar<^ armed with pow^r. 

IV and V. ‘ Intestabilis saevitia, sed obtectis libidinibiis, dum Seianum 
dilcxit timuitve : postremo in scelera simul ac dedecora prorupit, post- 
quam remote pudore et metu suo tantum ingenio utebatur.' 

'I'hese tw^o periods, comprising together eight years and a quarter, 
782-790, A.D. 29-37, may be taken together, and must in great part be 
studied without the aid of Tacitus. 

The Fifth Book opens with the death of Augusta, who, after having 
been charged, by hints more or less explicit, with every death in the 
house of the Caesars, is now^ represented no longer as the ‘ terrible step- 
mother,' but as the sole remaining protection of the family supposed to 
have been most obnoxious to her ■*. In another place such discrepancies 
are loosely accommodated by saying that she ostentatiously supported in 
adversity those whom she had secretly undermined in their prosperity®. 
The verdict of historical criticism has generally acquitted her of these 
imputations, and regarded her throughout the long and unbroken period 
of her ascendancy, as a softening and moderating influence on the cruel 
propensities of her husband and her son. And indeed, whatever her 
personal feeling towards the house of Germanicus, w^e may suppose her 
sufficiently imbued with the policy of Augustus ^ to see that her son had 
far more to gain than to lose by surrounding himself with family sup- 
port; and that it would not be desirable for him at the age of seventy 


* 4- 5r» 4* ® Suet. Tib, 68. 

5- 3 . 

" 4- 7b 7- 

^ Sec I. 3 . 



to be left with no heir but his grandson Tiberius Gemellus, a boy of ten 
years old ^ 

Her overpowering influence, even to the close of life, is shown by the 
description of Tiberius and Scianus ^breaking loose, as if freed from bit 
and bridle V hastily despatching to the senate the charges already 
drawn up, but kept back by her influence, against Agrippina and Nero. 
The former is accused of arrogant language, the latter of profligacy, a 
charge which the general vicious propensities of this fltmily render only 
too probable, but which we must suppose to have been seized as a handle 
of attack in default of other charges. It is expressly asserted that no act 
of treason was alleged against either, and we infer that no evidence of 
such could have been forthcoming The characteristic irresolution of 
the rescript left the senate perplexed, and even a second more peremp- 
tory mandate still reserved the sentence to be passed With precautions 
against rescue which attest their popularity they were hurried away to 
their island prisons, and, about a year later, the second son, Drusus, was 
consigned to a dungeon in the Palatium ^ The goal at which Seianus 
was straining seemed within view ; yet, in spite of all the honours which 
he was allowed to enjoy or hope for, his triumph was incomplete, and his 
position insecure, for Tiberius characteristically stopped short when his 
mind seemed made up. More than two years passed before the exile 
of Nero was followed by his execution or compulsory suicide ^ ; Agrip- 
pina and Drusus still lived on ; Gains was in favour, and was pointed out 
as heir ^ Tiberius was never wholly blinded ; and from his natural 
temperament, when other causes of apprehension were removed, could 
hardly fail to suspect the minister himself. Hence the conspiracy to 
destroy Tiberius and Gains is represented as a desperate stroke in self- 
defence. The plotter had however met his match and fell with a crash 
to which Dio could find no parallel till the fate of Plautianus in his own 

Seianus has not generally found favour even with the defenders of 
Tiberius, but has rather been made the scapegoat of his prince. Yet 
it is admitted that his influence was, at least at the outset, good ; and 
that his fall was at least as great a calamity as his ascendancy And 

^ See ch. ix. note 35. 

* 5, 2. 

” Suet, Tib. 64. 

® See the summary of events prefixed 
to book V. 

^ See Dio, 58. 8, 4 ; Suet. Tib. 61. 

Suet, Tib. 54, 

» Dio, 58. 8, I. 

‘ Isdem artibus victus est*4. i, 3. 

« 58. 14, 1. 

‘ incipiente adhne potentia bonis con- 
siliis nolesce^ volebat ’ 4. 7, 1. 

‘ Pari exitio viguit ceciditque’ 4, i, 3. 
In 6. 51, 6 his death is represented as 
having removed the last restraint. Cp. 
also the language of Suet. Tib. 61, 


when we ask definite questions — Did he poison Drusus ? Did he bring 
about the retirement to Capreae ? Did he compass the fall of the family 
of Germanicus? Did he conspire against his master’s life? — we see 
that the positive evidence is weak. The first charge, resting, it would 
seem, only on the evidence of tortured slaves S was preferred eight 
years afterwards by Apicata, whose knowledge could but have been 
at second hand^, and who had every motive for aiming a deadly blow 
at her rival Livilla, at a time when any genuine investigation was im- 
possible. On the second question, we have the doubts of Tacitus 
himself, who suggests other motives for our consideration ^ On the 
third, the loss of the Fifth Book makes our knowledge most imperfect ; 
but the actual charges against Agrippina and Nero, as has been already 
showm bear no evident marks of fabrication or even exaggeration ; 
and tlie evident animosity underlying them may be as prol.)ably as- 
signed to the suspicious nature of Tiberius himself, as to the prompt- 
ings of his minister. The final conspiracy, though related as an un- 
doubted fact by Josephus ^ and evidently believed by Tacitus*’' as well 
as Suetonius would yet seem to have been disbelieved by those whom 
Dio has follow^cd and certainly never to have been formally proved 
to the senate which condemned ; and, more strangely still, to have 
been ignored by Tiberius himself, wdicn seeking to justify the exe- 
cution to posterity^'*. 

On the other hand, if tlie generally unscrupulous and ambitious 
character of Seianus be assumed ; every act in the drama as described, 
from the concentration of the guards to the final ])lot, appears to follow 
obviously from wdiat had preceded it ; to be suggested by an adequate 
motive ; to be the natural step to take at that particular stage. If 
therefore the familiar story of his career is left to stand, it would seem 
to be one of those cases in which a history, by its thorough coherency 
and intrinsic probability, appears to prove itself. 

From the point at which we recover the guidance of Tacitus all 

‘ 4. 8, I ; 11,4. 

^ She had been divorced some time 
previously. See 4. 3, 5- 

' 4 - 57 , 2 - 

* See above, p. 128, and 5. 3, 3. 

® Jos. Ant. 18. 6, 6. 

® He alludes to it in 6. 8, 11 ; 14, i ; 
rp, 2, etc., and to Satrius Seciuidus its 
betrayer 6. 47, 2. 

^ ^ Scianum res novas molientem ’ Suet. 
Tib. 65. 

® Dio represents him as having lost his 
opportunity to conspire by want of spirt 

(58- 8* 2). 

^ Juvenal, who hints at some dark 
scheme on foot (10, 75), yet makes men 
ask significantly ‘Quo ceeidit sub eriniinc? 
rjuisnam delator':' (juibus indiciis quo 
teste probavit ? ’ 

Suet. Tib. ‘ Ausus est scril^ero Sei- 
aniiin sc punissc, quod coni])ei issel furcre 
ad versus libtros Germanici filii sui.’ Suet, 
adds, to show the evident falsehood, 
‘ Quorum ipse alterum suspecto iam, al- 
terum oppresso demum Seiano iiiterfccit.’ 



the rest of his narrative is little more than that of a prolonged reign 
of terror. 

Tiberius is rhetorically described as never tired of trials and con- 
demnations and never satiated ^ even stimulated by them to further 
carnage ^ like a wild beast who has tasted blood. Some are con- 
demned before his private court at Capreae^; others by the senate 
without form of trial, on a mere letter of accusation or minutes of 
evidence sent to thcm\ We are told of universal panic, in which 
even the highest stooped to the informer’s trade, for self-preservation, 
or even as if infected by a plague ; that men perished for old offences 
as much as for recent ; for words as well as deeds ; even for words 
spoken in private life ^ ; that even the walls seemed to have ears. 

Here again the description seems somewhat to outstrip the facts. 
We still note cases of pardon ® and acquittal ; some escape by giving 
information*; others by adjournment®; or by being merely ignored^®; 
others receive less sentences than death prudent men, like M*. Le- 
pidus^*^, or L. Piso^^, or Aelius Lamia can still hold their own in 

We have, indeed, a weary list of victims, of whom about forty names 
are specified ; who were either put to death or committed suicide 
before the last extremity. Among them are Agrippina and her second 
son^^, and her old enemy Plancina^^; Tigranes, ex-king of Armenia^*; 
the distinguished senators Asinius Callus^® and L. Arruntius^®; and 
others, noble and ignoble, foreigners as well as native citizens. To 
these an addition must be made for such names as may have been 
noted in the lost part of Tacitus also for the recorded execution at 
once of an unnamed number, detained in prison as accomplices in 
the conspiracy of Seianus On this occasion, the ^ immensa strages ’ 
of I'acitus may probably be reduced to the ‘ twenty in one day ' of 
Suetonius : but when all allowance is made, probably from 8o to 
loo lives in all may have perished in the six years' reign of terror; 
most of them by direct mandate of the prince, though in one Or two 
cases Macro is thought to have acted in his master’s name®^ 

* 6. 38, I. 

* 'Irritatus suppHciis* 6. 19, 2. 

® 6. 10, 2. 

* See 6. 3, 3 ; 39, 2 ; 47, 4. 

* 7» 4- '' 6. 3,3 ; 

2. (j 2-^ 4, 

’ 6- 19. 6. 10, 3, 

® 3 > 5 ; 7 ; 5- t). 27, 2, 

® 9 . 7 - 6. 25, I. 

® 6. 14, 4. 6. 23, 4. 

i8, 2. 

6. 26, 4. 6. 40, 2. 

6. 23, I. 6. 48, 2. 

E. g. Ollius (13. 45, i), Camulus and 
Paconiiis (Suet. Tib. 61), Eutiiis Geminus 
(Dio, 58. 4, 5), Syriaciis (Id. 58. 3, 7), 
Curtius Atrtcus (Ana. 6, 10, 2), Bruttedius 
Niger (Juv. 10. 82). 

“ 6. 19, 3. 

Suet. Tib. 61 . 

« 6. 47, 4. 


Distinctions must be again drawn, as before. Much noble and much 
innocent blood, no doubt, was shed ; but much that was noble was 
probably not innocent, and much was neither noble nor innocent, but 
that of the creatures of Seianus, who had staked their chances on his 
success. None need pity Latinius Latia^is^ Vcscularius Flaccus^ Julius 
Marinus Fulcinius Trio ^ or any others of the like description ; nor is 
anything recorded even of so prominent a man a.s Asinius Gallus, or of 
many others, which should make them deserving of special sympathy : 
the suicide of Cocceius Nerva ^ probably also of Arruntius is their 
own gratuitous act. But there are circumstances of horrible cruelty in 
the execution of the young children of Seianus ”, and of the aged mother 
of Fufius Gcminiis ^ and in tlie causes assigned for the destruction of 
the descendants of Theophanes ® : and even if these were all, such 
cases are hardly palliated by being few. 

The tales of abominable profligacy are more difficult to discuss or 
deal with. A life prolonged without medical aid to the age of seventy- 
eight may be pleaded as counter evidence ; retirement gave abundant 
scope for fabrication of scandal; archives of state trials may often 
have preserved record of mere unproved or even disproved libels, ac- 
cepted in later times as fixets^^; nor do older writers, as Philo and 
Josephus, Seneca and the elder Pliny, show any knowledge of the 
orgies of Capreae. On the other hand, such testimony as we have is 
definite and circumstantial, and states that latterly no concealment was 
attempted The history of language is also made to furnish evidence ; 
the age was certainly one of growing profligacy ; and the characters of 
two at least of the companions of his solitude, Gaius Caesar and Auliis 
Vitellius are beyond rehabilitation. 

There are still flashes of vigour, as in the blow which struck down 
Seianus; and the display of energy in the East into which the taunts 
of the Parthian king had goaded him Again, if he was keen to fill 
the ‘ fiscus he could still be munificent in the use of it, either to 
restore* financial confidence or, as before, to relieve the sufferers by 
a fire He still organizes the corn-supply of Rome even interests 
himself in such minor matters as the authenticity of the Sibylline canon 

In general, however, the administration is described as sinking into 

' 6. 4, 1 . 

3 1 . 1 . 

® 6. 26, I. 

’ 5 9. 

- 6 . 10, 2. 
* 6. 38, 2. 

6. 48, 2. 
® 6 . 10, I. 

® 6. 18, 5. 

6. I ; Suet. Tib. 45, etc. 

Professor Bcesly somewhat over- 

estimates this fact in making it conclu- 

vSee6. 38, 3; Dio, 57. 23, 2. and the 
remarks of Merivale/ ch. xliv. p. 172. 

6. 51, 6. Suet. Vit. 4. 

6. 31. 6. 19, 1. 6. 17, 4. 

** 6. 45, I. 6. 13, 2. 6. I a. 



neglect and disorder; ambassadors and suitors were unable to get 
a hearing'; even the ‘album iudicum' is no longer filled up^; the 
best men hang back from public service or are kept for years from 
going to the province nominally entrusted to them*; others are left 
year after year at their posts with apparent indifference to their merits ; 
whether they were judicious, as Poppaeus Sabinus "', cruel and oppressive, 
as Pontius Pilate ^ or contumacious and dangerous, as Gaetulicus 
Even the senatorial provinces, as Asia and Africa, seem to feel the 
efiects of the general irregularity ; and even the security of the frontier 
is said to be no longer fully maintained 

Some apparent taint of insanity seems to come in, completing and 
partly explaining the whole : perhaps traceable sometimes in the clear 
evidence of public documents ; as in the attempt, in his published auto- 
biography, to explain the condemnation of Seianus by a falsehood of 
childish transparency ; or in the famous words preserved of his letter to 
the senate, publishing to the world his agony of soul Again, at one 
time reproach seems to lacerate him'®, at another he parades it’’’; he hovers 
round and round Rome and never enters it'*; shifts his place restlessly 
in the last stage of decrepitude It is of little moment to decide be- 
tween various reports of his end, or to know exactly how the last few 
sands ran out of a life that to any good purpose had been extinct for 

As a set off against the judgment of Tacitus has been often sought in 
the contemporary panegyric of Tiberius by Velleius a few remarks 
upon it appear here necessary. This writer's means of information arc 
indeed unquestionable " ; but his burst of courtly rhetoric, over even the 
slightest service of his hero, lakes away credit from his record of more 
substantial achievements, even when described by him as an eye-witness. 
When, for instance, we are given to suppose that Tiberius at the age of 

^ The dilatoriness in the whole affair 
of Hcrodes Agii})pa leads Josephus (Ant. 
iS.6, to say with emphasis that Ti- 
berius was d fcai ns dWos pa(Ti- 


“ Suet. Tib. 41. 

" This can be explained by their di- 
minished power of extortion. Merivale, 

Jos, Ant. 18, 3 and 4. The recall of 
Pilate is there stated to have been made, 
not by Tiberius, but by L. Vitellius as 
legatus of Syria. 

’ 6. 30. 7 - Cp. Dio, 59. 22, .j. 

” See above, ch. vii, p, 96. 

® Suet. Tib. 41. 

See above, p. 129. 

Ann. 6, 6, I. 

4 * 42, 

6 . 24, 3: 38, 3. Cp. Dio, 58. 23, I. 

» 6. 1, 1 ; 15, 6; 39, 2. 

6. 50, 2. 

This history was published in 783, 
A.D. 30, And dedicated to M. Vinicius, 
consul of that year. 

Pic had served many years under Ti- 
berius, and was one of his first list of 
praetors. See on 1. 15, 2. 


nineteen had almost saved Rome from himine as quaestor^; and at 
twenty-five had virtually subjected Armenia and terrified Parthia ** ; we 
are forced to ask how much similar exaggeration may lurk in the history 
of the German and Illyrian campaigns. Sometimes, too, this rhetoric is 
confronted by stubborn realities. Against the alleged all but complete 
subjugation of Germany \ must be set the fact, that the single defeat and 
annihilation of a force of some 30,000 men rolled back the tide of con- 
quest from Germany, not temporarily, but for ever. The account of the 
passionate enthusiasm, with which the legions are said to have welcomed 
Tiberius on his return *, must be read in the light of our knowledge that 
his name ten years later had assuredly no magic, cither for veteran or 
recruit, among the armies that had known him best. Even Julius Caesar 
had to face the mutiny of a legion ; but popular generals have not often 
been met by the wholesale defection of their armies 

In the notice by Velleius of this principate, we liave no riglit to expect 
details from a sketch of sixteen years contained in eight ciiapters ; yet his 
sui)pressions at times arc most significant. Four years bad passed since 
Tiberius had permanently left Rome^; yet his retirement is not even 
glanced at. On all the state trials of tliesc years, we have only a line 
in reproach of the crimes of Lil)0 Drusus, Cn. Piso, and Silius ; and a 
hint of the shame and sorrow supposed to have been felt at the conduct 
of Agrippina and Nero We seem forced to conclude that on these 
subjects the silence of Velleius is more eloquent than the epigrams of 
Tacitus. Are we prepared, again, to take his verdict on Seianus as w^ell 
as on his master? to see in him the Laclius to this Scipio, the Agrippa 
or Statilius Taurus to this Augustus^? The impression left upon us 
becomes on the whole that of a fairly skilful apology, saved from palpable 
falsehood by ignoring what it is difilcult to defend, and laying stress 
upon what is undeniably praiseworthy. 

On other authors less need here be said. No critic wiH expect to find 
truth of value in the few scattered allusions of Valerius Maximus Philo, 
it muSt be borne in mind, has a purpose to serve, in setting off a sj)ecial 
grievance by a contrast of general beneficence of imperial government 
Seneca speaks most emphatically of the ‘ accusandi frequens et paenc 

* Veil. 2. 94, I. 

M. 1. § 2. 

^ Id. 2. 97, 4; 106, I ; loS, I. 

* Id. 2. 104, 4. 

® That Gcnnanicus had to give the 
word, and the legions would have saluted 
him as their emiicior and marched on 
Rome, is as expressly asserted by Velleius 
(3. 125, 2) as by Tacitus (i. 35, 3). 

^ 4. 57, T. 

Veil. 2. 130, 4. 

^ Id. 2. 127. 

•' Valerius nowhere names Tiberius, 
but occasionally alludes to him, especially 
in the dedication. Another passage speaks 
of the punishment of a nameless parricide, 
who is evidently Seianus (9. 1 1, 4). 

Leg. ad Gaium, 2. 



publica rabies * which under this prince caused more loss of civic lives 
than any civil war h The chief definite statement of Josephus, that the 
long tenure of office by provincial governors was the result of a deliberate 
intention to make them less eager pillagers reads like the mere excuse 
of Tiberius or his friends for the irresolution and dilatoriness of which 
we have such abundant other evidence ; and might have seemed question- 
able to Josephus himself if he had thought of the ten years of Pilate. 

If we cannot check Tacitus by these, we may in turn check by him the 
keener appetite for scandal of Suetonius, many of whose tales he must 
have known but disdained to notice and some of whose generalisations 
he has given us the means of reducing to single instances 

Also his more careful discrimination checks the loose credulity of Dio, 
whose bewildered judgment seems at last to take refuge in a desperate 
attempt to reconcile conflicting testimony by fusion ; in the statement that 
Tiberius ‘ had many virtues and many vices, and exercised each as if they 
had been his only qualities 

The appeal from Tacitus appears thus to lie to Tacitus alone; to his 
candour and sense of truth, to his admissions of fiict ; against his insinua- 
tions and interpretations of motives, against his evident prejudices. That 
he was no friend to the founders of the principate has been already 
shown®; and, with all allowance for the sincerity of his disclaimer^, 
special grounds of animosity against Tiberius appear discernible. He 
had seen in his own day ‘ the extremity of slavery, when even the inter- 
change of speech and hearing was destroyed by espionage Ue tracks 
back this systematic delation to its source, and, as it were, charges this 
prince with its full-developed iniquity ; seeing in these trials for treason 
far more than the bare facts which he relates, and imagining Cams and 
Massa, and the rest of the vile brood of his own time, already appearing 
within view ®. It would be natural that the memory of the tyrant under 
whom the historian had lived should enter into the portrait of that pre- 
decessor in whose private memoirs he was said to find his chief mine of 
political wisdom and whom, notwithstanding many differences, h6 most 
nearly resembled. 

His own age, again, suggested not only a resemblance but a contrast ; 
between the first encouragement of delation and its first firm repression ; 

^ De Ben. 3. 26, i. He goes on to de- ® Dio, 58. 28, 5. 

scribe it in terms quite as strong as those ® See above, ch. iv. p. 26. 

of Tacitus in 6. 7, 4. i. l, 6. 

^ Ant. i8. 6, 5. See note on i. 80, 2. ® Agr. 2 ,\ 

^ bor a probable instance, see above, ® See 1.74,1 ; 2. 27, T, and above, p. 1 22. 

eh. iv. p. 24. i® * Praeter commentarios et acta Tiberi 

* Compare e. g. Snot, Tib 61 with 4. Caesaris nihil lectitabat’ Suet. Dom. 20* 
70. 2 ; 5. 9, 3, and Suet. 33 with 3. 31,4, 


between a timid or cautious foreign policy and a career of conquest ; 
possibly even between a prince beyond all others parsimonious in build- 
ing and the grand architectural achievements of Trajan. Other con- 
trasts were ready to hand within the work itself, helping him to set off 
the qualities of Tiberius by the idealised virtues of Germanicus or even 
by the character of the hasty and passionate but not ungenerous Drusus^. 

Still, when all this is allowed for, much remains. The stages and 
periods of change noted by Tacitus can be on the whole made out, 
though we should consider the explanation put into the mouth of Arruntius, 
that the character of Tiberius 5 had been thrown off its balance by the 
force of despotism to be nearer the truth than the theory adopted by 
the historian as his own, that of a true character asserting itself by slow 
degrees against the disguise of hypocrisy ^ 

We have on the whole the character of a prince whose friends might 
well have written ‘ infelix vitae diiiturnitate upon his epitaph. Had he 
died in the lifetime of Augustus, general opinion would have pronounced 
him ‘ imperii capax.' At the end of eight years’ rule he would have left 
a name among the best princes of the second rank. Even at seventy his 
memory would have escaped the worst stains cast upon it. *Yet, had he 
lived up throughout to the level of his best lime ; his want of originality 
and self-reliance, his pedantic adherence to the ideas of his predecessor‘s, 
would have made it no more than a period of good administration withou : 
advance ; and a rule which in duration is equalled by none till Antoninus 
Pius, and exceeded by none till Constantine, would probably have been 
barren of historical interest. To waive all comparison with the great 
names of Roman Imperialism, even a much weaker ruler, Claudius, has 
left his mark more on the history of the empire. Nor is a change of 
character, even late in life, in his case difficult to explain. At the best, 
his virtues were those of the subject or subordinate ruler rather than of 
the autocrat; and the principate found him timid, irresolute, and self- 
distrustful, when he had no superior to rely upon. Hence the necessity 
alwa/s, in estimating his conduct, to allow for the influence of some 
stronger will, such as the imperiousness of his motlier, or the craft of 
Seianus ; and hence, when all these were removed, the neglect even of 

1 6. 45, 2. 

See I. 33, 5, etc. 

3 See 2. 43, 7 ; 3. 37, 3, etc. The in- 
fluence of such a study of contrast has 
been already alluded to. « See ch. iv. 
p. 28, 

* ‘Vi dominalionis convulsus et inu- 
latus " 6. 48, 4. 

= 6.51,5. 

® In contrast to Titus, who is styled 
‘imperii felix brevitate’ by Ausoriius ((Jrdo 
Imperat.); an estimate agreeing with that 
of Dio (66. 18. 5). 

^ Cp. ‘ Consilium id D. Augustus voca- 
bat, Tiberius praeceptum’ Agr. 13, 3. As 
an instance of this deference in a small 
matter, see 1, 77, 4. 

j 36 INmODUCT/ON. 

routine duties for want of a trusted adviser at his side. Hence again the 
sense of isolation' redoubling his fears, and making him see a fresh 
enemy at every tui;n, who must be struck down to make life safe to him. 

He is, indeed, probably entitled to all th^ credit Jhat has been^ claimed 
for him, as throughout a just and liberal ruler of the provinces; the evi- 
dence for which is by no rrieans confined to the early period of his 
principate. The temple founded in Asia in 776, a. d. 23 ^ the similar 
request from Hispania Baetica in 778, a. d. 25^ appear genuine expres- 
sions of gratitude for punishment of official oppression^; and it is 
probably only because the latter application was refused, that more were 
not forthcoming Medal • and statue afike attest the feeling of Asia 
for his liberality after its ruinous earthquake; inscriptions in the pro- 
vinces * and even in Rome ® give him epithets by no means constantly 
applied to princes in such documents. 

But, after all, the heart of the empire was still the senate of Rome in 
its relation to the prince: and if those who should have been the most 
valued instruments of his administration are seen shrinking terror-stricken 
from the public service, and absorbed in the effort to save themselves ; 
it is impossible that the general effect could have been other than 

If our other evidence were more questionable than it is, the decline of 
literature would alone confirm it. Not but that even the Augustan age 
is nearly stripped of literary genius, as the great spirits born and trained 
under the Republic pass away ; and the few survivors at the succession 
of Tiberius attest by their position the change of times. The great 
historian of Rome had, as it seems, abruptly closed his work, and retired 
to his native Padua; the only great living poet was pining in exile on the 
Euxine. But from even the survival of such names it is indeed a descent, 
to a generation in which Velleius and Valerius Maximus, the fables of 
Phaedrus, and the rhetorical writings of M. Seneca, make up all the 
literature before us’®; and in which there is little evidence of greater 


‘ Of his old friends and his original * E. g. * IVinceps et conservator ’ (Baeli- 
conncil of twenty, but two or three were ca). See Orclli, 616, 617, and C. I. L. ii. 
left ; hut he had destroyed most of them 30,^8 (where its genuineness is vindicated 
himself. Suet. Tib. 55. against Henzen). 

^ 4. 15, 4. ^ * Oplimi ac iiislissimi principis’ C. I. 

* 4, 37, I. L. vi. I, 93; ‘ principi optimo ^ Henzen 

* This is asserted in the first case, and 5393. 

probable in the second. See notes. The Geography of Strabo should be 

® For the record of two other such considered an Augustan work, though it 
dedications to him, both in senatorial received additions during the early years 
provinces, see note on 4. 38, 4. of 'riberius. A technical trealise, such 

* ‘ Civitatibus Asiae rcstitulis * Eckhel, as Cclsus dc Medicina, need not here be 

vi. p. 192 ; Cohen, i. p. 189. taken account of. 

^ See notes on 3. 47, 1. 


works lost. Thus it was not only the disaffected Roman nobility that 
felt a leaden rule upon them: f^r higher elements of national life are 
stagnating under peril and suspicion; and thq result is a barrenness of 
intellectual activity, compared io whic^ even the time of Nero or Domitian 
is an age of fertility. 



Owing to constant intermarriages between members of the imperial 
family, the relationships between many of the persons whose names 
occur in these tables are extremely intricate, even without considering 
the further complication introduced by adoptions. I’hus the children 
of Germanicus are on their mother's side direct descendants of Au- 
gustus, and on their fiithcr's side direct descendants of Octavia, as well 
as descendants of the Claudian house. The emperor Nero, besides 
partaking of all these relationships through his mother, was also directly 
descended from Octavia on his father's side. All the descendants of 
Drusus, brother of Tiberius, trace a similar descent through Antonia ; 
the children of Drusus, son of Tiberius, become members of that 
family through Livilla; and the children of Claudius by Messalina are 
again through her father and mother doubly descendants of Octavia. 
Tiberius and the two Drusi, his brother and son, arc thus the only 
members of the Claudian stock who stand in no l)lood* relationship 
to Augustus; and Stem B might have been almost wholly included 
under A. 

It ns hoped that the arrangement here adopted will indicate intel- 
ligibly all the relationships of consanguinity. Of the adoptions, the 
most important to bear in mind are those of Octavius by the will of 
Julius Caesar, of Tiberius by Augustus, of Germanicus by Tiberius, 
and of Nero by Claudius. 

It is impossible here to speak of the multitude of representations 
existing in art of most of the principal persons here mentioned ; 
specimens of which most students must have had more or oppor- 
tunity of inspecting for themselves. For the benefit of those to whom 
books are more accessible than museums I may here mention the 



beautiful plates from statues, busts, gems, and coins, in the accompany- 
ing volume to the ‘ Iconographie Romaine * of Visconti and Mongez ; 
and the numerous engravings from coins in Cohen’s ‘ Mddailles Im- 
periales’ (2nd ed. Paris 1879, vol. i. pp. 52-318). A few portraits from 
gems are given by Mr. C. W. King in the edition of Horace by him 
and Professor Munro (London, 1869). 


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b. 767, A.D. 14. d. 802, A.D. 49. d. 817, A.D. 64. Calvina. d. 794, a.d. 41. 

d. 807, A.D. 54, 

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Stem A. 

1. A(i). The family history of the Octavii, with further account of the 

father and mother of Augustus, is given by Suetonius (Aug. The 

distinctions of his father are enumerated in an inscription (Orell. 592), 
which states that he was twice trib. mil., also quaestor, plebeian aedile^ 
iudex quaestionum, praetor, and proconsul of Macedonia, w'here he 
became entitled to the name of imperator. The date of his practorship 
was 693, B.c. 61; and he was prevented from becoming a candidate 
for the consulship in 696, b.c. 58, by his death at the very beginning 
of that, or at the end of the previous year. 

2. A (3). The frequency of betrothal, and even nominal marriage, during 
mere childhood, among Romans at this time (see Friedlaender, Sitteng. 
i. p. 504, foil.), makes it possible to reconcile some such a date as that 
given for Octavia s birth with her betrothal or marriage to C. Marcellus 
in 700, B.c. 54 ; in which year it was also contemplated to give her in 
marriage to Cn. Pompeius (Suet. Jul. 27). Marcellus, who was a leading 
opponent of Julius Caesar, but subsequently reconciled to him, had just 
died when Octavia, with contempt for all usual decorum (see Dio, 48. 
31, 3), was hastily married to M. Antonius in 713, b.c. 41, by one of 
the articles of the compact at Brundusium. On the honours paid to her 
at her death, see Dio, 54. 35, 4. 

3 . A (4). Octavius assumed the name of C. Julius Caesar Octavianus in 
consequence of his adoption by the dictator’s will : hence Cicero styles 
him ‘C. Caesar’ in o/hcial language (Phil. 5, c. 16-19), and sometimes 
in private letters ‘Octavianus’ (ad Att. 16. 18, i ; ii, 6, etc.). On the 
subsequent history of his names and titles, see vi. p. 63, etc. Ha had 
been first betrothed to a daughter of P. Servilius Isauricus ; afterwards, 
on his first reconciliation with Antonius, to a step-daughter of the latter, 
Clodia or Claudia, daughter of Fulvia by P. Clodius. His marriage 
with Scribonia was contracted in 714, b.c. 40, to conciliate Sex. Pom- 
peius, whose father-in-law, L. Scribonius Libo, was her brother. She 
was much older than Octavianus, had been twice previously married, 
and had children by P. Cornelius Scipio ; one ^of whom, Cornelia, wife 
of Aemilius Paullus, has been immortalised by Propertius (El. 4, ii). 
He divorced Scribonia the next year, 715, B.c. 39, when her daughter 



Julia was just born ; and early in 716, b.c. 38, took place the marriage 
with Livia, which, though contracted under scandalous circumstances, 
resulted at least in a lasting attachment. Scribonia is styled in in- 
scriptions ‘ Scribonia Caesaris’ (Orcll. 612, Henzen 5362). She lived to 
share voluntarily the exile of her daughter in 752. b.c. 2 (Veil. 2. 100, 5). 

4 . Agrippa inscribes himself on the Pantheon, ‘M. Agrippa L. F./ 
omitting, as he usually did, his ignoble gentile name. He obtained 
three consulships, of which two were consecutive (see i. 3, 1), and 
the honour, said to be unprecedented, of the ‘corona classica’ (Veil. 2. 
81, 2). He was also the first ever admitted to share the tribunitian 
power of the princeps (see 3. 56, 3). lie was first married, probably 
in 718, B.c. 36, to Pomponia, daughter of T. Pomponius Atticus the 
friend of Cicero, by whom he had Vispania Agrippina, married to Ti. 
Claudius Nero (see B, note 2). Pomponia, if still alive, must have been 
divorced when he married Marcella in 726, b.c. 28 (Dio, 53. i, 2), who 
in her turn was given up in 733, b.c. 21, to enable him to marry Julia 
(Dio, 54. 6, 5). 

5 . A (5). Julia was married at the age of fourteen to Marcellus, in 729, 
B.c. 25, and four years later to Agripj)a, who was of the same age as 
her father. On other projected marriages for her, see note on 4. 40, 8 ; 
on her subsequent marriage in 743, b.c. i r, to Tiberius Nero, her exile 
in 752, B.c. 2* and her death in 767, a.d. 14, see i. 53; Suet. Aug. 65, 
66 ; Tib. 50, 

G. A (6). On Gaius Caesar and Lucius Caesar, see i. 3, etc. Their 
honours and titles are gathered from Mon. Anc. (ii. 46, etc.), and from 
several inscriptions (Orcll. 633-644). Gaius was pontifex, augur, consul 
(754, A.D. i), princeps iuventutis, and imperator, apparently for the capture 
of Artagira (Henzen, p. 60). Lucius was augur, cos. design, and princeps 
iuventutis. The betrothal of Lepida to him is mentioned in 3. 23, i. 
A long inscription is preserved recording the honours paid to the 
memory of both princes by the magistrates and citizens of the ‘colonia 
lulia f^isana ' (Pisae in Etruria), of which they were patrons (Orell. 642, 
643). The dates of their deaths are from Insc. Orell. 644. 

7 . A (8). On the younger Julia, her exile and her death, see 3. 24, 5 ; 
4. 71, 6 ; Suet. Aug. 64, 65. Her husband was son of the censor Paullus 
and Cornelia, and thus grandson of Scribonia (see note 3). Her son, 
M. Lepidus, a man of most profligate character, was put to death by 
Gaius, who had previously given liim Drusilla in marriage, and medi- 
tated designating him as his successor. See note on 14. 2, 4; Dio, 
59. 22, 6. 

8. A (9). The date of Agrippina’s death is given in 6. 25, 5. The dates 



of her birlh and marriage, and those of the birth of her children, are 
given as determined by Mommsen (Hermes, xiii. 245-265). 

9. A (10). Agrippa Postumus was adopted by Augustus at the same 
time with Tiberius in 757, a.d. 4; and is styled ‘Agrippa Caesar' in an 
inscription (Henzen 5378), and on a medal struck at Corinth, which 
gives also his effigy (Cohen, i. p. 187). lie was removed to Surrentum 
(Suet. Aug. 65) about 760, a.d. 7, and thence to Planasia. On his 
death, see 1.6. 

10. A (12), It is generally supposed that the Silanus to whom Aemilia 
Lepida was married was the consul of 772, a.d. 19, on whom see note 
on 2. 59, I. Pliny records (N. II. 7. 13, ii, 51) that their eldest son, 
M. Silanus (on whom see note on 13. i, i), was born in the last year 
of Augustus, who had thus lived to see his great-great-grandson. For 
L. Silanus (20), see notes on 12. 3, 2; for D. Silanus (21), see on 12. 
58, I j for Junia Calvina (22), see on 12. 4, i ; for Junia Lipida (23), 
see on 16. 8, 2. L. Silanus (on whom see 15. 52, 3; 16. 7, 2), who, 
like his uncle (21), bore the name of Torquatus (on which see 3. 69, 9), 
appears to have been the last of this family, and, except Nero, the last 
surviving male descendant of Augustus. 

11. A(i3). Nero Caesar was born probably in the middle of 759, a.d. 6, 
(sec Henzen, p. 60), and was betrothed in childhood to a daughter of 
Creticus Silanus (2. 43, 3), and married to Julia in 773, a.d. 20, on his 
entry into public life (3. 29, 4). Tacitus describes his character (4. 15; 
59), the plots against him (4. 60; 67), and the formal charges brought 
against him (5. 3). On these he was pronounced a public enemy (Suet. 
Cal. 7), banished to Pontia, and subsequently put to death or compelled 
to suicide (Suet. Tib. 54), shortly before the fall of Seianus. His titles 
were those of flamcn Augustalis, sodalis Augustalis, sodalis Titius, fratcr 
arvalis, fetialis, quaestor. Insc. Orell. 2366. 

12. A (14). Drusus Caesar was born probably in the latter part of 760, 
A.D. 7 (see Henzen, p. 60). His entry into public life is mentioned in 4. 4, i ; 
his character in 4. 60, 5. He was also denounced as a public enemy 
(Suet. Cal. 7), and imprisoned in the Palatium, where he died (6. 23, 4). 
His marriage with Aemilia Lepida was mentioned in the lost part of 
Book V. (see on 6. 40, 4). His titles are given as follows, praefectus urbi 
(see 4. 36, i), sodalis (or flamen) Augustalis (Insc. Orell. 667), and 
pontifex : Henzen 5386; C. I. L. iii. i, 380. 

13 . A (15). Gaius Caesar, generally known by his nickname ‘Caligula' 
(see I. 41, 3), on the condemnation of his mother and brothers, passed 
under the tutelage of Antonia, and afterwards lived with Tiberius at 
Capreae : see 6. 20, i ; Suet. Cal. 10. He is styled at this time ‘ C. Caesar 



‘Germanicus,’ with the titles of pontifex and quaestor (Henzen, Insc. 
5396), to which offices he was elected in 784 and 786, a.d. 31 and 33 
(Dio, 58. 8, i; 23, i). As princeps he retains the name of Germanicus, 
after that of Augustus (Insc. Orell. 702). After his first marriage with Junia 
Claudilla, daughter of M. Silanus (6, 20, i; Suet. Cal. 12), he had as 
wives Livia Orestilla and Lollia Paulina, before Caesonia (Suet. Cal. 25). 
The assassination of Gaius was followed immediately by that of Caesonia 
and her child (Suet. Cal. 59). 

14. A (i6). Agrippina was born at ‘ Oppidum Ubiorum’ (12. 27, i), 
and her birthday is preserved in an Arval Table. The year is fixed by 
Mommsen (see note 8) from other dates. On her marriage to Cn. Domitius 
(36) in 781, A.D. 28, see 4. 75, i. On her banishment by Gaius in 792, a.d. 
39, and recall by Claudius in 794, a.d. 41, see Dio, 59. 22, 8; 60. 4, i ; 
for her second husband Crispus Passienus, see on 6. 20, 2 ; on her 
marriage to her uncle Claudius, in 802, a.d. 49, and subsequent history, 
see 12, 5, etc. In earlier inscriptions she is styled ‘ Agrippina,’ or ‘lulia 
Agrippina, Germanici Caesaris filia’ Orell. 671, 673); but after 803, a.d. 
50 (see 13. 26, 2), she is styled on coins and inscriptiontJ ‘Agrippina 
Augusta,’ or ‘ lulia Augusta Agrippina.* Ilenzen, Insc. 5387. 

15. A (17). The dates of birth of Agrippina and Julia seem to show 
the statement of Suet. (Cal, 7), that the three sisters were born in three 
successive years, to be only approximately true. Drusilla must have been 
born before the triumph (2.41,2), and probably in Germany. Her marriage 
to L. Cassius took place in 786, a.d. 33 (6. 15, 4). She was afterwards 
married to M. Lepidus (Dio, 59. ii, i. See A, note 12). In inscrip- 
tions during her life she is styled ‘lulia Drusilla Germanici f.’ (Insc, 
Orell. 671), but afterwards ‘Diva Drusilla’ (Orell. 674; Henzen 5389), 
in consequence of the divine honours decreed by order of Gaius at her 
death in 791, a.d. 38. Suet. Cal. 24; Dio, 59. ii. 

16. A (18). Julia is so called by Tacitus, by Dio, and on a coin 
(Eckhel, vi. p. 231); but this name is borne by all the three sisters (see 
notes j 4, 15); and Suetonius distinguishes her from them as Li villa (Cal. 7). 
Each name is supported by inscriptions, as ‘ luliae Germanici Caesar, filiae, 
and ‘Livilla Germanici f.’ (Insc. Orell. 676, 677). Tacitus gives the 
date of her birth and the place (Lesbos) 2. 54, i ; and the date of her 
marriage to L, Vinicius (786, a.d. 33), 6. 15, i. She shared the banish- 
ment and recall of Agrippina (note 13), but was soon after again banished 
and put to death at the instigation of Messalina, Dio, 60. 8, 5. Sue- 
tonius (Cal. 7) mentions fhe death in childhood of three other children of 
Germanicus and Agrippina, born apparently in the years 761-764, a.d. 
8-11 ; and inscriptions are found recording the place of their cremation. 




One of them appears to have been called Tiberius, another Gaius (Insc. 
Orell. 668, 669, 670). It is also stated by M. Seneca (Controv. 4) that 
Quintilius Varus (see on 4. 66, 1) was a son-in-law of Germanicus; but 
it is not known how this was the case. On the probable birth of another 
child, see note on i. 44, 2. 

17. A (26). A marriage had been projected in 715, b. c. 39, between 
Marccllus and the daughter of Sex. Pompeius. His marriage with Julia 
daughter of Augustus took place in 729, b.c. 25 (Dio, 53. 27, 5), in which 
year Plutarch states (Ant. 87) that Augustus also adopted him; but this 
statement appears to require confirmation. He had been admitted to 
the senate with praetorian rank ; but his first and only actual magistracy 
was the curule aedileship, held in his twentieth year, which was also the 
year of his death. See i. 3, i ; Propert. 3. 18, 13-20; Verg. Aen. 6. 

18. A (27). It is known that there were two ‘ Marcellae ' (Suet. Aug. 
63 ; Insc. Henzen 5373, 5374) and that one of them, generally taken to 
be Marcella minor, was married to Agrippa (see note 5) and to lulus 
Antonius (see note on 4. 44, 5). That the other was married to M. 
Valerius Barbatus Appianus and to Sex. Appuleius, is a supposition to 
explain the relationships mentioned in 4. 52, i ; 2. 50, i ; where see 
notes. Nothing appears to be known of the date of birth or death of 
either sister. 

19. A (28). Suetonius states (Aug. 63) that Agrippa had children by 
Marcella. That one of these was a daughter, probably another Vipsania, 
and was married to Q. Haterius, is an inference from the name of 
Haterius Agrippa, and from the mention made (2. 51, 2) of his relation- 
ship to Germanicus. 

20. A (29). Tacitus twice (4. 44, 3; 12. 64, 4) speaks of the wife of 
Domitius as ‘ Antonia minor ; ' but Suetonius (Cal. i ; Ner. 5) appears 
to be right in assigning this marriage to Antonia maior, and in making 
Antonia minor the wife of Drusus. The marriage with Domitius (on 
whom see 4. 44, 3 ; Suet. Ner. 4) is said to have been projected as early 
as 717, B.c. 37 (Dio, 48. 54, 4); at which time it would appear from 
dates furnished by Plutarch (Ant. 33, 930; 35, 931) that the elder 
Antonia was but an infant, and the younger yet unborn. 

21. A (30). Antonia received the title of Augusta on the accession of 
her grandson Gaius to the principate (Dio, 59. 3, 6; Orell. Insc. 649, 
650, 678, etc.); but soon after died, or was put to death. We hear of a 
temple erected to her, probably by Claudius (iPl. N. H. 35. 10, 36, 94); 
and a basilica at Rome appears to have borne the name of both sisters, 
‘Basilica Antoniarum duarum’ (Henzen 7263). 



22. A (36). On Cn. Domitius, first husband of the younger Agrippina, 
see 4. 75, r. On Domitia, 13. 19, 4; 21, 5; on Domitia Lepida, ii. 
37, 4; 12. 64, 4; on her second husband, App. Junius Silanus, 4. 68, i. 
The family history of the Domitii Ahenobarbi is given more fully in 
Suet. Ner. 1-5. 

23. A (40). For the original name of Nero, see on 12. 3, 2, After 
his adoption in 803, a.d. 50 (12. 25, i), he becomes ‘Ti. Claudius Nero 
Caesar’ (Henzen 5405), or ‘Nero Claudius Caesar Drusus Germanicus;’ 
and bears titles of membership in the four priestly colleges, and those of 
cos. design, and princeps iuventutis (Orell. 650, 726) ; and had also 
* proconsulare imperium extra urbem’ (12. 41, 2). As princeps he is 
usually styled ‘Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus’ (Orell. 728), 
and often assumes the ‘ praenonien imperatoris,’ disused sincie the time 
of Augustus (Mommsen, Staatsr. ii. p. 746), besides the ‘ nomen impera- 
toris,’ received eleven times or more (Orell. 732, cp. Henzen 5189). 
On his marriage to Octavia, see 12. 58, i ; on that to Poppaca, 14. 60, i ; 
on that to Statilia Messalina, Suet. Ner. 35, and notes on 13. 68, 5. 

24. On the title of Augusta given to Poppaca, see 15. 23, i ; on her 
death and funeral, 16. 6 ; on her deification, 16. 21, 2. 

25. A (41). Messalina is thought to have been only twenty-three or 
twenty-four at her death (see Merivale, ch. l. p. 551, note). The title of 
‘Augusta,' though not permitted (Dio, 60. 12, 5), is given to her on some 
provincial coins. The relationship of her father to Claudius, mentioned 
by Suetonius (Cl. 26), is explained above (note 18). 

Stem B. 

26. B (i). On the family history of the Claudii Nerones, and of the 
Livii Drusi, see Suet. Tib. 1-4, where it is shqwn that the father of Livia 
was also descended from another son of App. Claudius Caecus, and 
was adopted by a Livius Drusus, probably the famous tribune of 663, 
B.c. 91 (see note on 3. i, i). Two inscriptions (Momms. I. R. N. 5486, 
5487, see Henzen 5365) appear to give the name of her father, ‘Livius 
Drusus Claudianus' (see Veil. 2. 75, 3); and that of her mother as 
Alfidia. Ti. Nero was quaestor, pontifex, praetor (Suet. Tib. 4), and 
gave up his wife to Octavianus in 716, b.c. 38, before the birth of 
Drusus. He died when his eldest son was nine years old (Id. 6). 
Livia became by adoption in 767, a.d. 14, ‘lulia Augusta, Divi Aug. f.’ 
(Insc. Orell. 615, etc.) Though not deified at her death (see 5. 2, i), 
she became so after the accession of Claudius (Dio, 60, g, 2), and shared 
a temple with Augustus in the Palatium (Insc. Orell. 2446). Even in 

L 2 



her husband’s lifetime she was entitled ‘ Livia August! dea ’ in an in- 
scription in Sicily (Orell. 614), and at other times received abroad other 
titles not formally allowed (see notes on i. 14, i); and her birthday 
was kept after her death (see 6. 5, i). 

27. On the parentage of Vipsania (who is called simply ‘Agrippina’ 
in Suet. Tib. 7 ; Insc. Orell. 658), see note 4. She was betrothed to 
Tiberius Nero in infancy (‘vix annicula’ Nep. Att. 19), but the date of 
their marriage is not known. On the distress of Tiberius at being forced 
to divorce her and to marry Julia, sec viii. p. 113; on her subsequent 
marriage to C. Asinius Callus Saloninus, see i. 12,6; and on her 
death, 3. 19, 4. She had several children by her second marriage, for 
whom see on 3. 75, r ; 4. i, i ; 34, i ; 6. 23, 3. 

28. B (‘2). Tiberius down to the time of his adoption bears the name 
‘ Ti. Claudius Ti. F. Nero/ his titles being those of his two consulates, 
with those of pontifex and imperator, and, after 748, b.c, 6, the years 
of tribunitian power, see Insc. Henzen 5375. After his adoption he 
becomes ‘Tiberius Caesar, August! f., Divi nepos' (Insc. Orell. 683), 
but usually drops the gentile name Julius. During his principate, the 
name Augustus, though not allowed by him in ordinary use (Suet. Tib. 
26 ; Dio, 57. 2), always appears on coins and inscriptions. The ‘prae- 
nomen imperatoris ’ was not adopted, though found sometimes in pro- 
vincial inscriptions (see C. I, L. viii. 2, Index, p. 1038). The years of 
his tribunitian power continue to be reckoned, inclusive of those which 
he shared with Augustus 3 and the number of times on which he was 
saluted imperator (see on 2. 18, 2) are added. Hence his mortuary 
inscription (Orell. 691) runs thus: ‘Ossa Ti. Caesaris Divi Aug. F. Aug. 
Pont. Max. Trib. Pot. xxxiix. Imp. viii. Cos. v.’ 

29. B (3). Neither Drusus nor his second son were ever adopted 
into the family of the Caesars. In life, Drusus was entitled augur, consul 
(745, B.c. 9), and imperator: after his death the surname ‘Germanicus’ 
was conferred on him and his family. Suet. Cl. i ; cp. Henzen 5375. 
His eldest son was thus entitled to bear the name, before his own 
achievements in Germany, and on his adoption into the family of the 
Caesars in 757, a.d. 4, his brother assumed it (Suet. Cl. 2) as repre- 
sentative of his father’s house. 

30. B (4). Drusus Caesar bears the titles of augur, pontifex, quaestor, 
sodali§ Augustalis (see i. 54, 2), flamen Augustalis (see on 2. 83, 2), 
Cos. ii (768, 774, A.D. 15, 21), trib. pot. ii ^see on 3. 56, i), xv vir 
sacris faciundis, Orelli 2H, 652. For the grounds on which the date 
of his birth is assigned, sec note on 3. 56, 7 ; for the honours awarded 
at his death, see notes on 4. 9, 2. 



31 . B (5). Germanicus is known only by his adoptive name, as 
' Germanicus Caesar ; ’ once apparently (see Henzen, p. 60) as ‘ Ger- 
manicus Julius Caesar/ There is no record of his praenomen, or of 
any original cognomen. The date of his birth is given as established 
by Mommsen (see above, note 8). In life, he bears the titles quaestor 
(760, A.D. 7, Suet. Cal. i), augur, flamen Augustalis (see on 2, 83, 2), 
Cos. ii (765, 771, A.D. 12, 18), Imp. ii (see on i. 58, 8); see Orelli 
655, 660, etc. On the further honours decreed at his death, see 2. 83, 
and notes. 

32 . B (6). The name is always given as ‘ Livia * by Tacitus and in 
inscriptions (e.g. Orell, 653, 1724, 2846, etc.), but by Suet. (CJ. i), 
and Dio (57. 22, 2, etc.) as ‘ Livilla/ Her first marriage to C. Caesar 
is mentioned in 4. 40, 5; her complicity in the murder of Drusus in 
4. 3, 3, etc.; her death, in Dio, 58. ii, 7. On the question whether 
she was ever betrothed to Scianus, sec note on 4. 40, ii. 

33. B (7). The original names of Claudius are given in Suet. Cl. 2, 
and in several inscriptions. His titles, prior to his principate, are tho^e 
of augur, sodalis Augustalis (i. 54, 2), sodalis Titius, consul (suff. 790, 
A.D. 37, Suet. Cl. 7) : he had also previously received * ornamenta con- 
sularia' (Suet. Cl. 5): see Idenzen 5399, etc. As princeps, he is the 
first who assumed the name of ‘Caesar' as art imperial cognomen, 
without ever having been adopted into the family; but, unlike his pre- 
decessors, he always retains his gentile name, and is generally known 
by it; his full name being ‘Ti. Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus.' 
It may be noted that he accepted the ‘ nomen imperatoris ' no less than 
twenty-seven times (Insc. on the Aqua Claudia, Porta IMaggiorc, Rome, 
Orelli 54). He was betrothed in youth to Aemilia Lepida (A. 12), and 
to Mcdullina (Orell. 716), besides contracting the four marriages here 
given ; on all of which, and on his children by the first three, see Suet. 
Cl. 26, 27. 

34 . B (8). On the first marriage of Julia, sec 3. 29, 4 ; on the second, 
6. 27, i; on her son Rubellius Plautus, 14. 22, 2, etc.; on her death, 
at the instigation of Messalina, 13. 32, 5 ; 43, 3 ; Dio, 60. i8, 4 : on 
her alleged betrothal to Seianus, see note on 4. 40, 11 ; 6. 27, i. 

35 . B (9, 10). On the date of birth and names of the twin sons of 
Drusus, see note on 2. 84, i. Young Tiberius was named in his grand- 
father's will joint-heir with Gaius (Suet. Tib. 76), who adopted him and 
caused him to be entitled princeps iuventutis (Suet. Cal. 15), but soon 
afterwards put him to death (Id. 23). 

36 . B(ii). On the projected marriage between the daughter of 
Seianus and young Drusus, see note on 3, 29, 5 ; on his death, Suet. Cl. 

I NTR on UC T1 ON. 


27. His sister Claudia was exposed when a few months old, on sus- 
picion of illegitimacy (Suet. 1. 1.). 

37. B (13). Claudia Antonia (Insc. Orell. 679, 680), the ^ Antonia^ of 
Suetonius, was married to Cn. Pompeius Magnus and Faustus Sulla 
(CL 27). On her refusal to marry Nero (Id. Ner. 35), she was put to 
death by him on an improbable charge of complicity in Piso’s con- 
spiracy, see 15. 53, 4- 

38. B (14). The date of birth of Octavia is not known, but repre- 
sentations in art (see Visconti, PL 29) would show her to have been 
older than her brother. She had been betrothed to L. Silanus (A. 20) 
before her marriage to Nero (12. 13, 2). On her divorce and death, 
see 14. 60-64. 

39. B (15). On the discrepancy of a year in the dates assigned to 
the birth of Britannicus, see notes on 12. 25, 3; 13. 15, i. In 13. 17, 3, 
he is called ‘ the last blood of the Claudii,* as the last male representative 
of that noble house, to which Nero belonged only by adoption. 





Ch. 1-4. Introductory. 

1. Periods of Roman History, and reasons for selecting this one. 2. Growth of the 
power of Augustus, 3. His plans for the succession. 4. His decline of life. 
Opinions of men resided ing the future. 

A. U. C. 767, A. D. 14, Sex. Pompeius, Sex. Appuleius, coss. 

Ch. 5-15. Death of Augustus and succession of I'iberius. 

6. Last illness and death of Augustus (August, 19), Tiberius assumes the position 
of successor. G. Agrii)pa Postumus put to death. 7. Servility of the senate and 
people ; caution of Tiberius. 8. The will of Augustus ; debate in the senate on his 
funeral, 9, 10. Favourable and unfavourable judgments of his character and policy. 
Temple and divine honours decreed to him. 11, 12, 13. Apparent reluctance of 
Tiberius to accept the principate ; offence taken by him at observations of ^Vsinius 
Gallus, L. Arruntius, Q. Haterius, and Mamercus Scaurus. 14. Honours to Livia 
Augusta and to Gcrmanicus. l.G. Election of praetors ; transference of comitia to 
senate; institution of Hiidi Augustalcs.* 

Ch. 16-30. Mutiny of the Pannonian legions. 

lG-19. Outbreak of the mutiny ; conduct and demands of the soldiers ; Blaesus, son 
of the Icgatus, sent as their delegate to Koine. 20-23. Further progress of the 
mutiny, and complete break-down of all discipline. 24-27. Despatch of a force 
from Rome under Drusus and Seianus ; continued contumacy of the legions and 
danger of Cn. Ivcntulus. 28. Revulsion of feeling produced by an eclipse of the 
moon (Sept. 27). 29, 30. Restoration of order; delegates sent to Rome; punish- 

ment of the ringleaders, and departure of Drusus. 

Ch. 31-52. Mutiny and subsequent campaign of the German legions. 

31, ^2. Outbreak of mutiny in Lower Germany. 33-35. Action of Gcrmanicus ; his 
address to the soldiers and jicril at their hands. 36-38. C’oncessions made for the 
lime; withdrawal of the legions to their winter camps. 39, dO. Fresh outbreak at 
Ara Ubiorum on arrival of an embassy from Rome ; Agrippina and her son sent 
away to the Treviri. 41-43. Change of feeling, taken advantage of by Gcrmanicus 
in his speech. 44. Military trial of offenders and restoration of order. 45-49. 
Similar measures taken in the other camp at Vetera; slate of feeling at Rome; 
resolution of Tiberius to stay there. 50-52. Expedition against the Marsi ; feeling 
of Tiberius respecting the events. 

Oh. 35. Death of Julia, daughter of Augustus; Sempronius Gracchus put to death. 

Ch. 54. Institution of sodales Augustales ; turbulence at the games. 



A. TJ. C. 708, A.D. 16, Drusus Caesar, O. Norbanus, coss, 

Ch. 65-56. Arminius and Segestes the heads of parties among the Germans ; expedi- 
tion in the spring against the Chatti. 

Ch. 57-60. Segestes rescued from his enemies; the wife of Arminius taken; the 
Cherusci roused to war by Arminius. 

Ch. 60-63. Expedition, chiefly conducted by ships, to the Amisia, and thence against 
the Cherusci ; burial of the remains of the army of Varus, 

Ch. 64-60. Difficult and dangerous retreat of Caecina by land ; the destruction of the 
bridge over the Rhine prevented by Agrippina. 

Ch. 70, 71. Peril of another force marching by the sea shore ; efforts to repair the 
losses of the army, 

Ch. 72 81. Events at Rome during the year. 

72-74. Triumphalia decreed. Title of ‘ pater patriae ’ refused ])y Tiberius ; revival 
of law of maiestas ; charges against two knights and Granins Marcellus ; conduct of 
Tiberius. 75. His supervision of the law courts, and liberality to some senators. 
7t). Hood of the Tiber. Achaia and Macedonia transferred from the senate to 
Caesar; Drusus presides at a gladiatorial exhibition. 77. Repetition of disturb- 
ance at the theatre, and measures taken. 78. Temple to Augustus in wSi)ain. Edict 
of Tiberius on the centesima and on the dismissal of soldiers. 70. Debate on 
proj)Osals to obviate the floods of the 'I'ibcr. 80. Macedonia and Achaia combined 
with the govcinment of Moesia ; habit of Tiberius to continue the same persons in 
office ; and reasons for it. 81. His mode of conducting the election of consuls. 




1 1. Urbem Romam a principio rcgcs habuere ; libertatcm et 

2 consulatum L. Brutus instituit. dictaturae ad tempus sume- 5 
bantur ; neque decemviralis potcstas ultra biennium, neque 
tribunorum militum consularc ius diu valuit. non Cinnae, non 

3 Sullae longa dominatio ; et Pompei Crassique potentia cito in 
Caesarein, Lepidi atque Antonii arma in Augustum ccssere, 
qui cuncta discordiis civilibus fessa nomine principis sub impe- 

2. On the supposed praenoinen of the 
author and title of the work, see In- 
trod. i. pp. 2, 5. 

4. urbem Komam, etc. The thought 
implied in these sentences is that the 
periods of Roman history coincide with 
permanent changes in the form of govern- 
ment, in which only temporary changes 
intervene between the expulsion of the 
kings and the priricipatc of Augustus; 
and that the works of previous writers 
have left no earlier jieriod open to him* 
self than that which he chooses. On the 
hexameter line formed by these words, 
see Introd. v. § 79, 

habuere, ‘ governed,’ as used of pro- 
vinces, 4. 2; 12. 54, 3. 

libeiras, used generally of republican 
institutions, as c. 33, 4, etc. ; so also by 
Livy, as 2. 1. 7; 3. 38, 2, etc. 

5. ad tempus, * for the occasion* 
(TTpos Kaip 6 v ) ; so ‘ dux tumultuarius et ad 
tempus lectus’ Liv. 28, 42, 5; cp. ‘in 
tempus’ c. 37, I, etc. 

6. ultra biennium. Tacitus may 
only mean that it did not last out a third 
year, or probably follows tl^e received 
account given by Livy and others, ac- 
cording to which tlie ‘potestas’ (‘iusta 
potestas’) of the decemvirs lasted but 
two years, 303, 304, B.c. 451, 450; their 
farther rule being mere usurpation. Mili- 

tary tribunes with consular power were 
subsli luted for consuls during most of the 
years from 310 to 387, B.c. 444-367 (Liv. 
4, 7, to 6. 4 2) ; but are not a fixed insti- 
tution, as consuls or dictators frequently 
intervene. The ‘ despotism ’ (‘dominatio ’) 
of Cinna lasted during his four successive 
consulships, 667-670, B.c. 87 -84; that of 
Sulla during his dictatorship, 672-675, 
B.c. 82 -79. 

8. potentia, ‘ political ascendancy.’ 
The term distinguishes the coalition of 
influence, often called ‘ the first trium- 
virate,’ formed in 694, B.c. 60, at which 
lime Pollio’- history of the civil war 
began (Hor. Od. 2. 1, i), from the union 
of the leaders of three armies (‘ arma ’), 
which brought about the second, or true 
‘ triumvirate.’ 

9. cossero. This verb is used with 
such accusatives as ‘ in imperiiim,’ ‘ in 
praedam,’ by Livy; by Tacitus also with 
accusative of a person, as 6. 4. 3, i, etc., 
or of a personification, as 2. 23, 3. 

10. imperium. This word, like the 
others, has also its definite meaning, 
‘ look the whole state under military 
command, with the title of prince.’ On 
this power and title, and the limitation 
with which ‘ cuncta ’ is to be understood, 
see Introd. vi. p. 65, foil. 



rium acccpit. sed veteris populi Romani prospcra vel adversa 4 
Claris scriptoribus memorata sunt; temporibusque Augusti di- 
cendis non defuere decora ingenia, donee gliscente adulatione 
deterrerentur. Tiberii Gaique et Claudii ac Neronis res floren- 6 
5 tibus ipsis ob metum falsae, postquam occiderant, recentibus 
odiis compositae sunt, inde consilium ‘mihi pauca de Augusto 6 
et extrema tradere, mox Tiberii principatum et cetera, sijic ira 
et studio, quorum causas procul habeo. 

2 . Postquam Bruto et Cassio caesis nulla iam publica arma^ 1 
10 Pompeius apud Siciliam oppressus, exutoque Lepido, interfecto 
Antonio ne luHanis quidem partibus nisi Caesar dux reliquus, 
posito triumviri nomine consulcm se ferens et ad tuendam 

I, veteris populi, etc. The expres- 
sion is varied in 4. 32, i, to ‘ vetcres 
populi Romani res.’ In II. r. i, i 'durn 
res populi Romani mcmorabantiir ’ is 
used to imply an antitliesis, perhaps not 
wholly absent in the other places, between 
national history and mere ‘ res principum.’ 

3. clari.'ii scriptoribus. On this da- 
tive, see In trod, v, § 18; and on the 
gerundive dative with ‘ defuere,’ Id. § 22 
b. This use of ‘ dicere,’ though mainly 
poetical, is found in Sail. (Jug. 95, 2) 
and Liv. (7. 29, t, etc.). 

3. decora ingenia, e. g. Pollio, Livy, 
Q. Labienus, Cremutius Cordus, and 
others. Some writers of later history, as 
M. Seneca and Aiifulius Rassus, included 
the time of Augustus in their work. See 
Iiitrod. iii. p. 1 1, 12. 

4. deterrerentur. On the use of the 
subj. ol facts with ‘ donee,’ see Introd. v. 
§ 53. The reason here assigned may have 
been that which induced Livy to conclude 
his history in 745, n.c. 9. 

que . . . et . , . ac. Such variation 
of conjunctions is often adopted for 
elegance (see Introd. v. § 89), but here, 
as Nipp. suggests, is intended to combine 
in pairs the two Julian and two Claudian 
Caesars, as in H. 2, 76, 4. 

5. falsae, ‘ falsified,’ as ‘ falsae tabu- 
lae ’ (Suet. Aug. 19), etc. 

6. compositae. ‘ Componere res ’ is a 
condensed , expression, like ‘ componere 
lliaca tempera’ Veil. r. 3, 2, etc. On 
the chief historical works which Tacitus 
may have use<l, see Introd. iii. pp. 10-14. 

7. cetera, i. e, to the death of Nero, 
after which the ‘ Histories,’ already pub- 
lished, begin. 

8. quorum causas, i. e. ‘ iniuria * or 
‘ bencficium.’ The whole passage in 

IT. t. I should be compared with this. On 
the apparent belief of Tacitus in his own 
impartiality, see Introd. iv. p. 22, foil. 

9. caesis, used, like ‘interfecto’ be- 
low, with some rhetorical license, of self- 
inilicted deaths. 

publica arma, ‘ anny of the Re- 
public.’ It is implied that the forces of 
the triumvirs, as well as those of Pom- 
peius, were mere ‘ privata arma,’ and that 
llrutus and Cassius represented the Stale. 
On the other h.and, in Mon. Anc. i. 10, 
they arc represented as exiles by judicial 
sentence, and as outlaws in arms against 
their country. 

TO. Pompeius, etc. He was ‘ crushed ’ 
(* oppressus,’ used thus of decisive defear, 
3. 41, 3, etc.) by Agrippa off Naulochus, 
near Pelorurn, Sep. 3, 71S, n C. 36. Plis 
death took place in Asia in the following 
year. I.cpidus was at the same time 
‘stripped of power’ (‘exuto’) ; his aiiny 
of twenty legions being induced to desert 
him, and no office left to him but that of 
‘ Pontifex maximus,’ which he was allowed 
to retain in seclusion at Circeii till his 
death in 742, n.c. 14. 

11. lulianis, ‘Caesarian.’ Tftis term, 
applied to the troops of Julius Caesar 
(Suet. Jul. 75), as is also ‘Caesariani’ 
(Bell. Afr. 13, i), is here applied after 
his death to the party of the triumvirs ; 
as that of the senate or ‘optimates’ is 
still, after the death of its leader, styled 
‘ Pompeianae partes’ (c. 10, i). Sex. 
Pompeius is regarded here as external to 
both these parties. 

12. polito triumviri nomine, etc. 
On this whole passage, see Introd. vi. 
pp. 64, 65. It has been shown by 
Mommsen (Staatsr. ii. p. 772), that Ta- 
citus must be here speaking of the tribu- 

LIBER 1. CAP. 1 - 3 . 


plebem tribuni^^^^^ ubi militem donis, populum 

annona, cunctos dulcedinc otii pellexit, insurgere paulatim, miinia 
senatus magistratuum legum in se trahere, nullo adversante, 
cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cecidissent, ceteri 
nobilium, quanto quis servltio promptior, opibus et honoribus 5 
extollerentur ac novis ex rebus aucti tuta et praesentia quam 

2 vetera et periculosa malleiit. neque provinciae ilium rerum 
statum abnucbant, suspecto senatus populique imperio ob cer- 
tamina potentium et avaritiam magistratuum, invalido legum 
auxilio, quae vi, ambitu, postremo peciinia turbabantur. 

1 3. Ceterum Augustus subsidia dominationi Claudium Mar- 

nitian power at an earlier date than that 
of 731, n.c. 23. See Introd. 1. 1. p. 65, 
note 10. 

se ferens, displaying himself/ as 
^2. 37, 6, etc. His consulships and, 
from 731, 15. c. 23, his tribunitian power, 
appear in his list of titles; while the 
* proconsnlare imperiutn* and 'princi- 
pate’ do not. Sec Introd. vi. pp. 66, 
68, 70, note 2. 

ad tuendam plebem. This, the 
original conception of the office of tri- 
bune, may well have been put forward by 
Augustus to conceal the very special and 
extensive character of the powers assumed 
by him under that title. Sec 3. 56; In- 
trod. vi. p. 70, foil ; Mommsen, Staatsr. 
ii. p. 842, foil. It is also possible that 
the original conception of his ‘ ius tribu- 
nitium ’ had included no more than this. 

1. donis. A gift is .specified, out of 
the spoils of war, of 1000 H. S. each to 
I 25,000 veterans settled in colonies, in 
725, u.c. 29 (Mon. Anc. iii. 17); cp. also 
1)io, 51. 17, 7; and, on his more usual 
bounties to soldiers, Suet. Aug. 49, 

2. annona. This refers not to the 
regular corn tiole, which he limited rather 
than extended i^Dio, 55, 10, i), but to his 
earefuf organization of the supply from 
Epgit and elsewhere, and to s])ccial dis- 
tributions, gnatuilous or at a price below 
cost, in times of scarcity (Suet. Aug. 41). 
lie records twelve such ‘ frumentationes/ 
given at his own cost in one year (731, B.c. 
23 I, as well as several ‘ congiaria’ in money 
at various times. Mon. Anc. iii. 7-2T. 

insurgere paulatim. On the gradual 
extension and encroachment oj the powers 
of Augustus, see Introd. vi. pp. 73 foil, 
d he expression ‘legum et magistratuum 
nmnia in sc trahens’ is repeated li. 5, i. 

4. ferocissimi, ‘ the boldest spirits.* 

Often used in a good sense, as is also 
‘ferocia’ (c. 12, 6): on the use of ‘per,’ 
see Introd. v. § 62. 

5. servitio. Tlie dative is often thu.s 
used by Tacitus with ‘ promptus,* as 
c 4^^* 3; 4. 46, 4, etc., rarely by other 
authors, as lav. 25. 16, 12. See In- 
trod. V. § 20; and, on his frequent ab- 
breviation of comparative sentences, Id. 
§ 64 : ‘ opes ’ and ‘ honorcs ’ are often 
coupled, as 4. 34, 6 ; 6. 8, 8, etc. 

6. tuta, etc. The stress is laid on the 
antithesis of ‘ tuta ’ and ‘ periculosa.* 
‘ Preferred the present iiislitulions with 
their security, to the old with their 

7. iieque . . . abmiebant. This im- 
portant admission appears to understate 
the fact. See Introd. vii. p. lor. On 
the honours given by provinces to Au- 
gustus, see Suet. Aug. 59; Dio, 51. 20, 
7, etc,, and on those to Tiberius, 4. 15, 
4; 37> I* 

8. certaraina potentium. Those of 
rivals, such as Marius and Sulla, Pom- 
pcius and Caesar ; whose civil wars affected 
even the provinces. 

9. legum, the laws ‘de pecuniis re- 

10. ambitu, ‘ intrigue,’ or ‘ solicita- 
tion ; ’ cp. c. 7, 10 ; 75, I (where it is 
cx})laine<i by ‘potentium prcces*), etc. 
It is thus here distinguished Iroin bribery, 
for which it is often a synonymous word. 

postremo. This emphasizes the more 
probable alternative, as ‘ sivc . . . , sen 
. . . , ad postremum vcl odio’ II. i. 39, 2, 

1 r. Ceterum. On various uses of this 
word in Tacitus, see Gerber and Greef, 
Lex. It marks here merely a transition 
to another part of the same subject, as 2. 
5, I ; 42, I ; 6i, I, etc. 

subsidia dominationi. The dative 


cellum sororis filiiim admodum adulescentem pontificatu et 
curuli aedilitate, M. Agrippam ignobilem loco, bonum militia 
ct victoriae sociiim, geminatis consulatibus extulit, mox defuncto 
Marcello generum sumpsit; Tiberium Neronem et Claudium 
5 Drusum privignos imp erat orii s nominibus auxit, integra etiam 
turn domo sua. nam genitos Agrippa Gaium ac Luciiim in 2 
familiam Caesarum induxerat, necdum posita puerili praetexta 
principes iuventutis appellari, destinari consules specie recusantis 
flagrantissime cupiverat. ut Agrippa vita concessit, Lucium 3 
10 Caesarem euntem ad Hispaniensis exercitus, Gaium remeantem 
Armenia et vulnerc invalidum mors fato propera vel r\ovcrcae 
Liviae dolus abstulit, Drusoque pridem extincto Nero solus e 
privignis erat, illuc cuncta vergere : filius, collega imperii, censors 

is used with subsidium by Cic. (Att. i. tratum inirent post quinquennium, Et 
10,4; dc Or. I. 60, 255). On the appo- ex eo die quo deducti sunt in forum, 

sition, see Introd. v. § 12 a. ut intcressent consiliis publicis, decrevit 

Marcellum. On the relationships and senatus. Equites autem Romani universi 
other biographical details respecting all principem iuventutis utrumque eonim 
the persons mentioned in this chapter, see parmis et hastis argenteis doiiatum appel- 

the pedigrees and notes in Introd. ix. laverunt’ Moii. Anc. ii. 46 — iii. 6. The 

3. geminatis, ‘piled one upon ano- title of ‘ princeps iuventutis * is analogous 
ther,’ i. e. * consecutive. This was the to that of ‘ princeps senatus,’ and appears 

case with his second and third consul- to be new at this time, the old priority 

ships, 726, 727, IJ.C. 28, 27; his first con- in the ‘centuriac cquitnm cquo publico' 

sulship in 717, n.c. 37, having no pecu- being that of ‘seviri’ (Momms. Staatsr, 

liar significance. Under the principate, ii. p. 800). On the significance of the 

a second consulship is rare, a third very title as designating an heir to the prin- 

rare, and continuous consulships unknown, cipate, see Introd. vi. p. 82. The ‘show 

except in the case of the juinceps himself, of refusal ’ appears to have been that 

or persons extremely near to him. Augustus thought it prudent to modify 

5. imperatoriis nominibus. On this the offer of an immediate consulship for 

title, and its distinction from the ‘prae- the youths, by interposing a ' qiiinquen- 

nomen imperatoris,’ sec i. 58, 9; In- nium.’ See Dio, 55. 9, 2. 

trad. vi. p. 64 ; Mommsen, Staatsr. ii. 9. vita concessit. On the variety of 
p. 1098. The date at which it was given expressions denoting death in Tacitus, 
to the stepsons is uncertain, the inscrip- see Introd. v. § 91, and reff. there. The 

tion usually cited (Ilenzen f ,^75)> being use both of this expression (3. 30, i ; 6. 

subsequent to the death of Drusus. 39, 3, etc.) and of ‘ concedere ’ by itself 

integra, ‘furnished with heirs,’ cp. in this sense (4. 38, 3; 13. 30,^4), are 
* plena domus’ 4. 3, i, ^vaciii penates’ peculiar to Tacitus. 

6.51,4. II. Armenia. On this ablative, see 

7. induxerat. This adoption took Introd. v. § 24. 

place in 737, B C. 17; when Gaius was in fato, often used of natural as opposed 
the third year of his age, and Lucius just to violent death. Cp. Introd. iv. p. 22, 
born, Dio, 54. 18, i. note 6. 

8. appellari . . . destinari . . . oupi- 13. illuc cuncta vergere, ‘all centred 

verat. The sense is equivalent to ‘ap- in him.’ * Illuc’ is used of persons, as 

pellati . . . destinati ... id quod cupi- H. 3. 38, 6. 

verat’ Augustus represents the facts as collega imperii, sc. 'proconsularis,* as 
follows: ‘Gaium et Lucium Caesares having * aequum ius in omnibus provinciis 
honoris mei causa senatus populusque exercitibusque ’ (Veil. 2. 121, 3). On 
Romanus annum quintum et decimum the association of persons with the prin- 
agentis consulis desiguavit, ut eum magis- ceps in this ‘imperium,’ see c. 14, 4; 

LIBER I. CAP. 3-4. 


tribunlclae potestatls adsuniitur omnisque per exercitus osten- 
tatur, non obscuris, ut antea, matris artibus, sed palam hortatu. 

4 nam scnem Augustum dcvinxerat adeo, uti ncpotem unicum, 
Agrippam Postumum, in insulam Planasiam proiecerit, rudem 
sane bonariim artium et robore corporis stolide feroeem, nullius 5 

6 tamen flagitii conpertum. at herculc Gcrmanicum Druso ortum 
octo apud Rhenum legionibus inposuit adscirique per adop- 
tionem a Tiberio iussit, quamquam esset in domo Tiberii filius 

0 iuvenisj sed quo pluribus munimentis insisterct. bellum ea 
tempestate nullum nisi adversiis Germanos supererat, abolendae 10 
magis infamiae ob amissum cum Ouintilio Varo exercitum quam 

7 cupidine proferendi imperii aut dignum ob praemium. domi res 

tranquillae, eadem magistratuum vocabula ; iuniores post Ac- 
tiacam victoriam, ctiam senes plerique inter bclla civium nati : 
quotus quisque reliquus qui rem publicam vidisset? 15 

1 4. Igitur verso civitatis statu nihil usquam prisci ct integri 

Introd. vi. p. 82 ; and Momms. Staatsr. 
ii, p. 1094. 

consors trib. pot. : see Introd. 
1 . 1 . and Momms. Staatsr. ii. p. iioi. 
Tacitus must here refer to the renewal of 
this power to Tiberius, who had already 
held it when he was not re^jarded as heir. 
See on 3. 56, 3 ; and, for the dates, see 
on c. 10, 7. 

I. omnis : really only in two, hut 
these the most important armies, those of 
Germany and lllyricum. 

4. Planasiam, Pianosa, near Elba, 
proiecerit : so most modern edd. 

after Ritter, for the MS. ‘ proieceret,’ 
which the oider edd. read as ‘ proiiceret.’ 
Ritter compares other similar uses of the 
perf. subj. after a preceding plupcrf. in 2. 
81, I ; 3. 21, 2 ; 4. 51, 3. Thus Livy has 

* tantum . . . opes creverant . , . ut ... ansi 
sint’ Q. 3, 4). The event is regarded 
simply as past, rather than as related to 
other past events (Roby 1516). See also 
Dracger, Synt. und Stil, § 182. 

5. sane, concessive, as c. 10, 2 ; 3. 
5, 4, etc. The words * robore . . . fero- 
cem*are a close reminiscence of Liv. 7. 
5, 6 (see Introd. v. § 971, where, as here, 

* ferox * means ‘ confident.* Cp. also ‘ ad- 
versus singulos ferox’ (Liv. i. 25, 7), 
Livy also piecedcs Tacitu^ in using 
' conpertiis * with a genitive of the crime, 

7. 4, 4; 22. 57 » 2; 32. I, 8 . 

6. heroule strongly contrasts the 
failure of Li via in this case with her 

success in the former (cp. c. T 7, 7 ; 26, 3 ; 
3. 54, 6, etc.). Germanicus had pre- 
viously served under Tiberius in Germany 
in 764, A.D. 11 ; and attained the com- 
mand there after his consulship in 766, 
A.D, 13. Suet. Cal. 8. 

7. adbsciri. 'i'his word appears only 
used by Tacitus (H. 4. 24, 2 ; 80, i ; and 
dub. lect. Agr. 19, 2), and by Vergil 
(Aen. 12. 38). Tacitus oftener employs 
(see Nij)p.) the usual word ‘ adsciscere.’ 

8. esset. On the subj. with ‘quam- 
quam,’ see Introd. v. § 50. Tacitus also 
uses, though less frequently, the regular 
construction with the indie. See Nipp. 

10. abolendae infamiae. On the ge- 
rundive genitive, see Introd. v. § 37. On 
the defeat of Varus in 762, A.D. 9, see 
Veil. 2. 11 7-1 19; Dio, 56, 18-24. 

13. vocabula, ‘ tillc.s,’ as ‘summi fas- 
tigii vocabulum’ 3. 56, 2. On the func- 
tion.s of the old magistrates at this time, 
sec Introd. vi. p. 75 foil. The censorship 
alone was formally dropped. 

15. rem publicam, rarely thus used 
in contrast to monarchy. Cp. 4. 19, 3; 
II. 1. 16, i; 50, 4. ‘Vidisset’ would 
appear to be here a potential subj. 

16. prisci et intogri, more closely 
coupled than if ‘ neque ’ had been used. 
For similar uses of ‘et’ in negative 
clauses, see c. 70, 5, and Dr. Synt. und 
Stil, § 107. ‘Moris’ would naturally 
mean ‘constitutional usage’ rather than 
‘morality;’ but the latter is suggested 


moris : omnes exuta aequalitatc lussa principis aspectare, nulla 
in praesens formidine, dum Augustus aetate validus seque et 
domum et pacem sustentavit. postquam provecta iam senectus 2 
aegro et corpore fatigabatur, aderatque finis et spes novae, pauci 
5 bona libertatis in cassum disserere, plures beJIum pavescere, alii 
cupere. pars multo maxima inminentis dominos variis rumoribus 3 
differebant : trucem Agrippam et ignominia accensum non aetate 
neque rerum experientia tantae moH parem, Tiberium Neronem 
maturum annis, spectatum bello, set vetere atque insita Claudiae 
10 familiae superbia, multaque indicia saevitiae quamquam prcman- 
tur, erumpere. hunc et prima ab infantia eductum in domo reg- 4 
natrice; congestos iuveni consulatus, triumphos ; ne iis quidem 
annis, quibus Rhodi specie secessus exul egerit, aliud qu^m iram 

by the addition of * integri,’ and may 
probably be the meaning of * mos ’ in 3. 
28, 2. 

1. exuta aequalitato. This phrase is 
used in 3. 26, 3, of those who seek pre- 
cnunencc, as here of those who accept a 
position of inferiority. The application 
of the word to political equality {laonyia) 
appears to be peculiar to Tacitus : see 3. 
74, 6j II. 2. 3S, 2. 

2. aequo et. This poetical combina- 
tion of conjunctions is found in some ten 
places in Tacitus (Dr. § 123). On the 
following use of ‘et* for ‘ etiam/ see 
Id. § loS. ‘Aderat finis’ is repeated, 
2. 71, I. 

5, in cassum, ‘idly,’ as mere decla- 

disserere often takes the accusative in 
Tacitus (2. 27, i; 6, 34, 5, etc.), as 
also in Sail. (Cat. 5, 9), without the re- 
striction, usual in Cicero, to the accus. of 
pronouns, or of adjectives expressing 
amount, as ‘pauca,* ‘multa/ etc. See 

bellum, i. e. such a military insur- 
rection as was in fact imminent. 

7. dififerebant. This is explained 
as equivalent to ‘ varies nimores differe- 
bant de principibus ’ (Gerb. and Greef, 
Ivcx.); but the verb, when used with 
accus. pers., as in old poets and Pro- 
pertius, appears to modify its ordinary 
sense of ‘divulgare,’ as found with acc. 
rei (3. 12, 7; 4. 25, 5, etc.) to one more 
akin to the force of ‘distrahi fama* (3. 

5)- the analogous uses of ‘di^ 
famare aliquem’ (c. 72, 4, etc.) and 
* aliquid* (14. 22, 5). 

8. experientia. This sense of ‘ know- 

ledge gained by practice, ’is almost wholly 
VcTgilian (G. 1. 4, etc.) and Tacitean (as 
c. 46, 2, etc.). 

moli parem : so ‘ par negotiis,’ 3. 
30* 5 ; 6. 39, 3, etc. ‘ Moles ’ of weight 
of empire, c. ii, 2. 

Neronem. This name, though still 
used here and in c. 5, 6, was drojiped on 
his adoption. See Introd. ix. note 28; 
and, on his age and services, Id. viii. 
pp. 114, 115. 

10. superbia. This characteristic of the 
Claudii is repeatedly insisted on by Livy, 
(e. g. 2, 56), whom Suet, has followed 
(Tib. 2). For the arguments by which 
it is maintained that the traditional policy 
of this family has been misconceived, see 
Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, vol. i. Ap- 

11. et. This would naturally be fol- 
lowed by another ‘et* or ‘neque,’ but 
the construction, besides the change of 
subject in ‘ congestos,’ etc., is varied by 
the introduction of a climax with ‘ ne . . . 
quidem,* ‘ Regnatrix ’ is dv, tip., used 
invidiously of the ‘ domus principis.’ On 
the fondness of Tacitus for such verbal 
substantives, see Introd. v. § 69. 

prima ab infantia, etc. On the 
events of the early life of Tiberius, see 
Introd. viii. pp. 112, etc. He had only 
held two consulships, at the age of 29 
and 35 ; and his triumphal honours are 
maintained by himself and his partisans 
(see 3. 47, 5, and note there) to have 
been far below what he could have 
claimed. Tacitus, it should be observed, 
is not here speaking in his own person. 

13. exul: so most edd. after Muretus, 
giving ‘ agere * the force of * degerc,’ as 

A.D. 14.] 

LIBER /. CAP. 4, 5. 


et simulationem et secretas lubidines meditatiim. accedere ma- 
trem muliebri inpotcntia : serviendum feminae duobusque insuper 
adulesceiitibus, qui rcm publicam interim prcmant, quandoque 

1 5 . Haec atquc talia agitantibus gravesccre valetudo AugustL 5 

2 et quidam sccJus uxoris suspectabant. qiiippe rumor incesserat, 
paucos ante menses Augustum, clectis consciis et comite uno 
P'abio Maximo, Planasiam vectum ad visendum Agrippam ; 

3 multas illic utrimque lacrimas et signa caritatis spemque ex eo 

in 2. 42, 2 ; 3. 4S, 2, etc. Cp. 'iibi specie 
sludioruin noinen exilii tegerL-tur ’ 3. 4^, 

5. 'Die MwS. text ‘cxiilem’ vvonld appear 
to iin]')ly that he had put on the character 
of an exile, which seems inconsistent with 
llie suggestion contained in the words 
^specie seccssus.’ It might perhaps be 
contended that he was not in fact an 
exile, and that ‘exulern egcrit’ would 
only mean that, without being, or himself 
pretending to be such, lie appeared to the 
world to be an exile ; as in the similar 
passage ‘ obnoxiiun et Irepidum ogit* 
(Suet. Tib. 12). On his retirement to 
Rhodes, see Introd. viii. p. 114. 

aliiid quam : so Halm after Nipp. 
'I'he MS. text ‘alif|uid (piam ’ has hanlly 
been successfully defended. In Cic. de 
Inv. T. 54, T04 Hiec alicui umquam usu 
evenerit,’ there is no further difficulty 
than the substitution of ‘ alicui ’ for the 
more natural ‘cuiqiiam;’ but here the 
addition of ‘ aliud ’ seems needed. An 
alternative suggestion is that of 'aliud 
quid ’ (Draeger), but this appears rather 
to mean ‘ something else ; ’ a meaning 
which 'aliquid’ (see Verg. Aen. 2, 48; 
9, 186) might also bear. See Nipp. 

iram, 'resentment’ against all who 
slighted him; see 2. 4?, 4. The ‘ lubi- 
dines ' J^ere only eharged against him by 
popular rumour, are assumed later as a 
fact ; see 4. 57, 4. 

2. inpoteiitia, ' imperiousness.’ This, 
if taken to be the general characteri.stic 
of Li via, would seem very wide of 
truth ; but aptly expresses her uncontrolled 
and exacting demands ujion her son. 

4* 57» 4» the contrast ' mater 
inpoteus, uxor facilis' 5. i, 5, where see 
note. • 

duobus, German icus and Hru.sus 


3. interim, opposed to *mox' 14. 
41, 2, as here to 'quandoque,’ In post- 

Augustan Latin it is often nearly equiva- 
lent to nonmniif|uam. ' Qiiantlo(]ue ’ is 
used in the indefinile sense of 'at some 
time’ 4. 28, 3 ; 6. 20, 3 ; also in Liv. and 
Cic. Ep. 

premant . . . distvahant. The first, 
juobably by monojiolisiiig the [)ri/es of 
the slate, the latter, by di.'^^puting the 

5. Haec atquo talia. This, or ‘ haec 
ac talia,’ is a common formula in Tacitus, 
as 2. 38, 7 ; 4. 60, I ; 6. 22, i ; and 
many other instances given by Nipp. 

agitantibus. On thi.s concise use 
of the abl. nbs. see Iiitrod. v. § 31 c. 

gravoscere valotudo. 'This phrase 
is repeated C. 46, 9. '^I'lie previous use of 
the verb, except in PI. N. 11 . (i i. 41, 96, 
236), is wholly poetical. 

6. scelus, usctl specifically of poi.son- 
ing, as 4. 10, 2 ; 6. 33, i. On the tale of 
poisoned tigs, see Dio, 36. 30, 2. 

suspectabant. This verb is often 
used in this sense by 'racitus, as Ji. 16, 
5, etc., and so used by him. 

quippe, suggesting a motive for the 
alleged crime. The story is alluded to 
by Pliny, N. II. 7. 45, 46, 150. Plutarch, 
who tells the story with much difference 
of (TTfpi c. i J >, 

knows nothing of the voyage to Planasia. 

7. consciis . . . comite. The 'comes ’ 
actually attends him, the ‘conscii’ may 
only have been aware of the plan. 

8. Pabio Maximo. His full name, 
Paullus FabiusQ. f. Maximus, is given in 
the 'Acta Aivalium’ (C. I. L. vi. r, 
2023 a), from wdiich it appears that he 
was still alive on May 14 of this year. 
He is chiefly known as the friend of 
Ovid, who addresses epistles to him (ex P. 
I. 2, etc.), had hoped for much from 
his intercession, and deplores his deaiii 
(Id. 4. 6,9-14). Several further particu- 
lars about liiin arc collected by Nipp. 

i 62 


fore ut iuvenis penatibus avi redderetur : quod Maximum uxori 
Marciae aperuisse, illam Liviae. gnarum id Caesari ; neque 4 
multo post extincto Maximo, dubium an quaesita morte, auditos 
in funere eius Marciae gemitus semet incusantis, quod causa 
5 exitii marito fuisset. utcumque se ea res habuit, vixdum in- 6 
gressus Illyricum Tiberius properis matris literis accitur ; neque 
satis conpcrtum est, spirantem adhuc Augustum apud urbem 
Nolam an exanimem rcppererit. acribus namque custodiis do- 6 
mum et vias saepserat Livia, laetique interdum nuntii vulga- 
lobantur, donee provisis quae tempus monebat simul excessisse 
Augustum et rcrum potiri Neronem fama eadem tulit. 

6. Primum facinus novi principatus fuit Postumi Agrippae 1 
caedes, quern ignarum inermumque quamvis firmatus animo 
centurio aegre confecit. nihil de ea re Tiberius apud senatum 2 

2. Marciae. She is also mentioned hy 7. spirantem, etc. That Tiberius 

Ovid (P'asl, 6. 8oi, etc.), and was cousin found him alive is accepted without 

of Augustus (C. 1. G. 2629) ; being question by Veil. (2. 123, 3), who is 

daughter of the marriage of his mothers followed by Suet. (Aug. 98; Tib. 31). 

sister, Atia minor, to the Philippus men- Dio (56. 31, i) thinks the other view better 

tioned 3. 72, 2, son of the Philippus attested. 

whom Atia maior secondly married (Borg- apud, for ‘in: ’ sec Introd. v. § 57, 
hesi, V. 139): see Nipp. 8. acribus . . . custodiis. For similar 

gnarum, often used p.assively by precautions, see 12, 68, 1 : 'acer’ is often 

Tacitus (c. 51, 4; 63, 3, etc.), and so used for ‘diligent,’ as 2. 43, 3 ; 3. 48, 2, 

rarely elsewhere (Apul. Mag. 12. 281, 9) etc. 

that the use may be called peculiar to 10. excessisse: so used especially of 
him. On the less rare similar use of one deified, as c. 33, i, and ‘excessiis’ 

‘ ignarus,' see 2. 13, i, etc. c. 7, 2 ; 14, 4, etc : cp. ‘post obitum 

3. dubium. On such parentheses in vel potius excessum Romuli ’ Cic. Rep. 2. 

Tacitu.s, see Introd. v. § 82. 30, 33, 

quaesita: so used of what is studied ii. rerum potiri. The will of Augustus 

or unnatural, 3. 57, i ; 5- 3* ; 6 50, i ; was not yet known, nor the successor 

here of suicide. The fact is given as formally chosen by the senate; but Tiberius 

doubtful, but as taken for granted by was already practically master of the 

Marcia. Reman world. Hence the next chapter 

5. utcumque, etc. - Tacitus thus dis- begins to speak of the ‘novus princi- 
misses for what it is worth both the charge palus,’ 

of poisoning and the tale which supports 12, Primum facinus, etc. §ee the 

it. The latter is accepted without question similar expression, 13. i, i. 

by Dio (56. 30, i): but that Augustus in 13. quamvis firmatus animo. *not- 

his extreme infirmity could take such a withstanding his resolve.’ The expres- 

voyage at all is improbable, as Pianosa sion appears to be taken from ‘firmatus 

must bo some forty miles from the nearest animi ’ t^Sall. H. 3. 17 D, 15 K, 52 G). 

mainland, and much further from any Tacitus also seems to follow Sallust in 

probable port of embarkation ; and it is using the rarer form ‘ inermus.* 

still more unlikely that Livia, who was 14. centurio. Suet (Tib. 23) loosely 

in constant attendance on him, should confuses the tribune through whom the 

have been ignorant of it. order pasted with the centurion who 

vixdum ingressus, etc. The cir- executed it. Both these officers belonged 

cums*ances of the Iasi journey of Augustus ^ no doubt to the prat torian guard, 
in company with him are given in Suet. aegre : his strength is noted, c. 3, 
Aug. 97, 98. 4. 

A.D. M.] LIBER 1 . CAB.S, 6 . 163 

disseruit : patris iussa siniulabat, quibus pracscrlpslsset tribuno 
custodiae adposito, ne cunctaretur Agrippam morte adficcre, 

3 quandoque ipse suprcmum diem explevisset. multa sine dubio 
saevaque Augustus de moribus adulescentis questus, ut cxilium 
eius senatus consulto sanciretur perfecerat : ceterum in nullius 5 
umquam suorum neccm duravit, neque mortem nepoti pro se- 

4 curitate privigni inlatam crcdibile erat. propius vero Tiberium 
ac Liviam, ilium metu, banc novercalibus odiis, suspecti ct invisi 

6 iuvenis cacdcm festinavissc. nuntianti ccnturioni, ut mos mili- 
tiae, factum esse quod imperasset, neque imperassc sese et 10 

0 rationcm facti reddendarn apud 5enatum respondit. quod post- 
quam Sallustius Crispus particeps secretorum (is ad tribunum 
miscrat codicillos) comperit, metuens ne reus subderetur, iuxta 
pericLiloso beta seu vera promcrct, monuit Liviam ne arcana 

1. praescripsisset. The subj. is used 
because this is only the representation of 

2. custodiao adposito, ^set over the 
guard,’ or Vset over him for a guard;* the 
latter is the explanation generally given 
liere and in H. i. 43, l (‘custodiae 
addilus’): the former is most in accord- 
ance with 2. 68, 3 * priori custodiae 
regis adposilus;’ the latter with the 
‘ adpositi custodes’ of 4. 60, i. On the 
dative of purpose in I'acitus, see Introd. 
V. § 23. 

3. quandoque, not used as in c. 4, 
5, but — S]uaiidocuiKjue,’ as 4. 38, 3, 

4. eaeva questus, I le is said to have 
spoken of him and the two Juliac as 

* tres vomicas ac tria carcinomata sua ’ 
Suet. Aug. 65. 

5. senatus consulto. I'he kinds of 
sentence l)y which persons might be 
banishsffl are compared in 3. 24, 6 , and 
Ov. Trist, 2, 13J, etc. i. Uy decree of 
the senate. 2. By sentence of the law- 
court. 3. By edict of the ' princep.s/ as 
in Ovid’s own ‘relcgatio.’ 4. By mere 

* remintiatio amicitiae principis.’ This 
would cease with the life of the prince 
(3. 24, 5), the others, or at least the two 
first, were permanent : cp. * cavit etiara 
S. C. ut eodeqi loci in perpetuum con- 
tineretur ’ Suet. Aug. 65. Sffe Momms. 
Staatsr. ii. 106S, n. l. 

6. duravit, ‘ hardened himself,’ as 
14- I, 6, etc.: cp. ‘cuius manus in hoc 
supplicium durassent ’ Petr. 105 j ‘ non 


durat ultr.a poenam ahdicationis ’ Quint. 
9. 2, 88 ; ‘ durare ad sanguineni ' Id. Dccl. 
279. This sense is oflencr found in the 
transitive form, as 3. 15, 4, and passive, 
as H. 4. 59, 2, 

7. erat gives the belief at the time, as 
^ ctedebantur ’ c. 53, 5; ‘constabat’ 4. 
74, 5 : ‘ cst ’ would give the writer’s 

9. festinare. This transitive use is 
mainly poetical, but adopted by Sail, and 
thence by 'J'ac., as 4. 28, 2 ; 14, 33, 6; 
also tjje passive 6. 40, i ; 44. 4. 

12. Sallustius Crispus is employed 

again on secret service, 2. 40, 3. For a 
general account of hijn, and of his cha- 
racter and services, see 3. 30. * Particeps 

secretoium ’ appears to mean ‘admitted 
to privacy’ (cp. 3. 8, 4; 4. 7, 4; 13. 
18, 3 ; 11. 1. 10, 4, etc ), and thus 
describes his p'^silion in similar terms to 
those of Seneca, who styles him (de Cl. 
I. 10) ‘ interioris admissioiiis amicus.’ On 
the ‘comites Aiigusti,’ or ‘ cohois ami- 
corum,* sec Introd vi. p. 81 ; Momms. 
Staatsr. ii. 807; Friedlaender, Siiteng. i. 
179, foil. 

13. reus subderetur. This expression, 
in c. 39, 4; 15. 44. 3, and other uses of 
‘subdere,’ as 3. 67* 3 ; 4 - 59 . 5 ; 6 . 36. i, 
etc., all signifv a fraudulent substitution 
or false suggestion. 

iuxta periculoso, ‘ as it was equally 
perilous.’ On ‘ iuxta,’ see Introd. v. § 61, 
and on the abl. abs., Id. § 31 b. 

14. seu, omitt*:d in the first place, as 2. 
i7» 8; 3. 18, 6, etc. 



domus, ne consilia amicorum, ministeria militum vulgarentur, 
neve Tiberius vim principatus resolveret cuncta ad senatum 
vocando : earn condicionem esse imperandi, ut non aliter ratio 
constet quam si uni reddatur. 

5 7. At Romae ruere in servitium consules, patres, eques. 1 

quanto quis inlustrior, tanto magis falsi ac festinantes, vultuque 2 
composito, ne laeti excessu principis neu tristiores primordio, 
lacrimas gaudium, questus adulationem miscebant. Sex. Pom- 
petus et Sex. Appuleius consules primi in verba Tiberii Caesaris 3 
iuravere, apudquc eos Seius Strabo et C. Turranius, ille prae- 
toriarum cohortium praefectus, hie annonae; mox senatus miles- 

3. earn condicionem, /it is of the 
es.scnce of ruling, (hat accounts will not 
come right if audited by others than the 
ruler.’ This may mean either that the 
ruler must give account of his actions to 
no one; or that his subordinates, above 
all his military subordinates, to whom 
Tiberius here professes to have given no 
orders, must he responsible to him alone : 
it is implied either way that much must 
be done by or for an autocrat which will 
not hear investigation. On 'condicio,’ 
cp. ‘ condicio vivendi ’ ITor. Sat, 2. 8, 65. 
The metaphor * ratio constat ’ seems to 
he suggested by ‘ rationem reddendam:’ 
in n. Min., e.g in Epp. i. 5, 17; i. 9, 
I ; 2. 4, 4, etc., ‘ratio constat’ comes 
to mean * it is good,’ or ‘ it is »eason- 

5. consules, patres, eques. On the use 
of asyndeta, sec Introd. v. § 65 ; on the 
use of singular for plural, as in ‘ eques,’ 
and, below, ‘miles,’ see Id. § 2. The 
collective sing, ‘eques’ is used of the 
equestrian order in 4. 74, 5, etc., also 
in Hor. (J£pp. 2. i, 185), Mart. an<l 

6. falsi, ‘hypocritical.’ as 3. 3, i ; 13. 
13, 4, etc. The use seems taken from 
Sail., who has ‘ ambitio muUos mortales 
falsos fieri subegit’ Cat. 10, 5. 

7. composito, used of studied effects 
in word or look, as 2. 34^ 6 ; 3. 44, 4, 

ne laeti, sc 'essent.’ See Introd. v. 
§ 39 b, and Nipp. here. 

8. Sex. Pompeius et Sex. Appuleius. 
These consuls are stated by Dio (36. 
29, to have been related to Caesar ; 
which explains their continuance in office 
throughout the year. Pompeius, who is 
mentioned 3. ii, 2; 32, a, and as a 

friend of Ovid (ex P. 4. r, 4, 8), may 
have shared in the relationship indicated 
in 2. 27. 2. That of Appuleius may be 
gathered from 2. 50. i. 

9. primi . . . iuravero. This oath 

(‘ sacramentum in nomcn Tiberii ’ c. 8, 5) 
taken by the whole people, and by the 
provinces (c. 34, i), is a recognition of 
Caesar’s sole ‘ proconsiilarc imperium ’ 
throughout the empire. See Introd. vi. 
p. 70; Momm.s. ii, p. 768. It 
must be distinguished from the oath 
taken to maintain the acta (see c. 72, 2). 
The consuls, a.s the chief .senatorial magis- 
trates, appear here, after themselves 
swe.iring allegiance, to administer the 
oath to the two chief 11 on-senatorial 
officers (on whom see Introd. vi. p. 72). 
All other magistrates or praefecti appear 
to take it only as members of the senate 
or ecpiestrian order. It is therefore 
possible that the absence of separate 
mention of the ‘praefectus urbis,’ who 
was always a senator, may no more prove 
that office to have been in abeyance than 
the regular .senatorial magistracies (see 
on (). ii). The ‘praefectus vigilum ’ is 
also unmentioned. * 

10. Seius Strabo, the father of Seianus 
(c. 24, 3 ; 4. 1 , 3), afterwards i^raefectus 
of Egypt (Dio, 57. 19, 6). His praeno- 
mcn was Lucius (Tnsc. Henzen 5394). 

C. Turranius, probably the first per- 
son appointed to the office, which was of 
recent institution (Momms. p. 996). He 
was still holding it thirty-four years later 
(it. 31, ij, though Seneca makes him 
already ninety in the time of Gains (Brev. 
Vit. 20, 2). 

11. senatus milesque et populus. 
These are coupled as making up the 
whole population, ii. 30, 5. 

A.D. 14.] 

LIBER /. CAP. 6 , 7 . 


4 que et populus. Nam Tiberius cuncta per consules incipiebat, 

6 tamquam vetcre re publica et ambiguus imperandi : ne edictum 
quidem, quo patres in curiam vocabat, nisi tribuniciae potestatis 

6 praescriptione posuit sub Augusto acceptae. verba edicti fuere 
pauca et sensu pcrmodesto : de lionoribus parentis consulturum, 5 
ncque abscedere a corpore idque unum ex publicis muneribus 

7 usurparc. scd defuncto Augusto signum praetoriis cohortibus 
ut imperator dederat ; excubiae, arma, cetera aulae ; miles in 

8 forum, miles in curiam comitabatur. literas ad exercitus tam- 
quam adcpto principatu misit, nusquam cunctabundus nisi cum 10 

9 in senatu loqueretur. causa praecipua cx formidine, ne Ger- 
manicus, in cuius manu tot legiones, immensa sociorum auxilia, 

10 mirus apud populum favor, habere imperium quam exspectare 
mallet, dabat et famae^ ut vocatus clcctusque potius a re puh- 

11 lica vidcretur quam per uxorium ambiturn ct scnili adoptione 15 

1. per conaules, etc. On the ad- that shown by Augustus himself to the 

ministration tluring the vacancy of the remains of Drusus (.v 5, 2). 
princii)ate, see Introd. vi. p. 8.^ On the 7. signum — ‘ tesseram,’ as 13. 2, 5, 

position of Til^erius at this time, see etc. At the death of Gains this was 

Introd. viii. p. 120. given by the consuls (Jos. Ant. jy. 2, 3); 

2 . ambiguus imperandi, ‘as if he but the action of 'riberius may be ex- 

had not made up his mind to rule:’ cp. plained by his being ‘ consors imperii.’ 
‘ambiguus consilii ’ (M. 2. 83, 2, etc). ( 3 n 8. excubiae. A cohort of praetorians 

this genitive, sec Introd. v. § 330.7. Dr. hc])t guard at the bouse of the piinceps 

notes that its use with ‘ambiguus’ is new ami attended him elsewhere (H. i. 24, 2 ; 
in Tacitus, but analogous to that with 29, 2), but dressed only in the toga, (Id. 

* dubius ’ and * incertus ’ in Idvy. 38, 5). 

4. praescriptione, ‘ under the title of.’ cetera aulae, ‘the other accom- 
Nipp. notes that the edict would run thus : paniments of a court.’ * Aula ’ is gener- 

‘ Ti. Cae.sar trib. pot. xvi. dicit.’ On the ally used by Tacitus of the ‘ cohors ’ or 
special powers of dealing with the senate courtiers, as 2. 43, 5 ; II. i. 13, 10. 

conferred by this title, see Introd. vi, 10. cum . . . loqueretur. On this sub- 

p. 71 ; Mommsen, Staatsr. ii. pp. 859, junctivc, sec Introd. v. § 52. 

1105, 1107, II. praecipua. lie had also similar 

posuit. This verb is used for ‘pro- fear of the Pannonian legions; and others 

ponere’ only here and 4. 27, i. On bring in here ‘he plots, .sup[)osed to be 

other such uses of simple verbs for com- alrea<ly in progress, of Lil^o (2. 27) an<l 

poun<t, see Introd. v. § 40. Clemens (2. 3«/). Suet. Tib. 25. 

6. neque abscedere. These words are 13. apud populum favor: see 2. 41 ; 
added to excuse his absence from Rome. 82 ; 4. 57, 5. 

The body of the princeps miglit be re- 14. dabat et famae, ‘ it was his con- 

garded as in charge of the state, and the cession to public oi)iriion.’ I'iie full ex- 
attendance on it might thus be taken (as pressiou ‘ das aliquid famae ’ ? is found in 

in Nipp.) to be a ‘publicum muniis,’ Hor. Sat. 2. 2, 94. The accusative, here 

though these words apply better to this alone thus omitted with ‘dare,’ is not uiifre- 

summoning of the senate. The edict was qiiently absent from ‘ tribuere:’ tlie object 

issued at Nola; whence the body w'as here is supplied from ‘ut . . .vidcretur,’ 

borne by local magistrates each stage as in 2. 53, 3; 58, i,etc.: ‘fama* is used 

to Bovillae, and thence to Rome by for public opinion, 4. 40, i, etc. 

knights on the day before the senate met 15. senili, overstated, as Augustus was 
(Suet. Aug. 100; Dio, 56. 31,2). The only sixty-five at the time of the adoption, 

respect paid by Tiberius was .similar to The share of Livia in it is dwelt upon in 



inrepsisse. postea cognitum est ad introspiciendas etiam pro- 
cerum voluntates inductam dubitationem : nam verba vultus in 
crimen detorquens recondcbat. 

8 . Nihil prime senatus die agi passus est nisi de supremis 
5 Augusti, cuius testamentum inlatum per virgines Vestae Tibe- 1 
rium et Liviam heredes habuit. Li via in familiam luliam no- 2 
menque Augustum adsumebatur ; in spem secundam nepotes 
pronepotesque, tertio gradu primores civitatis scripserat, plerosque 
invisos sibi, sed iactantia gloriaque ad posteros. legata non 3 

c. 3. 3, and 4. 57, 4. Dio (57. 3. 3) 
Strangely puts this explanation as matter 
of his own hearsay {jjdrj ^Kovea on 

2. voluntates, i. e. the disposition of 
each individual. 

inductam, ‘ was put on : * like ‘ per- 
sonam indiiere.’ Thus *inducere plumas’ 
Hor. A. P. 2. The metaphor in 4. 70, 5 
is different. 

3. detorquens, ^misinterpreting.’ So 
‘calummando detorquendoque ’ Liv, 42. 
42, 5 - 

recondebat, * would store in me- 
mory ; * .so used of Tiberius, c. 69, 7. 
Cp. ‘in animo rcvolventc iras’4. 21, 2; 
also 4. 29, 5 ; 71, 5. Thus Domitian is 
said ‘ reponere odium ’ Agr. 39, 3. 

4. Nihil . . . passus. The omission of 
‘ est ’ would be harsh, but it is possible to 
suppose that Tacitus here goes beyond 
his usual rule : the insertion (adopted by 
Halm from Nipp.) loaves the absence of 
the word from the MS. unexplained. 

supremis. This appears to mean 
‘ obsequies ’ in 4. 44, 6 ; but more com- 
monly ‘ death,’ as in 3. 49, i ; 6. 50, 3 ; 
12. 66, 2, etc. 

5. por virgines Vestae. Wills, trea- 
ties, and other documents, and suras of 
money, were deposited for safety with the 
Vestals (Suet. Jul. 83; Pint. Aut. 942 ; 
Dio, 48. 37, i), or in other temples (Juv. 
8, 143 ; 14, 260, etc). This will is given, 
with some variations and additions, by 
Suet. (Aug. loj), and Dio, or Xiphil. 
(5^- 32), whose accounts should be com- 
pared throughout with Tacittis. Suet, 
states that it had been deposited with the 
Vestals sixteen months previously. Chari- 
sius (i. 80, P ; 104 Keil) quotes from it, 
as still extant in the 4th century, ‘gausapes, 
lodices purpureas et colorias mcas.* 

6. heredes, in the proportion of two- 
thirds to Tiberius, one-third to Livia (Suet. 
1 . 1 .). Dio adds that a decree was pas.sed to 
exempt her from the disabilities of the 

law (T^ex Voconia, cp. Dio, 56. 10, 2). 
On the relation of heirship by will to 
succession in the principate, see Iritrod. 
vi. p. 82. 

7. Augustum. This is apparently the 
right reading of the MS. (correctcrl to 
‘ Augustae,’ probably from ‘ Aiigustu ’) ; 
‘ adsumebatur’ could hardly be used with 
‘Augustae,’ as no such name previously 
existed. ‘Augustum* is an adj., as in 
* mensis Augustus,’ etc. Cp. ‘ nomeii 
Semproniiim ' (c. 53, 8), ‘ Fiirium’ ( 2. 32, 
7), ‘ Africamim cognomen’ (Liv. 30, 45, 
6). She is always called Augusta by 
Tacitus henceforth. On the titles borne 
by her, see Introd, ix. note 26, .and on 
subsequent ‘ Augustae,’ Momms. Staatsr. 
ii. p. 764. The title ‘Augustus ’ was con- 
ferred by the senate on I'ibcrius with the 
princi|)ate itself, but not generally used 
by him. See Introd. ix. note 28. 

7. in spem secundam, sc. ‘scripserat.’ 
An elegance of expression for ‘ heredes 
seenndos,’ ‘ heirs in default.’ Suet, gives 
the proportion as one-third to Drusus, 
two-thirds to Cermanicus and his three 
sons. Agrippa Postumus and Julia are 

8. primores civitatis, * propinquos 
amicosque complures ’ (Suet.). This posi- 
tion would be an empty compliment, and 
is therefore set down to mere osten{ation. 

9. sed, ‘ yet he named them : ’ cp. 

' sed quo,’ etc., c. 3, 5. 

gloria, often of ‘ love of fame,’ see 
Nipp. on c. 43. Such expressions as* lama,’ 

‘ memoria,* etc., ‘ ad posteros,’ are fre- 
quent in Livy, as 3. 10, 1 1, etc. : see Nipp. 

legata. Dio states that many rela- 
tives, also strangers, knights as well as 
senators, evqp foreign kings, were among 
the legatees. Suet, adds that in the will 
Augustus estimated the residue to the. 
heirs at not more than 150 million H. S. r 
and stated that he had himself received in 
twenty years legacies amounting ta 1400 

A.D. 14.] 

LIBER I. CAP. 7, 8. 


ultra civilem modum, nisi quod populo et plebi quadnngentiens 
triciens quinquiens, practoriarum cohortium miiitibus singula 
numnium milia, urbanis qiiingcnos, legionariis aut cohortibus 
4 dvium Romanorum trecenos nummos viritim dedit. turn con- 
sultatum de honoribus ; ex quis qid maxinie insigncs visi, ut 5 
porta triumphali duceretur funus, Gallus Asinius, ut Jegum la- 
tarum tituli, victarum ab co gentium vocabula anteferrentur, L. 

6 Arruntius censuerc. addebat 

million H. S., which, besides two ‘patri- 
monia ’ and other inheritances, had been 
spent on the public service. Directions 
and provision were made for prompt 
payment, but some delay ensued (Suet. 
Tib. 57; Dio, 57. 14, i). 

I. civilem, tliat of an ordinary citi- 
zen : so ^civilia’ c. 12. 6; ‘civile in- 
genium’ c. 33. 5, etc. 

populo et plebi. Snet. slates 
those bequests thus, ‘populo K. quad- 
ringenties, tribubus tricics quimjuies ses- 
teriiuiri.’ This has been generally taken 
to mean tluit the iormer sum was to be 
paid into the ‘ aerarium ’ (cp. this special 
use of 'populus’ 6. 17, 4 ; also ‘pccunia 
publica ’ 4. 15, 3 ; ‘ publicari ’ 6. 19, i) ; 
and the latter sum distributed, 100,000 
11 . S. to the poorer members of each tribe. 
We have a similar payment to the treasury, 
coupled with a distribution, in 13. 31, 2, 
But it is hardly likely that the ‘jilebs’ 
were equally distributed over the rustic as 
w^ell as urban tribes ; and the whole thirty- 
five tribes, while on the one hand extend- 
ing all over Italy, on the other, excluded 
much of the ‘ plebs ui bana ’ (.see In trod, 
vii. p. 89) ; while the total sum would 
presiqiposc cither a very small share or 
few sharers. If we accept from Dio (57. 
14, 2) that the share amounted to 260 
II. S.,j^and suppose the recipients to have 
been even fewer than the 250,000 to 
320,000 who shared the various ‘con- 
giaria * of Augustus (Mon. Anc. iii. 7-21), 
we are forced to suppose, with Marquardt 
(Staatsv. ii. p. 1 26), that the whole sum, 
‘populo et plebi,’ must have been dis- 
tributed. Yet a loose use of ‘ populo,’ 
such as in c. 72, 2; 78. 2, etc., would 
make ‘ plebi ’ mere surplusage. 'i'he 
possible solution may be ^Jiat neither 
Tacitus nor Suetonius has quoted accu- 
rately ; the real words having been such 
as to give the whole sum to the ‘ plebs 
iirbana,’ both within and without the 

Mcssalla Valerius renovandum 

3. urbanis quingenos, inserted by 
Halm, alter Saujipe, from the statement 
in Suet, and Dio. 

cohortibus civium B. Dii these 
cohorts see In trod. vii. p. 106. They are 
omitted by Suet. The expression of Dio 
{■noXiTLK^ TT\rj 0 ii) would include them. 
Is'ipp. substitutes ‘ac ’for ‘aut,’ which 
might however have the force of ‘ et 
vicissim,’ as in 2, 47, 4, etc. 

5. ex quin qui maxi me inaignes visi. 
It has been generally felt that this passage 
cun hardly be sound as it stands in the MS. ; 
but Nipp.’s correction, the omission of 
‘ visi,’ is met by the difficulty of account- 
ing for (he pic.sence of the word. Tlie 
suggestion of Bezzenberger, that, ‘qui’ 
may have dropped out after ‘ (|uis,’ is free 
from objection, and allows a demonstra- 
tive to be supplied from it as the object 
of ‘ censuere.’ Even thus there is a con- 
fusion of constructions, through the at- 
tempt to combine in one sentence the 
proposals made and the names of the 
propo.stTS. A similar desire to coridLiise 
has produced the same effect elsewlK-re, 
as in 2. 64, 4 (‘ ipsorurnqiie regiim inge- 
nia,’ etc.), and 11. 29, 2 (‘deiri metu,’ etc.). 
For a full discussion of this passage, see 
Joh. Miiller, Beitriige, sect. 3, pp. 15. 

6. porta triamphali. This gate, prob- 
ably closed except at triumphs, is siqi- 
posed to have stood between the ‘ IVirta 
Flumcntaiia ’ and ‘ Carmentalis.’ The 
question is discussed by liurn ( {>. 46) and 
Dyer (D. of Geog. ‘ Koma,’ p. 752). 

7. tituli, ‘inscriptions,' e. g. ‘ de 
adiiltcriis,’ ‘de maritaiidis ordinibus,’ etc. 

vocabula, ‘ names : ’ cp. c. 3, 7 ; 
used of proper names, 2. 6, 5, etc. On 
Gallus Asinius and L. Arruntius, see more 
fully c. 1 2 ; 13. 

8. addebat. On the habit ‘egrediendi 
relationem,’ see 2. 38, 3. On this day the 
deliberations were more strictly limited to 
the question than usual : see above, § i . 

Measalla Valerius was the son of 



per annos sacramentum in nomen Tiberii ; interrogatusque a 
Tiberio num se mandante earn sententiam prompsisset, sponte 
dixisse rcspondit, neque in iis quae ad rem publicam pertinerent 
consilio nisi siio usurum, vcl cum pcriculo offensionis : ea sola 6 
5 species adulandi supererat. conclamant patres corpus ad rogum 
umeris scnatorum ferendum. remisit Caesar adroganti mode- 
ratione, populumque edicto monuit nc, ut quondam nimiis studiis 
funus divi lulii turbassent, ita Augustum in foro potius quarn in 7 
campo Martis, scde destinata, crcmari vellent. die funeris milites 
10 velut praesidio stetere, multum inridentibus qui ipsi vidcrant 
quique a parentibus acceperant diem ilium crudi adhuc servitii 
et libertatis inprospere repetitae, cum occisus dictator Caesar 
aliis pessimum, aliis piilcherrimum facinus videretur : nunc senem 
principem, longa poteiitia, provisis etiam hercdum in rem pub- 

Messalla Corvinus, and brother of Cotta i6). It does not here convey a prohibit 

Messalinus (a. 32, 2, etc.). He was coii' tion ; and the body was borne by senators 

sid in 751, 1.5. c. 3 (Suet. Galb. 4); as according to Suet. (Aug. 100); which 

was his son in 773, A. u. 20 (3. 2, 5), honour had been previously paid to Sulla 

and his grandson in 8n, A. D. 58 (13. 34, (App. B. C. 1. 106). and was here the 

1). He is also known as having won natural climax to the previous bearing by 

‘ triuinphalia ’ in Pannonia (Veil. 2. 1 1 2), ‘decurioncs* and by knights. See on c. 7, 6. 

as a friend of Tibullus (2. 5, 17), and of 7. edicto. This also would be by 

Ovid (ex P. I. 7 ; 2. 2), as a speaker (3. virtue of his tribunitian power (see c. 7, 5). 

34. 2), and writer (Suet. Aug. 74); but as Similar edicts are mentioned 3. 6, i ; 4. 
of servile character (here, and 3. itS, 3). 67, 1. 

Some further references to him are given 8. funus divi lulii. The chief au- 
by Nipp. thorities for the famous scene at that 

renovandum, etc. This annual re- funeral are Suet. Jul. 14 ; Plut, Cacs. 68 ; 
newal of the ‘ sacramentum ’ had become Hio, 44, 36-50. 

a regular custom on the first of January in Campo Martis. The pile was near 
])y 822, A. n. 69 (11. I. 5.5, I)- We also the ‘ Mausoleum ’ built by Augustus in 

hear of such renewals on the anniversary 7^^, 28 (Suet. Aug. 100); the lower 

of accession (PI. ad Tiai. 52). See portion of which still remains. It is else- 

Momms. St^atsr. ii. p. 768. where called ‘ tumulus Augusti,’ ‘ Caesar- 

4. offensionis. Dr. notices that this um/ or ‘ luliorum.’ See 3. 4, i ; 9, 2 ; 

form is used invariably in the Annals, as 16. 6, 2. 

‘offensa* invariably in the other works, 10. velut: see Introd. v. § 67. 

ea sola species, etc., i. e. this show 11. crudi adhuc servitii, ‘when^avery 

of independence was the only form of had not ripened:’ cp. ‘cruda marito* 
flattery not stale, Hor. Od. 3. 11, 12. Mr. Dallin would 

6. remisit, ‘Caesar, with haughty take it to mean ‘when slavery was not yet 

condescension, excused them,’ i.e. from incorporated into their system,’ the meta- 

the ‘duty,’ as they had themselves ap- phor being that of an undigested meal 

parently termed it (‘ferendum’). His (cp. Juv. i, 143 ; ‘cruda studia* Petron. 

arrogance may have consisted in the use 4, etc.). Mr. Frost takes the metaphor 

of ‘ remilto ’ or some such word, implying to be that of an unhealed wound, 

a right to command the service which is 12. occisps Caesar. On this use of the 
thus waived. ‘Remitlere’ has the force participle, see Introd. v. § 55 b. 
of excusing from a duty, as ‘ remissa cura ’ 14. in rem publicam, ‘ resources against 

(.1*55, 0, ‘ remisisse reipublicae novissi- the comraonwealth.* Cp. c. 10, 4; 3. 

mum casum’ (H. 2. 48, 4), ‘ remitto . . 24, 2. The allusion here is to the will 

ne . . dorsum deraulceatis ’ .(Liv. 9. 16, lately read. 

A.D. 14.] LIBER I. CAP. 8, 9. 169 

licam opibus, auxilio scilicet militari tuendum, ut sepultura eius 
quieta foret. 

1 9 . Multus hinc ipso de Augusto sermo, plerisque vana miran- 
tibus, quod idem dies accepti quondam imperii princeps et vitae 
supremus, quod Nolae in domo et cubiculo in quo pater eius 5 

2 Octavius vitam finivisset. numerus etiam consulatuum ccle- 
brabatur, quo Valerium Corvum et C. Marium simul aequaverat, 
continuata per septem ct triginta annnos tribunicia potestas, 
nomcn imperatoris scmel atque viciens partum aliaque honorum 

3 multiplicata aut nova, at apud prudentes vita eius varie ex- 10 

4 tollcbatur arguebaturve. hi pietate erga parentem et necessitu- 
dine rei publicae, in qua nullus tunc Icgibus locus, ad arma civilia 
actum, quae neque parari possent ncque haberi per bonas artes. 
multa Antonio, dum interfcctores patris ulcisccretur, multa Le- 

5 pido concessissc. postquam hie socordia senucrit, ille per libi- 15 
dines pcssum datus sit, non aliud discordantis patriae remedium 

e fuisse quam ut ab uno regerctur, non regno tamen neque dic- 

3. plerisque, ‘ tlie majority,’ as op- renewed * proconsulare imperium’ and 

posed to the ‘prudentes.’ Usually in consular-censorial powers ; ‘ nova’ to the 
Tacitus it means no more than ‘ j)er- new forms taken by these and other 
multi:’ cp. 3. i, 2. powers, to the title of ‘Augustus,’ etc. 

4. idem dies, August 19, the anni- See Introd. vi. pp. (>4-68. 

versary of his first election to the con- 11. hi. This has no proper constnic^ 
sulship; which was his first actual lion, a verb of speaking ])eing supplied 

magistracy, though he already had an from ‘ cxlollcbatur arguebaturve.’ On 

‘ imperium ’ (cp. c. 10, 1); the dale of the omission of such verbs by Tacitus, 

which (as in Inscr. Orell. 2489), or some see Introd. v. 38 a. The view in this 

greater subsequent epoch, is usually chapter may be compared to that given 

observed as an anniversary. The coin- by Dio in the form of a funeral oration 

cidence here is sulficieiit for those who supposed to be spoken by Tiberius (5G. 

sought such. 35 - 40 * 

5. pater: see Introd. ix. note i. parentem, used like ‘patris’ below, of 

6. numerus. 1 1 is tliirteen consulships his adoptive father. 

equalled the sum of those of Marius, who 13. haberi: cp. c. i, i; ‘civil war, 
alone had been seven limes, and Valerius which can ncilhc be levied nor conducted 
Corvus, best known of the only two re- by honourable methods.’ ‘ Bonae artes ’ 
corded to have been six times consul, is used similaily, c. 28, 5. 

8. septem et triginta, reckoning 14. dum, generally explained here as 
from 731, n.c. 23. On the first begin- =‘ provided that;’ though it might also 
ning, and subsequent reckoning of the be taken in a temporal sense. 

years of this power, see Introd. vi. pp. 15. concessisse. The meaning is that 
64, 66. the crimes of the triumvirate were those 

9. nomen imperatoris : see c. 3, i ; of his colleagues, tolerated by himself 

Introd. vi. p. 64. The first occasion only to secure his great object: cp. 
appears to have been Bhilippi; the last, ' Caesur percussoribus patris contenlus 
subsequent to the date of an inscription fuit ’ Florus, 4. 6. Suetonius (Aug. 27) 
of this very year (Orclli, 604). states that, though more reluctant to 

alia honorum. On the genitive, begin a proscription, he carried it out 
see Introd. v. § 32 b. ‘Multiplicata’ more vindictively than his colleagues, 
may refer to the repeatedly bestowed title 17. non regno, etc,: see Introd. vi. 
of ‘ pater patriae,’ and the periodically p. 65, 


tatura, sed principis nomine constitutam rem publicarn ; mari 
Oceano aut amnibus longinquis saeptum imperium ; legiones, 
provincias, classes, cuncta inter se conexa ; ius apud cives, mo- 
destiam apud socios ; urbem ipsam magnifico ornatu ; pauca 
5 admodiim vi tractata qujD ceteris quies essct. 

10 . Dicebatur contra : pietatem erga parentem et tempora 1 
rei publicae obtentui sumpta : ceterum cupidine doniinandj con- 
citos per largitionem veteranos, paratum ab adulescentc private 
exercitum, corruptas consulis legiones, sinnilatam Pompeianarum 
10 gratiam partium ; mox ubi ^xr eto p atrum fasces et ius prae- 
toris iiivaserit, caesis Hirtio et Pansa, sivc hostis illos, sen Paiisam 
venenum vulneri adfusum, sui milites Hirtium et machinator 
doli Caesar abstulerat, utriusque copias occupavisse; extortuni 

1. mari Oceano. On these adjectival 
substantives, see Introd. v. § 3. 

2. longinquis. The Rhine, Danube, 
and Euphrates. On this description of 
the frontier, see Introd, vii, p. 93. Stress 
here is laid on ‘ longinquis/ to show the 
distance of any danger. 

legiones, etc. : see on 4. 5 ; and 
Introd. vii. p. 29. 

3. modestiam, ‘moderation,* as 3. 
J2, 10, etc On the change in the con- 
dition of the provinces, see c. 2, 2, and 
Introd. vii. p. loi. 

4. magnifico ornatu, abl. of quality. 
Some of the buildings of Augustus are 
noted in Mon. Anc. iv. and vi, ; also in 
Strab. 5. 3, 8, p. 235. He is said (Suet. 
Aug. 28) to have boasted that he had 
foimd Rome a city of brick, and left it 
one of marble. For an account of his 
chief works, see Dyer, Hist, of the City 
of Rome, sect. iii. 

pauca. This refers to the sup- 
pression of such conspiracies as are men- 
tioned in the next chapter, 

6. Dicebatur contra. Lips, remarks 
that the leaning of Tacitus to this view 
is shown by the greater fullness of state- 

7. obtentui, ‘ for a pretext.’ On this 
dative, see Introd. v. § 23. 

ceterum — ‘ revera autem.* This 
sense is peculiar to Tacitus, and (except 
li. 4. 3, 5) found only in the Annals ; as 
c. 14, 3; 44, 6; 14. 58, 3; 15. 52, 3. 
A somewhat similar sense is, however, 
traceable in Livy. 

8. veteranos. Those settled by the 

dictator at Calatia and Casilinum, in- 
duced, about October 7ro, b.c. 44, by 
a bribe of 500 denarii ‘ each,’ to join 
Octavianus (C’ic. Alt. 16. 8, 1). Olliejs 
joined afterwards (Veil. 2. 61, i). 

private. Cp. Mon. Anc. i, i ‘ an- 
nos undeviginti natus exercitum private 
consilio et privata impensa com para vi.’ 
Appiaii (B. C. 3. 40) rates it at an ill- 
organized force of about 10,000, 

9. consulis, i. e. ‘ Autonii.’ The le- 
giones ‘Martia’ and ‘(^uarta,’ summoned 
by him from Macedonia, deserted to 
Octaviaii at the end of November. Cic. 
Phil. 3. 3, 6; App. B.C. 2. 45. 

Pompeianarum : sec on ‘ lulianae 
partes’ c. 2, i. Drager (§ 223) notes 
this arrangement of the four words as a 
play of rhetoric very unusual in Tacitus 
or Cicero, but more frequent in Idvy. 

10. ius praetoris. The imperium and 
rank of propraetor, decreed by proposal 
of Cicero, Jan. i, 71 1, n.c. 43; see Cic. 
Phil, 5. i6, 45. He received tlie fasces 
on the 17th, which was thus his first 
‘ dies imperii.* See on c. 9, 1. 

11. invaserit. This, like ‘acceperit’ 
below, belongs naturally to the ‘ oratio 
obliqua.’ On the interposition of indi- 
cative clauses, as ‘ abstulerat ’ and ‘ fe- 
cere,’ see Introd. v. § 49, and Nipp. 

caesis^ Hirtius was killed April 27; 
Pansa died of his wounds at nearly the 
same time. This insinuation against 
Caesar is alluded to in a letter of uncer- 
tain date (pseudo-Brutus ad Cic. 1, 6), 
and given more fully in Suet. Aug. ii. 

A.D. 14.] LIBER /. CAP. 9, 10. 1 71 

invito senatu consulatum, armaque quae in Antonium acccperit 
contra rem publicam versa ; proscriptionem civiiim, divisiones 
'Q agrorum ne ipsis quidem qui fcccrc laudatas. sane Cassii et 
Brutoruni exitus patcrnis inimicitiis datos, quamquam fas sit 
privata odia publicis utilitatibus remittere : scd Pompeium ima- 5 
gine pacis, sed Lcpidum specie amicitiae deccptos ; post Anto- 
nium, Tarentino Brundisineque foedcre et nuptiis sororis inicctum, 

3 SLibdoIae adfinitatis poenas niortc exsolvisse. paccni sine dubio 
post liaec, veriini crueiitam : LolHanas Varianasque clades, inter- 

4 fectos Romae Varrones, Egnatios, lulos. nec domcsticis absti- 10 

1. sonatu ; best taken as a fonn of the 
dative, as in 3. 47, 1 : cp. ‘ hixu ’ 3. 30, 
4; ‘decursu’ 3. 33, 3, etc. It rested with 
the senate, or rather w'ith tlie senator 
who held comitia as * interrex,' to allow 
him to stand for (he consulship without 
bein(> duly qualified. See Introd. vi. 
p. So. 

2. divisiones agrorum. The assif^n- 
nicnts of lands to the soldiers in 713, 
H. C. 41, alluded to by Vergil (^Ecl. i and 

9). etc. 

3. sane, concessive, as 3. 5, 4 ; 6. 14, 
4; 4<S, 4, etc.: but the parenthetical 
clause 'quainqnam . . . remittere* qualities 
even this concessioii, and ‘paternis ini- 
micitiis* is invidiously substituted for the 
‘ pietate erga parentem' of c. 9, 4: ^ re- 
mittere,’ ‘to sacrifice,’ as 'memoriam 
simultatium patriae rcniitteret’ Liv. 9, 
38, 12. The pica of Augustus himself is 
that ho did not use force against the 
assassins till they had been legally exiled 
(by the ‘ lex Pedia,’ Veil, 2. 69, 5), Mon. 
Anc. i. 10. 

5. sed . . . sed. On such rhetorical 
repetition.s, see c. 38, 3, etc., and In- 
trod. V. § 73. The former palliation is 
here contrasted wdth the absence of any 
such in tl^ese cases. 

imagine pacis : so * imagine cog- 
nitionis’ 3. 17, 6. 'Ihe allusion is to the 
stipulations towards wSex. Pompeius agreed 
upon at the treaty of Miseniim in 715, 
B.c. 39 (Dio, 48. 36, 4), which were not 

6 , specie amicitiae. This refers tg 
the general treatment of Lepidiis as 
triumvir, rather than to the immediate 
occasion of his being robbed of ^is army 
(see c. 2, O. 

post. Nipp, show's that this must 
be taken only with * poenas . . , exsolvisse,’ 
the treaties referred to being prior to the 
overthrow of Pompeius and Lepidus. 

That of Briindusiiim was made in 71. 
B.C. 40; that of 'rarentum in 717, n.c. 37, 
Nipp. also explains the inversion here of 
their chronological order, as meant to lay 
stress 1)11 the marriage with (letavia 
(‘ siibdola affmitas which was one of 
the provision.s of the earlier treaty. 

8. sine dubio, concessive, as in c. 6, 
3, etc. 

9. Lollianas. The defeat of Lollius 
by some Ucrinan tribes in 738, B.C. 16 
(Dio, 54. 20, 5), though ^maioris in- 
faniiae quam delrimenli ’ (Suet. Aug. 23), 
involved the loss of an eagle, and caused 
Augustus to go as far as tlaul ( Veil. 2. 97, 
i): on the ‘ clades Variana,’ see c. 3, 6, etc. 

ro. Varrones, etc. These, like ‘ Tol- 
lianas* and ‘ Varianas,’ are rhetorical 
plurals ; 'executions at Koine of a Varro, 
an ICgnatius, an Inlus.’ L. Idcinius Mu- 
raena (llor. Od. 2. 10), afterwards by 
adoption Terentius Varro Muratna, suf- 
fered death with Fannins (Vaepio for con- 
spiracy against the life of Augustus in 
731 or 732, B.c. 23 or 22 (Dio, 54. 3: 
Veil. 2. (ji). He was brother to I’ro- 
culeins and Teienlia (Dio, 1 . 1 .). Egna- 
tius Kiifirs, a popular aedile and pi net or 
in two successive years, failing jifterwards 
to reach the consulshij), formed a jdot 
with others against the life of Augustus, 
and was put to death in prison in 735, 
B.c. 19. Velleius loads him with abuse 
(2- 9^» 3)' Ildus Antonins, son of the 
triumvir by P'ulvia, w'as advanced by 
Augustus to the highest rank, and mar- 
ried to Marcella, daughter of Octavia ; 
sec Introd. ix. note t8. The MS. here 
and 3. 18, I ; 4, 44, 5, reads his name as 
Mulims,’ but ‘lulus’ is restored from 
Her. Od. 4. 2, 2, and Dio, 51. 15, 7; see 
Nipp. He was forced to suicide in 752, 
B.c. 2, for adultery with Julia (Veil.* 2. 
100, .4) ; which was held to amount to 
treason (see 3. 24, 3), 



nebatur : abducta Neroni uxor et consult! per ludibrium ponti- 
fices an concepto necdum edito partu rite nuberet; Q- fTedii et 
Vedii Pollionis luxus ; postremo Livia gravis in rem publicam 
mater, gravis domui Caesarum noverca. nihil deorum honoribus 6 
relictum, cum se templis et effigie numinum per flamines et 
sacerdotes coli vellet. ne Tiberium quidem caritate aut rei 6 
publicae cura successorem adscitum, ^ed quoniam adrogantiam 
saevitiamque eius introspexerit, comparatione dcterrima sibi 
gloriam quaesivissc. etenim Augustus paucis ante annis, cum 7 
Tiberio tribuniciam potestatcin a patribus rursurn postularet, 
qiiamquam honora oratione, quacdam de habitu cultuque et 

1. abducta, etc. Some such verb as 
‘ memorabatur ’ has to be supplied from 
tlie negative clause. On the marriage 
of Livia, see 5. i, 3. The answer of the 
pontiffs to this ‘ mockery of consultation * 
is given by Dio, 4S. 44, 2. 

2. Q,. fTedii. The MS. has Diube- 
retque tedii et uedii.’ The choice is be- 
tween a name otherwise unknown, and a 
variety of conjectures, as ‘ Q. Pedii’ 
(Wolf, from Suet. Jul. 83, etc.), * C. Ma- 
tii’ (Freinsh., from 12. 60, 6), neither of 
whom are expressly noted for luxury ; or 

* Q. Alledii* (Roth, from Juv. 5, 118). 
Nipp. reads ^quac edito* (.sc, ‘partu rite 
nuberet*), on the supposition that a 
general question in such terms was laid 
before tlie pontiffs, not a particular case. 

3. Vedii Pollionis, a knight of low 
birth and vast wealth (cp. Dio, 54. 23, i), 
noted for throwing live slaves to his 
lampreys, even in presence of Augustus 
(PI. N. n. 9. 23, 39, 77 ; Sen. de Ira, 3, 40) ; 
who showed his indignation at the time, 
and on inheriting his villa at Pausilipum 
destroyed it for its associations (Ov Fast. 

6, 6.^9, etc ). it is treated as a reflection 
on him, that such a man was ever his 

gravis. She is ‘gravis mater,* as 
having forced her son into the succession; 

* noverca/ as having, in popular belief, 
caused the deaths of his competitors, 
Gaius aud Lucius; see c. 3, 3, etc. ‘In 
rem publicam ’ may be taken -as in c. 8, 

7, or as in c. 76, 5. Cp. Cic. Balb. 9, 
24 ‘ est in populum Roman um grave.* 

5. templis et efflgie numiuum. 
These apj/car to be better taken as abl. 
instrum, than resolved, as Nipp proposes, 
into two constructions by taking the 
former as abl. of place (as 3. 61, i, etc.), 
the latter as abl. modi. ‘ Effigies numi- 

num * = ‘ quales numinum esse solent,* 

‘ statues with divine attributes,’ as the 
thunderbolt, etc. 

6. vellet, used invidiously of mere 
i:)ermission. According to Suet. Aug. 52, 
and Dio, 51. 20, 7, temples to Augustus 
in his lifetime were allowed by him only 
in the provinces, and only in association 
with the worship of Roma (see on c. 78, 
1). It is indeed plain from inscriptions, 
that at least a local or private worship 
and local ‘ ilamines ’ of Augustus existed 
during his lifetime in various Italian 
towns: see Orclli and licnzeii, liisc. 
642, 643, 3874, 5S14, 5994, 7079. But 
the ‘ flaminiimi Aiigusti,* dating from 
the time of the apotheosis (see below), 
as one ol the greater priesthoods at Rome, 
is rightly distinguished by Nipp. from 

ne Tiberium, etc. Even Suetonius 
rejects this imputation (Tib, 21); nor 
docs Tacitus elsewhere think it neces- 
sary to refer to any other cause than the 
influence of Livia (4. 57, 5). 

8. deterrima, i. e. ‘ cum deterrimo 
hoininc,* an inexact expression due to 
desire of brevity. Nipp. 

9. paucis ante annis, i. at the 
date of the last renewal. His second 
tenure of this power, dating probably 
from July i, 757, a.u. 4 (see Ini rod. viii. 
p. 114b is supposed by Dio (55. 13. 2) 
to have been for ten years, and a renewal 
is dated in 766, a.d. 13 (56. 28, 1) ; but 
probably Suetonius is right in stating the 
term as five years (Tib. 16), wLereby the 
renewal would fall in 762, a d. 9. As it 
had evidently not expired at the death of 
Augustus (see c. 7, 5\ the last renewal 
was probably for life. 

II. honora: cp. 3. 5, i; 4. 68. 4; one 
of the poetical words of Tacitus (In- 

A.D. 14.] 

LIBER 1. CAP. 10, II. 


8 institutis eius iecerat, quae velut cxcusando cxprobraret. cete- 
rum sepultura more perfecta templum et caelestes religiones 

1 11 . Versac inde ad Tiberiuni preces. et ille varia edisserebat 

2 de magnitudine imperii, sua modestia. solam divi Augusti 5 
mentcm tantac molis capacem : se in partem curarum ab illo 
vocatum experiendo didicisse quam arduum, quam subiectum ' 

3 fortunae regendi ciincta onus, proindc in civitate tot inlustribus 
viris subnixa non ad unum omnia deferrent : pliires facilius 

4 munia rei publicac sociatis laboribus cxsecuturos. plus in 10 
oratione tali dignitatis quam fidei crat; Tibcrioque etiam in 
rebus quas non occulcrct, scu natura sive adsiictudine, siispensa 
semper ct obsciira verba : tunc vero nitenti, ut sensus suos 

trod. V. §. 70). The nec^ative ‘ inho- 
norus ’ liad been already used in prose by 
PI. mai. 

habitu, * deportment.* He is described 
as walking ‘cervice rigida et obstit^, ad- 
ducto fere vultu, plerumquc tacitus ’ Suet. 
Tib. 68. 

cultu, ‘style of dress’ (joined with 
‘habitu* 2. 59, 3); so in 2. 75. 3; 6. 
32, 4, and Livy, 

1. institutis, ‘manners;* cp. ‘ insti- 
tuta I’ai thorn m ’ 6. 32, 4. 

iecorat, ‘had dropped expressions;* 
so 4. 68, 4; 6, 4, 3, etc. Also Sail., 
Liv., etc. 

velut : cp. c. 8, 7, etc. The ‘ taunt 
under colour of excuse’ is said to have 
been ‘naturae vitia esse, non animi’ 
Suet. Tib. 68. 

2. sepultura more perfecta. The 
ceremonies are fully described Ijy Suet, 
and Dio ; the latter gives at lerigth what 
purports to be the ‘ laudatio ’ spoken by 
Tiberius, but which is probably a mere 

templtim. This was built by 
Augusta and Tiberius (Dio, 56. 46, 3) 
at the side of the Palatine, near the 
Forum. See Dyer, in D. of Gcog. 
‘Roma,’ p. 805 ; llurn, pp. 160. 27S. 

caelestes religiones. The date of 
this apotheods is fixed as 15 Kal. 
Octob. (Sept. 17) by the kaleiidar of 
Amitemum, Orell. Tnscr. 2, p, 398. The 
Same decree probably created Germanicus' 
and Augusta ‘damcn’ and ^flamiiiica 
Augustalis:’ see notes on c. i.t, 3; 2. 
83, 2. On the creation of the college of 
* sodales Augustales,' see c. 54, i. 

4, Versae inde, etc. On the conduct 

of Tiberius during this scene, see In- 
trod. viii. p. 120. V^elleius, probably an 
eyewitness, describes it from his own 
point of view ( j. 124). 

varia edisserebat, the true restoration 
of the MS. ‘ variae disscrebat ; ’ similar 
errors in division of words being noted 
in ‘editiorae nisus* (c. 70, 6), ‘adiacen- 
tiae rupturum’ (c. 79, 3), etc.: ‘cdi.s.sere* 
is used in II. 3. 52, 2. I'he alternative 
‘varie disscrebat’ (edd. vett. and lialm) 
is supported by 3. 59, i, 

5. modestia, ‘diffidence.* This quality 
in him is contrasted in 3. 56, 4, with 
the ‘ magnitudo ’ of Augustus, as here 
with that of the cm])ire ; and is else- 
where spoken of by himself as his ‘pudor’ 
(c. 12, 3), or ‘ moderalio ’ (2, 36, 2). 
Dio (57. 2 , 4) reports him as also plead- 
ing in excuse his age, and defective eye- 

7. quam arduum. On the omission 
of ‘ esset,* sec Introd. v. § 39 b. 

9. non is used instead of ‘ ne * to 
eruphasize ‘ad iinii/n,’ the context im- 
plying the antithesis ‘ sed arl plures.’ 
Nipp. illustrates, both from Cic. and Liv., 
this use, which is more common in j)oets 
and silver age prose ; e. g. ‘ non 'Peucros 
agat’ Verg. Aen. 12, 78. 

11, fidei, ‘honesty:’ cp. ‘fida ora- 
tio’ c. 52, 3. 

12. occuleret. On the subjunct., sec 
Introd. V. § 52. 

Bufipensa, ‘hesitating,’ as ii. 34, 
2 ; H. 3, 37, 2. iberius is desciibed 
as ‘velut eluctantium verborum * (4. 31, 
41 ; ‘ validus sensibus aut consulto am- 
higuus’ (13. 3, 5); and these traits are 
rhetorically exaggerated by Dio (57. i). 



penitus abderet, in incertum et ambiguiim magis implicabantur. 
at patres, quibus unus metus si intellegere viderentur, in questus 5 
lacrimas vota efifundi ; ad deos, ad effigiem Augusti, ad genua 
ipsius manus tendere, cum proferri libellum recitarique iussit. 

5 opes publicae continebantur, quantum civium sociorumque in 6 
armis, quot classes, regna, provinciae, tributa aut vectigalia, et 
necessitates ac largitioncs. quae cuncta sua manu perscripserat 7 
Augustus addideratque consilium coercendi intra terminos im- 
perii, incertum metu an per invidiam. 

12 . Inter quae senatu ad infimas obtestationes procumbente, 1 
dixit forte Tiberius se ut non toti rei publicae parem, ita quae- 
cumque pars sibi mandaretur, eius tutelam suscepturum. turn 2 

1. in incertum. On this use of *in* 
to express result, see Introd. v. § 6 o b. 

2 . unus metus si intellegere vide- 
rentur, * whose only ground of fear lay in 
betraying their insight.’ Driiger notes 
* metus si’ as not elsewhere found, but 
compares the use of ‘si’ with ‘miror,* 
‘ minim,’ etc. Here, as in ‘ formklo . . . 
si’ (ii. 28, i), it is meant that they 
feared the consequence of detection, 
rather than detection itself; as is shown 
in the fuller expression *si intellegere 
credcretur, vim metuens’ (2. 42, 5). The 
same kind of dissimulation is described 
14. 6, I ; II. 4. 86, 1. 

4. libellum. This was one of three 
documents deposited by Augustus with 
his will: see Suet. Aug. loi. Another 
contained instructions for his funeral; the 
third, the ‘ Index rerum gestarum ’ to be 
inscribed on his tomb, the original 
of the ‘ Marmor Ancyranum.’ The docu- 
ment Itere described is more compre- 
hensive than the balance sheet (‘ rationcs 
impel ii.’ or *rationarium ’), which he had 
periodically published : see Suet. Cal. i6. 
Tiberius orders the recital, to show the 
magnitude of the whole, and to suggest 
partition of functions. 

5. opes, used generally of resources, 
anti thus including both the forces and 
revenue: so ‘opes viresque’ H. i. 6i, 
I ; 4. 86, 2. 

6. quot clofises, etc. Nipp. notes the 
change from two clauses without con- 
necting particles to a third coupled by 
‘ot,’ as well as from the asyndeta in- 
cluded under the first clause to the con- 
nection by ‘aut’ and ‘ac’ of the sub- 
ordinate members of the two other 
clauses. Many instances of such varia- 

tions are given in his note, and in Driiger 
§ 140; see Introd. v. §. 90. On the 
fleets, see Introd. vii. p. 108 ; and, on 
the dependent kingdoms (‘regna’), Id. 
p. 102. 

tributa aut vectigalia, ‘ direct and 
indirect taxes:* see on 13. 50. 

7. necessitates: cp. 2. 27, 2. Used 
here like ‘publicae neces.sitates ’ in Liv. 
23. 48, 10, of regular charges on the 
revenue, as distinct from the voluntary 
‘ largitiones,’ such as the * frumentaliones,’ 
* coiigiaria,’ etc., mentioned in Mon. Anc. 
iii. 7, etc. ‘ Ac’ couples closely the two 
kinds of expenditure, in contrast to the 
kinds of income. 

8. addideratque, etc.: in Dio(Xiphil.), 
56. 33, 3, this is represented as contained 
in a fourth document, which is also stated 
to have recommended some division of 
the functions of government. 

9. metu an per invidiam. On the 
variation of construction, see Introd. v. 
§ 62. Tacitus, living in the midst of the 
conquests of Trajan, treats this prudence 
as contemptible: see Introd. viii. p. 119, 

10. Inter quae. Nipp. shows by many 
instances (c. 15, 3, etc.) the fondness of 
Tacitus for this expression, as also for 
‘post quae* (c. 13, i, etc.), ‘adversus 
quae’ (3. 59, 1, etc.), ‘ob quae’ (2. 30, 

11. dixit forte, ‘dropped the expres- 
sion,* as if unguardedly. Dio (57. 2, 4) 
states that he definitely offered to take 
one of three departments, either Rome 
and Italy, or the armies, or the provinces. 

ut . . . ita, ‘although . . . yet.’ In 
this usage (cp. c. 42, 5 ; 3. 43. 4 ; 4. 33, 
37 ^ 5 *» 71. etc.) Tacitus follows 
Livy (3. 55, 15, etc.) 

A.D, 14.] 

LIBER I. CAP. 11-13. 


Asinius Gallus ‘interrogo’ inquit, ‘Caesar, quam partem rei 

3 publicae mandari tibi velis/ perculsus inprovisa interrogatione 
paulum reticuit ; dein collecto animo respondit nequaquam de- 
corum pudori suo legere aliquid aut evitare ex eo, cui in uni- 

4 versum excusari mallet, rursum Gallus (etenim vultu offensionem 5 
conicctaverat) non idcirco interrogatum ait, ut dividcrct quae 
separari nequirent, sed ut sua confessione argueretur, unum esse 

6 rei publicae corpus atque unius animo regendum. addidit laudem 
de Auguste Tibcriumque ipsum victoriarum suarum quaeque in 

6 toga per tot annos egregic fecisset admonuit. ncc ideo iram 10 
cius lenivit, prideni invisus, tamquam ducta in matrimonium 
Vipsania M. Agrippae filia, quae quondam Tiberii uxor fuerat, 
plus quam civilia agitaret Pollionisquc Asinii patris ferociam 

1 13. Post quae L. Arruntius baud multum discrepans a Galli ^5 

oratione perinde offendit, quamquam Tiberio nulla vetus in 
Arruntium ira : sed divitem, promptum, artibus egregiis et pari 

1. Asinius GaUus, in full C. Asinius 
C. f. Gallus Saloninus. He was consul 
746, li.c, 8, proconsul of Asia two years 
later ; and is known as an orator and 
man of letters (see Nij)p.) He is fre- 
quently mentioned in these books, as c. 
^ 4 ; 2 ; 76. 2 ; 2. 32, 4 ; 33, 3 ; 35, 

I ; 4. 20, 2 ; 30, 2 ; 71, 3 ; f . 23, 1. His 
parentage and marriage are given in this 
chapter. On his sons see note on 6. 23, 3. 

3. collecto animo, ‘ recovering self- 
possession.’ Dio (57. 2, 6) gives his 
answer as /cat ncos oTuv t€ ^<tti rdu avrdv 
/cal i'€fx€tv Ti /cal alpuaOai ; in the reply of 
fhallus, his account agrees exactly wdth 

5. excusari. With the doubtful ex- 
ception ‘ excusatus hoiioribiis ’ (I’l. Pan. 
57), this verb is nowhere found with a 
dative of the thing; but the construction 
is analogous to that of ‘ captae prohibere 
. . . Poenos aquilae ’ Sil. 9. 27. 

7. sed ut : so Halm and most others 
after Lipsius for the MS. ‘et,’ which 
Orelli retains, and which may be taken 
as = ‘ eliain;’ but the change of jj^ibject 
from ‘divideret’ to ‘argueretur’ appears 
to render the repetition of ‘ ut ’ necessary. 

8. addidit laudem de Augu|to. The 
expression is explained by Nipp., who 
shows that ‘ laus' is equivalent to ‘ oratio 
laudatoria.’ Tiie object of his speech is 
to show the advantage of single rule by 

reference to Augustus, and the capacity of 
Tiberius by reference to his services. 

10. ideo. used as in c. 72, 3 ; 4. 26, 2, 
etc., with a force nearly equivalent to that 
of ‘ ita.’ Dio (57. 2, 7) connects the sub- 
sequent fate of Ciallus with this speech. 
Tacitus (c. 13, 2) gives an additional 
reason for the jealousy of Tiberius. 

1 1, tamquam. On the use of this word, 
see Introd. v. § 67. 

ducta, etc. On Vipsania, see Introd. 
ix. note 27 ; and, on her divorce from 
Tiberius, Id. viii, p. 113. 

13. civilia: .see c. 8, 3, etc. 

ferociam, ‘spirit.’ Cp, ‘ferocissimi’ 
c. 2, I. Dio (57. 2, 5) speaks of the 
■nap^rjnia of Pollio Velleius (2. 86, 4) 
gives his refusal to follow Caesar to 
Actium, *discriniini vestnjme subtraham, 
et cro praecla vicloris.’ Other instances 
of his freedom of speech are given in 
Suet. Aug. 43. 

1 5. li. Arruntius, also very frequently 
mentioned in these books (c. 8, 4 ; 76, 3 ; 
19 , i; 3- *; 3>. C. 5, i; 7 , i; 

27* 3; 47» .1; 48), was consul in 759, 
A.D. 6. His father, consul in 732, n.c. 22, 
is probably the same who held an im- 
portant command in Caesar’s fleet at 
Actium (Veil. 2. 85, 2). Seneca speaks 
of one or the other of these as ‘ vir rarae 
frugalitatis ’ Kp. 114, 17 

1 7. artibus, ‘ accomplishments ; ’ cp. 


fema pubHce, suspectabat. quippe Augustus supremis sermo- 2 
nibus cum tractaret, quinam adipisci principem locum suffecturi 
abnuerent aut inpares vellent vel idem possent cuperentque, 
M’*#Lepidum dixerat capacem sed aspernantem, Galium Asinium 
5 avidum et minoreni, L. Arruntium non indignum et, si casus 
daretur, ausurum. de prioribus conscntitur, pro Arruntio quidani 3 
Cn. Pisonem tradidcre ; omnesque practer Lepidum variis mox 
criminibus struente Tiberio circumventi sunt, etiam O. Haterius 4 
et Mamerciis Scaurus suspicacem animum perstrinxcre, Haterius 
10 cum dixisset ‘ quousque patieris, Caesar, non adesse caput rei 

* inlustres domi artes ’ 4. 6, 2 ; also 3. 70, 
I ; 12. 6, 2; 14. 55, 6 . In 6. 7, i he 
speaks of the * saiictissimae artes ’ of 
Armnlius; in 11.6, 4, a speaker mentions 
his ‘ incorrupta vita et facundia,’ classing 
him even with PoUio and Messala. 
Seneca, however, if he refers to this 
Arriintius (see above), considers the style 
of his History of the Punic wars an exag^- 
geralion of the mannerisms of Sallust. 

pari fama publics, ^ with corres- 
ponding public reputation.* M’ublice’ is 
best taken, with Rupert i, as =Mudicio 

2. principem, adjective, as 3. 75, i ; 
4. 38. I ; 60, 4, etc. On the frequent use 
by Tacitus of such adjectival substantives, 
see c. 9, 6. 

suffecturi is ])est taken absolutely, 
as in G. 13, i ; Dial. 37, 1, etc. : so as to 
leave Oadipisci’ dependent only on the 
verbs : though * sufficere ’ takes an in- 
finitive in Verg. Aen 5, 22. 

3. vel certainly stands sometimes in 
Tacitus for ‘ aut,’ as 13. 41, 3 ; 14. 35, 5, 
etc. ; but here Nipp. a])pears rightly to 
show that, as in 14, 3, i (‘in hortos aut 
Tuscnlanum vel Antiatem in agrum ’), he 
is not so much contrasting three classes 
with each other, as two of them with 
a third ; those who, with or without 
capacity, would desire the position, with 
those who would not. 

4. M’. Lepidum. This praenomen is 
given in full, 3. 22, 2. Elsewhere the MS. 
always reads M., thus confusing this 
Lepidus with another, whose praenomen 
‘ Marcus * is written full in 3. 32, 2 (where 
see notes). On Manius Ix'pidus see further 
3 ; 35. 1 ; 50, 1 ; 4 - 20, 3 ; 56, 3 ; 6. 27, 4. 
Pie was consul in 764, A.D. 11. 

5. et is a variation for the preceding 
‘ sed,’ and often stands for an adversative 
particle, where the words sufficiently 

convey the opposition, as ‘ turbid ns et 
nihil ausos’ c. 4. Cp. 12. 52, 3 ; i.j. 
65, 2 ; and ‘ neque ’ ( ‘ sed non ’) 6. 37, 3. 

casuB, ‘opportunity;’ so ii. 9, 1; 
12. 28, I ; 50, I ; 13. 36, 2 : chiefly from 
Sail., e.g. jug. 25, 9. etc. 

7. Cn. Pisonem : see c. 74, 6 ; 2. 43, 
3, etc. 

cranes. This should apply to all 
the other three; but the absurdity of 
supposing that Tiberius contrived the fall 
of Piso makes Nipp. contend that the re- 
mark about him is parenthetical, and that 
only two out of the three originally men- 
tioned are referred to. In any case 
Tacitus oversteps his own facts, . for 
Tiberius is admitted to have been prol)- 
ably not cognisant of the charge against 
Arriintius (6^47, 4) ; so that ‘ oinnes ’ and 
‘ mox ’ are justified only by the fate of 
Gall us some sixteen years later, on which 
see note on 6. 23, i. 

8. Q,. Haterius. a consular (2. 33, i\ 
probably cos. suff. in 745, u.c. 9 (Horg- 
hesi) ; a man of servile disposition (3. 57, 
3), and a fluent but careless speaker (4. 
61, 2). On his probable marriage with a 
daughter of Agrippa, see Introd. ix. note 

9. Mamercus Scaurus, cf similar 
character (3. 66, 3), was cos. suff. possibly 
in 774, A. I). 21 (Horghesi). On his ac- 
complishments and fate see 6. 29, 4; 
where his death, twenty years after this 
date, is ascribed to the influence of 

10. quousque, etc. The whole sentence 
might give offence from its tone of im- 
patience, like the ‘ aut agat, aut desistot ’ 
of some^^other speaker (Suet. Tib. 24) ; 
and ‘ caput reipublicae ’ is an expression 
more suited to the senate (cp. 11. 1. 84, 
6), than, at this early date, to the 
‘ princeps.’ The words of Scaurus would 

A.D. 14.] 

LIBER L CAP. 13 , 14 . 


piiblicae?’ Scaiirus quia dixerat, spem esse ex eo non inritas 
fore senatus prcces, quod relation! consulum iure tribuniciae 

6 potestatis non intercessisset. in Hateriiim statim invcctus est ; 

6 Scaurum,cui inplacabilius irascebatur, silentio tramisit. fessusque 
clamore omnium, expostulatione singulorum flexit paulatim, non 5 
ut fateretur suscipi a se imperium, sed ut negare et rogari 

7 desineret. constat Haterium, cum deprecandi causa Palatium 
introisset ambulantisque Tiberii genua advolveretur, prope a 
militibus interfectum, quia Tiberius casu an manibus eius inpe- 
ditus prociderat. ncque tamen periciilo tab's viri mitigatus est, 10 
donee Haterius Augustam oraret eiusque curatissimis precibus 

2 14 . Multa patrum ct in Augustam adulatio. alii parent em, 
alii matrem patriae appellandam, pleriquc ut nomini Caesaris 

3 adscriberetur ‘ luliae films’ censebaiit. ille moderandos femi- 15 

be more offensive, as insinuating that 
Tiberius was not in earnest. 

2. relationi consulum. The terms of 
such a * relatio ’ can be gathered from IL 
I. 47, 2, .and more fully from the * I. ex de 
Imp. Vespasiani.’ On the present occasion 
its form must have been modified by tlie 
powers already possessed by Tiberius. 
See Inlrod. vi. pp. 68, 82 ; Mommsen, 
Staatsr. ii. p. 762, foil., 869 

4. tramisit. This verb is used in this 
age ill the sense of ‘ praetermiltcre/ with 
* silentio’ or similar words, and with accus, 
of the thing (as H. i. 1 3, 5 ; 4. 9, 3) or the 
person (as Suet. Vesp. 15). 

5. flexit, sc. ‘ se,’ as 4. 37, 2, etc. 
Suet. (Tib. 24) says that he complained 
" miseram et oncrosani iniungi sibi servi- 
tutein,’ and consented only with the re- 
serv'ation ‘dum veniam ad id tern pus, quo 
vobis aequum possit videri, dare vos 
aliquam #enecluti meae requiem.’ From 
the silence of Tacitus it has been doubted 
whether any formal decree was passed ; 
but we can hardly suppose that Tiberius 
thus left his position un.secured, and he 
could not have formally become ‘ prin- 
ceps’ or ^Augustus’ without such decree. 

7. constat Haterium. Suet. (Tib. 
27) tells this story without the name of 
the person, only to illustrate the aversion 
of Tiberius to such prostrations.^ 

8. genua advolveretur. This constr. 

taken from Sail, (see Introd. v. § 97, i) is 
used by Tacitus, 6. 49, ; 15. 71, 1 ; H. 

4. 81, 2. On other such accusatives aftjr 

compound verbs, see Introd. v. § 12 c. 
The more usual dat. with * advolvi ’ is also 
found, c. 23, 2 ; 32, 4. 

9. an, without * diibium ’ or * in- 
certnm’ preceding, found especially often 
in the Annals, as c. 65, 3 ; 2. 42, 5, etc., 
though not absent in Cic., Sail, or Liv. 
See references in Nipp. 

I I. oraret. On the subj of facts with 
‘donee/ see on c. 1, 4. 

curatissimis, ‘ her most solicitous 
entreaty.’ ‘ Curatus ’ has the force of 
‘ accuratus ’ in 2. 27, 1 ; 14. 21, 2 ; 16. 22, 
6 ; and PI. min. 

13. parentem . . . matrem. Probably 
Wallher is right in thinking the question 
between these titles merely one of sound. 
Potli ‘ pater * and ‘ paren.s ’ ‘ patriae ’ 
appear to have been used of Cicero (Juv. 
8, 243) and Julius Caesar (Suet. Jul. 76 ; 
85). On the titles bonie by the wife or 
mother of the princeps, see Mommsen, 
Staatsr. ii. p. 794. Coins of African and 
Spanish colonies are extant giving to 
Augusta titles formally disallowed, as 
‘mater patriae’ and even ‘geiielrix or- 
bis:’ see ICckhel, vi. 154 156; Cohen, i. 
p 169. 3. 

14. appellandam . . . ut. On this varia- 
tion of construction, .see Introd. v. § 91, 7. 

15. iuIiaefiliuB. The title ‘Divi Aug. 
V is regularly borne by Tiberius on 
inscriptions. For him to have also borne 
his mother’s name is noted by Orclli as 
wholly without Roman precedent, though 
an old Etruscan custom. 



narum honores dictitans eademque se temperantia usurutn in 
iis quae sibi tribuerentur, ceterum anxius invidia et muliebre 
fastigium in deminutionem sui accipicns ne lictorem quidem 
ei decerni passus est aramquc adoptionis et alia huiuscc modi 
5 proliibuit at Germanico Caesari proconsulare imperium petivit, 4 
missique legati qui deferrent, simul maestitiam eius ob exccssum 
August! solarentLir. quo minus idem pro Druso postularetur, ea 6 
causa quod designatus consul Drusus praesensque erat. candi- 6 
datos praeturae duodecim nominavit, numerum ab Augusto 
10 traditum ; et hortante senatu ut augeret, iure iurando obstrinxit 
se non excessurum. 

15. Tumj)rimum e campo^^^ patres tran^^^^^ 1 

nam ad earn diem, etsi potissima arbitrio principis, quaedam 

2. ceterum: cp. c. lo, i. (12. 41, 2), would not be suitable to one 

3. fastigium, used of ‘ rank,’ by Livy who was to hold an urban magistracy, 

and later authors. When the highest Nipp. and Mommsen (Staatsr. ii. 1095, 2) 
rank is spoken of, as here, an adjective is think that the allusion to his presence 

usually added; but cp. *initia fastigii’ 3. points to the delicacy of his having him- 

29, 2 ; and ‘ stare in iastigio clo(iuentiae * stdf to give the first vote. This, however, 

Quint. 12. I, 20. appears not to hold :n a ‘ rclatio Caesaris ’ 

iu. This hardly expresses here result, (3. 17, 8); and, in any other ‘ relalio,’ 

as in c. ii, 4, etc. ; but rather how an act might be obviated (3. 22, 6). Drusus, no 

or event is interpreted, as in 6. 13, 4 ; 12. doubt, had this imperium when sent to 

43, 2 ; i6. 18, 2 : cp. ‘ in omen acceptum ’ Illyricum (3. 44, i). 

Liv. 21. 63, 14. 9. nominavit. On the ‘ nominatio 

ne lictorem quidem. It appears candid atorum,’ see Introd. vi. p. 80. The 

from Dio (56. 46, 2) that she had a number twelve was occasionally exceeded 

lictor when in performance of her duties both by Augustus (Dio, 56. 25, 4) and 

as priestess of Augustus. Two were by Tiberius (2. 32, i ; Dio, 58. 20, 5) ; 

assigned to Agrippina, as * flaminica but is retained as the normal number. 
Claudialis’ (13. 2, 6), See 2. 36, i ; Momms. Staatsr. ii. p. 880. 

4. aram adoptionis. Altars are often 10. obstrinxit. This verb is used abso- 

erected as monuments, without implying lulely, as in 4. 31, 5 ; ‘sc’ being here 

any act of worship. Thus we have ‘ara taken with ‘excessurum.’ In 13. 11, 2, 

ob Agrippinae puerperium ’ (Suet. Cal. Tacitus has ‘ clementiam suam obstiin- 

8); and altars to personifications, as gens,’ in the sense of‘ solemnly promising.’ 
‘ultionis’ (3. 18, 3); ‘ clementiae,’ ‘ami- 12. Turn primum, i.e. in the election 
citiae* (4. 74, 3). of these praetors. The first consular 

5. proconsulare imperium. Some elections are spoken of in c. 8r . It is 

renewal or extension must be understood implied in the context, and in Veil. 2. 

of that which he had received in 764, 126, 2, that the change obtained hence- 

A. 1). II, and must have been still holding, forth in all elections. On this important 

as an ‘ imperium raaius ’ in Gaul and change, see Introd. vi. p. 75 ; Mommsen, 

Germany. That he was not fully ‘collega Staatsr. ii. p. 877, etc. 

imperii’ with Tiberius is implied in a. 13. ad earn diem. Augustus is stated, 

43, 2, See Introd. vi. p. 83; Momms. after the restoration of the comitia (Suet. 
Staatsr. ii. p. 1094, etc. Aug. 40), to have superseded them in 

7. solarentur. On the frequent poetical cases of exceptional turbulence (Dio, 54. 

use in Tacitus of simple for compound’ 10, 2; 55^34, 2). The general prevalence 
verbs, see Introd. v. § 40. of ordinary canvassing is seen from the 

8. quod designatus consul, etc. The description of Horace, Lpp. i . 6, 49, etc. 
explanation appears to be, that such an potissima. This may probably refer 
‘ imperium,* valid only ‘ extra urbem ’ to^ the choice of consuls, which however 

A. D. 14.1 

LIBER I. CAP. 14-16. 


2 tamen studiis tribuiim fiebant. neque populus adcmptum ius 
questus est nisi inani rumore, et senatus largitionibus ac precibus 
sordidis exsolutus libens tenuit, moderante Tiberio ne plures 
quam cj^attuor candidates commendaret, sine repulsa et ambitu 

3 designandos. inter quae tribuni plebei petivere, ut proprio 5 
sumptu ederent ludos, qui de nomine Augusti fastis additi 

4 Augustales vocarentur. sed decreta pecunia ex aerario, utquc 
per circum triumphali veste uterentur : currii vehi baud per- 

6 missum. mox celebratio annua ad praetorem translata, cui inter 
cives et peregrinos iurisdictio evenisset. * 10 

1 16 . Hie rerum urbanarum status erat, cum Pannonicas legiones 

does not appear to have passed from 
popular control till the later years of 
Augustus. Sec Dio, 1 . 1 . 

2. inaui rumore, ‘ in idle murmurs.’ 
'Rumor’ used of popular talk, as 3. 29, 

5, etc. On the temper of the people, 
cp. Juv. 10, 73. See also Introd. vii. p. 

precibus exsolutus. Senators were 
themselves the candidates for all offices 
above the quaeslorship. 

4. quatuor , , . commendaret. On 
the * commendatio,’ as distinct from the 
‘nominatio’ of candidates by the prince, 
see Introd. vi. p. 79 ; Mommsen, Staatsr. 
ii, p. 881, foil. The proportion of four 
applies to the election of praetors only, 
but N ipp.’s insertion of ' praetu rae ’ appears 
unnecessary. Velleius states (2. 124, 4) 
that on tliis occa.sion the two first ‘can- 
didati Caesaris ’ were * i.obilissimi ac 
sacerdotales viri,’ the two others Velleius 
himself and his brother; and that Tiberius 
was in fact giving effect to a previous 
designation by Augustus. 

5. tribuni plebei. Dio (56. 46, 4) 
connects the selection of the tribunes 
for this*duty with the sanctity of their 
office (o/s Kol Upoirpiiruf evrry). A more 
natural explanation may be found in the 
tribunitian power of the person com- 

6. de nomine, ‘named after:’ cp, 6. 
34, 4. The phrase is Vergilian (cp. Aen, i, 
277, etc.). 

fastis additi. The * I.udi Augus- 
tales,* or ' Augustalia,’ were hel(J either on 
Oct. 9 (Kal. Ant.), or Oct. 1 2 (^Kal. Maff.) : 
see Orelli, Inscr. ii. p. 400. That they 
are a new institution at this time is 
affirmed here and c. 54, i. The statement 
of Dio (54. 34, 2), that they were 


regularly held from 743, R.C. rr, is ex- 
plained with probability by Nipp. as a 
confusion of these games with 
held on the birthday of Augustus, .Sept. 
23 (Kal. Maff., Orelli, ii. p. 398) ; such 
confusion being clearly apparent in Dio 
(Xiphil.) 56. 29, I. 

7. vocarentur carries on the * oratio 

decreta pecunia . . . utqne. A 
similar double construction is used with 
this verb in 4. 16, 6 ; 14. 12, i, etc. ; also 
with ‘ perspecto ’ 3. 63, 2 ; ‘ no.scciida ’ 
4. ,H3» 2; ‘ ciicunispccta ’ 14. 33, 2. 

8. ourru. The praetor celebrating the 
*Ludi Magni’ had the chariot as well as 
the lrium2)hal robe (PI in. N. IT. 34. 5, 11, 
20: Juv 10, 36; II, 192); but the for- 
mer belonged to such only as had ordi- 
narily the ‘ sella curulis,* its symbol and 
survival (Mommsen, Staatsr. i. p. 377, 
379); and w'ould therefore naturally be 
out of place for tribunes. 

9. annua. This or ‘ anniium ’ are mar- 
ginal corrections of the MS. 'annu.* In 
either case the w^ord appears siq^erfluous ; 
and it is suggested with 2)robability by 
Nipp. that the text j)reseives part of a 
marginal note whicli had explained ‘mox* 
by ‘ post annum.’ 

10. evenisset, sc. ‘soite:’ ‘obvenire’ 
is thus used 3. 33, i ; 4. 56, 3 ; Agr. 6, 4; 
and both verbs thus l)y Livy, etc. 

11. Hie . . . status erat. An important 
date in connection with this mutiny is fur- 
nished by the eclipse (sec c. 28, 1) which 
marks its close. Though the precise lo- 
cality of the ‘castra aestiva’ is unknown, 
some inference as to the rapidity of com- 
munication within the empire may still 
be drawn from the fact that, between 
August 19 and September 26, time was 


seditio incessit, nullis novis causis, nisi quod mutatus princeps 
licentiam turbarum et ex civili bello spem praemiorum osten- 
debat. castris aestivis tres simul legioncs habebantur, prae- 2 
sidente lunio Blaeso, qui fine Augusti ct initiis Tiberii auditis 
5 ob iustitium aut gaudium intermiserat solita munia. eo principio 3 
lascivire miles, discordare, pcssimi cuiusque sermonibus praebere 
aurcs, denique luxum et otium cupere, disciplinam et laborcm 
aspernari. erat in castris Percennius quidam, dux olim thea- 4 
tralium operarum, deln gregarius miles, procax lingua et miscere 
10 coetus hwtrionali studio doctus. is inpcritos animos et quaenam 6 
post Augustum militiae condicio ambigentes inpellere paulatim 

found, (i) for the news of the death of 
Augustus to reach Pannonia, (2) for the 
mutiny to develop itself, and for news of 
it to reach Rome, (3) for the march of 
Drusus and a considerable force from 
Rome to the spot. For many other such 
evidences, see Friedl'ander, ii. p. 18, etc. 
Dio. (37. 3, i) may be right in saying 
that Tiberius had already suspicions of 
this and the German army, when he hesi- 
t ited to accept the principate; but the 
mutiny can hardly have been already 
known to have broken out, as Suet. (Tib. 
25 * states. 

Pannonioas. Pannonia was among 
the most important Caesarian provinces, 
its Megatus’ being always of consular 
rank (see Introd. vii, p. 16). It extended 
along the Danube from Vienna to 
Relgrade ; in other directions its limits 
are at this time not clearly marked, most 
of Illyricum being placed under its ‘le- 
gatus,’ and that name sometimes inter- 
cliangcd with it (e. g. c. 46, i); though 
the maritime part of Illyricum, the ' Del- 
inatia ’ of 4. 5, 5, was at this time sepa- 
rately governed by P. Dolabella (Veil. 2, 
125, 5). See Marquardt, Staatsv. i. p. 

138. 144- 

I. nullis novis causis: this is best 
taken as abl. abs. 

3. tres simul legiones. These are 
specified in c. 23, 6; 30, 4. On their 
full titles, see Introd. vii. p. T04. The 
winter quarters of each legion were 
usually separate (see 2. 57, 2, etc.), or 
at most two were quartered together (c. 
39 t 2 ; 45, i). Domitian enforced more 
strictly the separation of the legions 
(^geminari legionuin castra prohibuit’ 
Suet. Dom. 7). 

4. lunio Blaeso. Inscriptions, cited 

by Nipp., show that Blaesus had been 
proconsul of Sicily after his praetorship, 
and consul suffectus in 763, A. D. 10. 
Afterwards we hear of him as having for 
his nephew Sciaiius, through whose in- 
fluence he became ‘extra s(*rtem’ j)ro- 
consul of Africa, and gained the ‘ tri- 
umphalia* and the title of ‘irnperator* 
(,V 85 > 2; 72,6; 74, 6); and at whose 
fall he perished (see 5. 7, 2). 

5. aut gaudium. Nipp. brackets these 
words as an insertion ; but it is certainly 
in the manner of Tacitus to add such an 
alternative clause, answering to ‘ initiis 
Tiberii : ’ though the ‘ iustitium ’ is suf- 
ficient reason by itself for suspension of 
military activity, and is referred to as 
such in the case of the German army 
(c. 50, I). 

8. dux . . . theatralium operarura 
There seems to be no reason why any per- 
sons employed in theatres as scene-shifters, 
stagc-carpcnters, etc., should not be call- 
ed ‘ iheatrales operae ; * but from the 
mention here of a body organiz.ed under 
a ‘dux,’ and from the special acquirement 
of Percennius (‘miscere coetus . . . doc- 
tus’), it is generally inferred ftiat the 
‘operae’ here spoken of were the pro- 
fessional ‘claqueurs,’ of whose existence 
there is abundant evidence (see Fried- 
lander, ii. p, 430; Marquardt, Staatsv. 
iii. p. 5 20), and whose * fuglemen * are 
styled ‘duces’ (Suet. Ner. 20), or ‘sig- 
niferi’ (Id. 26), or ‘capita factionum’ 
(Id. Tib. 37). Such service in applaud- 
ing is i\self spoken of as ‘ theatralis 
o|2era ’ in Plin. Epp. 7. 24, 7, and is here 
called ‘histrionale studium ; ' an expres- 
sion apparently equivalent to the ‘ histri- 
onalis favor’ of Dial. 29. 3. which cer- 
tainly means ‘favor erga histriones.’ 

A.D. hI liber /. CAP. i5, T/. i8i 

nocturnis conloquiis aut flexo in vesperam die ct dilapsis meli- 
oribus deterrimum quemque congregare. 

1 17 - Postrcmo promptis iam et aliis seditionis ministris velut con- 
tionabundus interrogabat,cur paucis centurionibus,paucioribus tri- 

2 bunis in modum servorum obocdirent. quando ausuros exposcerc 5 
remedia, nisi novum ct nutant^m adhuc principem precibus vel 

3 armis adirent? satis per tot annos ignavia peccatum, quod tricena 
aut quadragena stipendia senes et pleriquc truncato cx vulnc- 

4 ribus corpore tolerent. ne dimissis quidem fincm esse militiae, 
scd apud vexillum tcndentcs alio vocabiilo eosdem labores per- lo 

6 ferre, ac si quis tot casus vita superaverit, trahi adhuc diversas 
in terras, ubi per nomcn agrorum uligines paludum vel inculta 

I. dilapaia. The full expression ‘in 
tentoria dllabi’ is found in H. 3. 10, 7. 

3. iam et. Oriiger notes that Tacitus, 
apparently for euphony, always uses this 
expression for ‘iam etiam.’ It seems 
therefore less desirable to follow Nipp., 
who separates * promptis ’ from ‘ minis- 
tris’ by placing a comma at Mam.* 
These * abettors * are distinguished from 
the ‘duces’ of the mutiny, of whom 
more were afterwards added to Percen- 
niiis ; see c. 22, i. 

velut contionabundus. Except here, 
the word seems found only in Livy, 
W'ho uses it several times, and whose 
expression ‘ pro[)e contionabundus’ (3. 
47, 3 ; 21. 53, 6) conveys the same idea 
as ‘velut’ here; that of collocjuial speech 
so public and emphatic as almost to 
amount to a set harangue. It is thus 
in contrast to the more secret ‘ nocturaa 
colloquia ’ of c. 16, 5. 

4. paucis. The legion had sixty cen- 
turions, and six tribunes. See Introd. 
vii. p. 105. 

5. amsuros. The regular use of the 
accus. with infin. where the first person 
(‘ audebimus') would be used in ‘ oratio 
recta ; ’ Madv. § 405. 

6. nutautem, ‘ tottering,’ not yet firm- 
ly seated. 

7. tricena aut quadragena. On the 
regulaf term of military service, and its 
prolongation by Augustus through the 
insiitution of ‘ vexillarii,’ see Introd. vii. 
p. 106. It is noted by Monftnsen, ‘De 
prov. Delmatiae re militari ’ I. L. iii. 
p, 282), that such long periods of service 
as are here mentioned are borne out by 
inscriptions; one of which (2014) records 

a soldier of thirly-tlireo ' sli[:)endia,* an- 
other (2818) would ap})arently, if com- 
plete, record one of thiriy-eight, another 
(2710) a centurion of forty. For other 
such evidence, see Marejuardt, Staatsv. ii. 
P- 5 -’ 5 - 

9. dimissis. This word, like ‘dimit- 
lerentur’ in c. 78, 2, and ‘exauctorari’ 
in c. 36, 4, is used of the fictitious dis- 
charge by which men were removed fiom 
the ranks of the legion to the condition 
of ‘vexillarii.* If the latter are lo be 
supposed lo have been always exempt 
from camp duties, the ‘eosdem labores* 
of this passage is an exaggeration. See 
on c. 36, 4. 

10. tendentes, ‘ living in tents,’ as 13. 
36, 5, etc. This is nearer to the MS. 
‘tciites* than the alternative restoration 
‘rctentos,’ though the latter is the more 
usual word with * sub vexillo,’ as c. 36, 4, 

1 1 . vita superaverit, ‘ outlived so in 
Cacs. B. G. 6. 19, 

adhuc — ‘ insuper,’ as 4. 55, 7; 14, 

52, 2 ; Agr. 33, I, etc. 'Diis use is found 
once in Plautus, and often in j:)Osl -Augus- 
tan writers. 

diversas, ‘distant,’ as 2, 60, 2 ; 4. 46, 
3, etc. ; after Vergil (^Aen. 3, 4, etc.) and 
Ovid (^I'rist. 4. 2, 69). 

12. per nomen agrorum, etc. On 
this use of the accus. with ‘per’ for a 
simple abl., see Introd. v. § 62 ; and on 
the genitives ‘ uligines paludum’ and ‘iiT- 
ciilta niontium,* Id. § 32. This passage 
affords evidence that the pecuniary gra- 
tuities given by AugusUis to soldiers on 
discharge (see Mon. Anc. iii. 28, 37; 
t>io, 54 * 25 » 5 ; 55 * 23 » 1 1 other 


montium accipiant. enimvero militiam ipsam gravem, infruc- 6 
tuosam : denis in diem assibus animam et corpus aestimari : 
hinc vestcm arma tentoria, hinc saevitiam centurionum et vaca- 
tiones munerum redimi. at liercule verbcra et vulnera, duram 7 
5 hiemem, excrcitas aestates, bellum atrox aut sterilem pacem 
sempiterna. nec aliud levame^tum quam si certis sub legibus 8 
militia iniretur, ut singidos ^ sextus decumus 

stipendii annus finem adferret, ne ultra sub vexillis tenerentur, 
set isdem in castris praemium pecunia solveretur. an praetorias 9 

references in Marquardt, Staatsv. i. p. 
433) had been discontinued, and an as- 
signment of land substituted. 

1. enimvero, used, like dWa fjLTfv, to 
anticipate an objection, such as, that sol- 
diers might save out of their pay. 

2. denis in diem assibus : see below, 
on *singulos denarios.* 

3. hinc vestem, etc. The enactment 
stated (Pint. C. Gracch. 5, 837) to have 
been procured by Gracchus, providing 
the soldier with clothing at the public 
cost, must have become obsolete ; while 
the later enactments providing for their 
arms and equipment (see Marquardt, 
Staatsv. ii. p. 94) had not yet come into 
iorce. From the absence of any allusion 
to food, it appears that they received 
rations of corn besides their i)ay, a pri- 
vilege not granted to the praetorians till 
the time ol Nero (see 15. 72, i ; Suet. 
Ner. 10). 

saevitiam centurionum et vaca- 
tiones munerum : both expressions de- 
note the same practice. If centurions 
knew that a soldier had money to spare, 
they laid additional tasks on him to 
make him purchase furlough or exemp- 
tion. A full description of this system, 
and of the demoralisation resulting from 
it, is given in H. i . 86. 

4. redimi. This verb can be used, 
in different sensc.s, as well with * saevi- 
tiam ’ as with ‘ vacationes ; * having often 
the meaning of ‘buying off' what is un- 
pleasant, as well as of ‘ buying ’ what is 
desirable. It would not however be used 
with equal propriety of the stoppages for 
necessaries, such as clothes, etc. ; so that 
for these the sense of the simple verb 
‘emi’ appears to be supplied from its 
compound, as ‘ petivere ' from the follow- 
ing ' repetivere ’ in 15. 1 1 , 2. 

hercule. This points the contrast 
between scanty pay and abundant hard- 

5. exeroitas, ‘spent in toil: cp. ‘aes- 
tatem inquietam exercitamque ’ Pi Epp. 
7. 2, 2. So Tacitus has ‘exercita militia * 
c. 35, 2. 

6. certis . . . legibus, ‘ fixed conditions,* 
as opposed to the illusory rules by which 
their discharge was now delayed. 

7. singulos denarios. I’liny, in his 
account (N. H. 33. 3, 13, 45) of the low- 
ering of the coi)per standard in the Han- 
iiibalic war, whereby the ‘ as ’ became 
only of the ‘denarius,’ adds *in mililaii 
tamen stipendio semper denarius pro de- 
cern assibus datus ; ’ which may be ex- 
plained to mean that the soldiers received 
the same fraction of the ‘denarius’ as 
before. At that time their pay is reck- 
oned by Polybius (6. 39, 12) at two obols 
or ^ of the ‘ denarius ’ — 5^ of the reduced 
‘asses.’ It would appear that subse- 
quently, when the pay was nominally 
doubled by Julius Caesar (Suet. Jul. 26), 
it was really raised, not to io§, but only 
to TO ‘asses,’ and that the account given 
by Pliny is so far untrue. But they now 
demand, not merely this extra fraction, 
but the full ‘ denarius,’ alleging that the 
praetorians, whose pay was, by regula- 
tion, only the double of theirs (Dio, 53. 
n, 5), received actually two full ‘ denarii,’ 
*=32 ‘asses.* For further information, see 
Marquardt, Staatsv. ii. pp. 92-94.^ It has 
been thought that we have here the ex- 
aggeration of the speaker, and that the 
pay of the praetorians cannot really have 
been so much greater. It is certainly 
observable that this grievance is through- 
out less prominent than that of the de- 
layed discharge (see c. 19, 4, etc.), and 
that the concessions offered even in the 
extreme crisis (c. 36, 4) contain no al- 
lusion to i^. 

sextus decimus : the limit of the 
earlier regulation of Augustus (Dio, 54. 

*5. 6). 

9. isdem in castris, i. e. at the time 

A, D. T4.] 

LIBER /. CAP. 17, 1 8. 


cohortes, quae binos denarios acceperint, quae post sedecim 

10 annos penatibus suis reddantur, plus periculorum suscipere ? non 
obtrectari a se urbanas excubias : sibi tamen apud horridas gentes 
e contuberniis hostem aspici. 

1 18 . Adstrepebat vulgus, diversis incitamentis, hi verberum 5 
notas, illi canitiem, plurimi detrita tegmina et nudum corpus 

2 exprobrantes. postremo co furoris venere, ut tres Icgiones mis- 

3 cere in unam agitaverint. depulsi aemulatione, quia suae quisque 
legioni eum honorem quaerebant, alio vertunt atque una trcs 

4aquilas et signa cohortium locant ; simul congerunt caespites, 10 

5 exstruunt tribunal, quo magis conspicua sedes foret. prope- 
rantibus Blaesus advcnit, increpabatque ac retinebat singulos, 
clamitans ‘ mea potius caede imbiiite manus : Icviore flagitio 

and place of their discharge. This is 
op])OScd to ‘ ultra . . . tencrentur,’ as ‘pecii- 
nia* is to the assignations of land above 

I. acceperint, the marginal correc- 
tion of the MS. text ‘accepit.’ The 
tense refers back to the time (727, B. c. 
27) when double pay was assigned to the 
praetorians (Dio, 53. ii, 5). 

post sedecim annos. Instances of 
longer service among praetorians are 
found, but may probably have been vo- 
luntary. An inscription (Ilenzeii 6846) 
mentions one of thirty years’ service. 

3. obtrectari. This verb has an ac- 
cus. of the thing in Liv. 45. 37, 6. Here 
it is ironical. ‘ We do not speak dis- 
respectfully of a sentinel’s watch in 
Rome ; but our quarters are among sav- 
age races, with the enemy in sight.' 
On the dative ' sibi,’ see Introd. v, § 18. 

5. Adstrepebat, ‘were chiming in.* 
The word is post-Augustan, and rare 
except in Tacitus, who often uses it ; 
repeating this expression, ii. 17, 5; 12. 
34. 4; 11. 2. 90, 2. 

7. exprobrantes, ‘ showing indignant- 
ly.’ See the similar description in c. 
35 » I- 

©o furoris. Nipp. points out that 
the object of confusing the legions might 
be to make their comparative guilt indis- 
tiiiguishalde. The atrocity of the act 
would consist in its being a violation not 
merely of ‘ esprit de corps,’ T>ut of the 
*cultus’ of the emperor and the eagles, 
of which each legion was a separate 
centre : see c. 39, 7 ; 4. 2, 4, etc. 

9. eum honorem. The distinction, 

though not expressly mentioned, must be 
supposed to be that of giving its name to 
the combined body. 

10. signa cohortium. Vegetins(2, 13) 
states that in his time the legionary co- 
horts had their distinctive ensigns (‘dra- 
cones’); but Nipp. maintains that at this 
date the cohort can only he shown to be 
distinguished by the ‘vexilla* of its thn e 
maniples (sec c. 34, 4). On the other 
hand, Marquardt (Staalsv. ii. p. 425), re- 
ferring to a passage in Caesar (B. G. 2. 

1)* * qnarlac cohortis . . . signifero 
interfecto, signo amisso,’ thinks that 
special ensigns of cohorts must have 
e.xistcd, and arc here meant. 

1 1 . exstruunt tribunal. wSuch a plat - 
form is called ‘suggestus’ in c. 44, 4, 
and, besides giving dignity to the place 
where the eagles and standards were col- 
lected, would serve as a ‘ rostrum ’ for the 

properantibus. Such a case of the 
participle is found with ^advcnit’ H. 4. 
62, 3; lav. 9, 5, II, and is probably here 
a dative like ‘pectori adcreverat ’ c. 19, i 
(Introd, v. § 21), but might also be taken 
as abb abs. (Id. § 31 c). 

13. leviore flagitio. Nipp. notes here 
the condensation of expression by which 
a modal ablative contains the predicate 
of a sentence, and is equivalent to ‘levins 
flagitium erit, si,* etc. ; otiier such in- 
stances are ‘ minore discrimine sumi prin- 
cipcm quam qiiaeri’ (II. i. 56, 5), and 
* maiore animo tolcrari ad versa quam re- 
linqui’ (H. 2 46, 4). Somewhat similar 
is * minore detrimento , . . vinci’ Sail. Jug. 
54. 5 - 



legatum intcrficietis quam ab imperatorc desciscitis. aut inco- 6 
lumis fidem legionum retinebo, aut iugulatus pacnitentiam ad- 

19 . Aggerabatur nihilo minus caespes iamque pectori usque 1 
5 adcreverat, cum tandem pervicacia victi inceptum omisere. 

Blaesus multa dicendi arte non per seditionem et turbas desi- 2 
deria militum ad Caesarem ferenda ait, neque veteres ab im- 
peratoribus priscis neque ipsos a divo Augusto tarn nova peti- 
visse ; et parum in tempore incipientes principis curas oncrari. 
lo si tamen tenderent in pace temptare quae ne civilium quidem 3 
bellorum victores expostulaverint, cur contra morem obscquii, 
contra fas disciplinae vim meditentur? decernerent legates seque 
coram mandata darent. adclamaverc ut filius Blaesi tribunus 4 
legatione ea fungerctur peterctque militibus missionem ab se- 
15 decim annis : cetera mandaturos, ubi prima provenissent. pro- 6 
fecto iuvene modicum otium : sed superbire miles, quod filius 
iegati orator publicae causae satis ostenderet necessitate expressa 
quae per modestiam non obtinuissent. 

20. Interea manipuli ante coeptam seditionem Nauportiim 1 

4. Aggerabatur. This correction of 
Walther is supported by c. 6i, 3, etc., 
and by the fact that the MS. text ‘ agge- 
rebatur ’ should have been written ‘ ad- 
gerebatur,* in consistency with such 
places as 2. 57, 3, etc., and with the 
orthography of the MS. in similar words, 
as here * adcelerabo ’ and ‘ adcreverat.* 

pectori . . . adcreverat. A similar 
dative is used with ‘advolutus’ (c. 23, 
2), with ‘adref)ere’ (c. 74, 2; 3. 50, 
5), etc. : cp. ‘adpulsas litori’ (II. 4. 84, 
4, from Verg. Aen. 7, 39) ; also Introd. 
V. § 21. 

6. multa dicendi arte. This should 
be taken as an abl. of quality : see Introd. 
V. § 29. 

desideria, used especially under the 
empire of requests or petitions, as of 
soldiers (c. 26, 4 ; Suet. Aug. 17)^ and of 
provinces (Plin. Pan. 7*9). 

9. parum in tempore . . . onerari, 

‘ it was a most inopportune aggravation.’ 
For this use of * in tempore ’ ( — iv Kaiptp) 
cp- 3-41, 3 ; and for that of * onerari,’ H. 
2. 52, 3. 

II. cur . . . meditentur. Ernesti’s 
correction ‘ meditarentur ’ has been re- 
jected by all modem editors. In cases 

where either the subjunct. pres, or imperf. 
might be used, they are sometimes inter- 
changed (cp. II. 4. 81, 4, and other in- 
stances here given by Nipp.) ; besides 
which, special reasons, as Mr. Frost has 
noted, can be seen here for the use of the 
present ; as ‘ si . . . tenderent ’ puts a sup- 
position, while ‘ cur . . . meditentur * im- 
plies a fact. 

13. dlius Blaesi, probably the same 
who served afterwards under his father 
in Africa (3. 74, 2), and one of the two 
whose deaths are mentioned in 6. 40, 3. 

14. ab sedecim, * after sixteen years.’ 
The same expression is used d; 26, 2 : 
cp. 'a siimma spe’ 6, 50, 8; ‘ab hac 
contione’ Liv. 24. 22, 6, etc. 

15. provenissent. The use of this 
word in the sense of ‘to prosper’ (as 4. 
12, 3, etc.) is frequent in Tacitus, and 
almost peculiar to him. 

16. illius . . . orator . . . ostenderet. 

On this concise construction, see Introd. v. 

§ 55 2. 

17. exj^ressa, ‘ extorted : * so c. 39, 3 ; 
78, 3 ; and often in Livy. 

18. obtinuissent, potential subjunc- 
tive: see Intro<l. v. § 51. 

19. Nauportum. This town was close 

A. D. 14.] 

LIBER /. CAP. 18 - 21 . 


missi ob itinera et pontes et alios usus, postquam turbatum in 
castris accepere, vexilla convellunt direptisque proximis vicis 
ipsoque Nauporto, quod municipii instar crat, retinentis cen- 
turiones inrisu et contumcliis, postremo verberibiis insectantur, 
praecipua in Aufidienum Rufum praefectum castrorum ira, quern 5 
dereptum vehiculo sarcinis gravant aguntque primo in agmine, 
per ludibriurn rogitantes an tarn immensa onera, tarn longa itinera 

2 libenter ferret, quippe Rufus diu nianipularis, dein centurio, 
mpx castris praefectus, antiquam duramque militiam revocabat, 
vetus operis ac laboris et eo inmitior, quia toleraverat. 10 

1 21. Ilorum adventu redintegratur seditio, et vagi circumiecta 

2 populabantur. Blaesus paucos, maxime praeda onustos, ad ter- 
rorem ceterorum adfici verberibus, eJaudi carcere iubet ; nam 
etiam turn legato a centurionibus etoptimo quoque manipularium 

3 parebatur. illi obniti trahentibus, prensare circumstantium genua, 15 
ciere niodo nomina singulorum, modo centuriam quisque cuius 

to tlie frontier of Italy (Veil. 2. no, 4'), 
and is identified with Obcr-Laybach in 
Carniola. It is described below as of the 
size and character of a municipal town 
(cp. ‘in modum municipii cxslnictus locus ’ 
H. I. 67, 4; Id. 4. 22, i), but its im- 
portance was probably dirninislied by the 
subsequent foundation of a colony near it 
at Emona (Laybach) : see PI. N. II. 3. 
24, 28, 147. 

I. ob itinera. The employment of 
detachments ( ‘ vexilla ’) of the legions in 
road-making is attested by numerous in- 
scriptions, e. g. llenzen 6621, and many 
others cited by Marquardt (Staatsv. ii. 

p- 450)- 

5. praefectum castrorum. These 
officers are frequently mentioned from 
the time of Augustus, and seem usually 
to hav<f been promoted from the rank of 
centurion (cp. 13. 9, 3, with 39, 2), as a 
reward of long service (Veget. 2, 10), 
Even in a camp containing several 
legions, one praefect only is usually found 
(e.g. c. 23, 4 ; 32, 6) ; though Velleius 
(2. 1 19, 4) mentions two with the army 
of Varus. PI is connection with the 
legions is thus accidental, and he has not 
the recognised power of a emnmanding 
officer (see c. 38, 2) ; but from the in- 
stitution of Domitian, by which each 
legion has always a separate camp 
(Suet. Dom. 7\ the ‘ praefectus castrorum 
legionis’ acquires in time the title of 

‘ praefectus legionis,* and ultimately lakes 
the place of the ‘ legatus legionis.’ See 
Marquardt, Staatsv. ii. p. 444. 

6. vehiculo. P'rom a comparison of 
‘corpori derepta ’ (13. 57, 7), this would 
appear to be a dative. (Itherwise the 
verb more often takes an ablative. Both 
constructions are poetical. 

10. vetus operis. d'his emendation of 
Lipsius for the MS. ‘intus’ is generally 
adojited ; such a genitive with ‘ vetus * 
being in accordance with the usage of 
Tacitus (as in 6. 12, 2; 44, r, etc.), and 
suited to ‘ quia toleraverat.’ The alterna- 
tive emendation ‘intentns’ has in its 
favour the fact of similar accidental 
omissions of a syll ble in the M.S. (as 
‘reditus’ for ‘rediti rus’ 2. 63,5); and 
though no genitive with this word is 
found, such a con ruction would be 
analogous to * ferox celerum ’ (4. 12, 3), 
or other genitives of -elation. 

13. carcere. Such a place of custody 
formed part of all ‘ castra staliva : * cp. 
‘militari custodia ’ 3. 22, 5; Mongo 
castrorum in carcere mansit’ Jiiv. 6, 560. 

14. etiam turn. This period is dis- 
tinguished from the complete break-down 
of discipline described in c. 23. 

16. centuriam . . . cuius manipularis 
erat, * the century in whose ranks he 
served.’ ‘ Manipularis * is related no less 
to ‘centuria* than to ‘manipulus,* being 
merely a term for the rank and file of a 



manipularis erat, cohortem, legionem, eadem omnibus inminere 
clamitantes. simul probra in legatum cumulant, caelum ac dcos 4 
obtestantur, nihil reliqui faciunt quominus invidiam misericor- 
diam metum et iras permoverent. adcurritur ab universis, et 6 
5 carcere effracto solvunt vincula desertoresque ac rerum capitalium 
damnatos sibi iam miscent. 

22 . Flagrantior inde vis, plures seditioni duces, et Vibulcnus 1 
quidam gregarius miles, ante tribunal Blaesi adlevatus circum- 
stantium umeris, apud turbatos et quid pararet intentos ‘ yos 
10 quidem’ inquit ‘his innoccntibus et miserrimis lucem et spiriturn 
reddidistis: sed quis fratri meo vitam, quis fratrem mihi reddit? 
quern missum ad vos a Germanico exercitu de communibus 
commodis noctc proxima iugulavit per gladiatores suos, quos in 
exitium militum habet atque armat. responde, Blaese, ubi 2 
15 cadaver abieceris : ne hostcs quidcm sepultura invident. cum 3 
osciilis, cum lacrimis dolorem meum implevero, me quoque 
trucidari iube, dum interfcctos nullum ob scelus, sed quia utilitati 
legionum consulcbamus, hi sepeliant.’ 

legion as distinct from its officers-, cp. sufficiently forcible. Walthcr would take 
* manipularis. deiri centurio ’ (c. 20, 2). it to mean hi) (‘even associate with them- 

2. probra in legatum cumulant. selves’), and considers that in H. i. 15, 8, 

This construction *cumulare aliquid in ‘etiain ' has similarly the force of /cai 617. 
aliquem* is almost confined to Tacitus : 7. plures seditioni duces. These 

cp. 13. 2, 5; 14. 53, 2. Curtius has aredistinguishedfromlhc‘ministri’pre- 
‘ cumulare . . . res in uniim diem.’ viously abetting Percennius (c. 17, i). 

3. nihil reliqui faciunt, * leave On the dative, see liitrod. v. § 19. 

nothing undone.’ The phrase is used in 9. quid pararet intentos, * watching 
this sense in Cacs. P. G. 2. 26, 5 ; Sail. what he would do.’ No other instance 

Cat. II, 7; and Atticus (ap. Ncp. 21, 5); is noted of such a construction, which is 

as also ‘nihil reliquum fieri’ Sail. Jug. due to the desire of brevity ; ‘intentos* 

76, 4 ; the expression being in all places being used for ‘ intente observantes.' 

negative. On the genitive, sec Introd. v. 13. gladiatores. Provincial governors 
§ 32 f. usu.illy kept a troop of gladiators, to 

quominus. This word has here the court popularity by shows (see Friedl. ii. 

force of ‘quin,’ as in. several other p. 327); till the practice was forbidden by 

passages of Tacitus (5. 5, 2 ; 13. 14, 3 ; Nero; see 13. 31, 4. * 

14. 39, 2, etc.), but, accordin^f to Driiger, 14. ubi . . . abieceris; equivalent to 
in no other author. ‘ubi abiectum reliqueris cp. ‘abiccti in 

4. permoverent, ‘stir to their depths.’ via cadaveris* Suet. Ner. 48; * eo loco 
In the use of this word with an accus. of ... abiecit ’ Id. Galb. 20. 

the feeling excited (as 3. 23, i ; 16. 32, 15. sepultura invident. The com- 

2) Tacitus is preceded only by Quintilian plete form of this constmetion would 

(12. 10, 36). The imperfect is adapted have also a dative of the person. It 

to the really past force of the historic is noticed by Quint. (9. 3, i) among 

present: see Introd. v. § 48. the conceits of his day, ‘paene iam, quid- 

6. iam. I'his would most naturally quid loquimur, figura est, ut hac re invi- 
be taken (as by Mr. Frost) in the sense of dere, non, ut omnes veteres et Cicero 

^87 = ‘from this point,* as ‘cetera iam praecipue, huic rei.’ It is especially com- 

fabulosa’ (G. 46, 5); but it may be mon in the Epistles of Pliny (as a. 10, 2, 

doubled whether the word is thus made etc.), but is found earlier, as * non invi- 

A. D. 14.] LIBER 1 . CAP. 21-2$. 187 

1 23. Incendebat haec fletu et pectus atque os manibus ver- 

2 berans. mox disiectis quorum per umeros sustincbatur, pracceps 
et singulorum pedibus advolutus tantum consternationis invi- 
diaequc concivit, ut pars militum gladiatores qui e servitio Blaesi 
erant, pars ccteram ciusdem familiam vincirent, alii ad quae- 5 

8 rendum corpus cffunderentur. ac ni propere neque corpus ullum 
reperiri, et servos adhibitis cruciatibus abnuerc caedem, neque 
illi fuisse umquam fratrem pernotuisset, hand multum ab exitio 
4 legati aberant. tribunes tamen ac praefectum castrorum extru- 
sere, sarcinae fugientium direptae, et centurio Lucilius interficitur, 10 
cui militaribus facetiis vocabulum ‘cedo alteram’ indiderant, quia 
fracta vite in tergo militis alteram clara voce ac rursus aliam 
6 poscebat. ceteros latebrac texere, uno retento Clemente Iiilio, 
qui perferendis militum mandatis habebatur idoncus ob promp- 
6 turn ingenium. quin ipsae inter se legiones octava et quinta 15 
decuma ferrum parabant, dum centurionem cognomento Sirpicum 

denint laiule sua mulieribus ’ (Liv. 2. 40, 
ii), and ‘invidet igne rogi iniscris’ (Luc. 
7, 798). Walther explains it as a Latin 
equivalent of the Greek genitive with 
ipiovHv, which is also directly imitated 
in Latin, as ‘ neque ille sepositi ciceris, 
nec longae invidit avenae’ (llor. Sat. 2. 
6, 84). 

I. Incendebat haec, * he was giving 
these words more power to kindle:’ cp. 
* serniones audita mors . . . incendit ’ (2. 82, 
4), and *haec accendebat’ (c. 69, 7). 
The expression is derived from such 
Vergilian metaphors as ‘ pudor incendit 
vires’ (Aen. 5, 455), and Gncendcntem 
luctus ’ (9, 500). 

3. pedibus advolutus. This con- 
struction here, and in c. 32, 4, is analo- 
gous to that of ‘pectoi i adcreverat’ c. 19, 
I. Elst^vhcre Tacitus uses the accusa- 
tive with this verb, as c. 13, 7, etc. 

8. pernotuisset. Besides Tacitus (cp. 
12. 67, I ; 13. 25, 2; 14. 8, 2) Quintil- 
ian alone appears to use this word. A 
similar anecdote to this, though without 
the additional touch, that no such bro- 
ther had existed, occurs in early Roman 
history (Liv. 3. 13; 24). Bacon (L)e 
Augm. vi. 4, sub fin.), confounding Vi- 
bulcnus with Percennius, illustrates from 
this story some striking remarks on the 
force of ‘ Actio Theatralis.’ 

9. aberant. On this indicative, as on 
‘ferrum parabant . . . ni’ below, see 

Introd. V. § 50 b. The latter passage 
gives the usual order of the clauses, tlie 
priority of the dependent clause being 
noted by Driiger as a rarity, here, and 11. 
4. 18, I. 

IK vocabulum. This word is often 
used for a proper name, as c. 8, 4, etc. 
That it here means a nickname is indi- 
cated by ‘militaribus facetiis,’ as in c. 41, 
3, by ‘ militari vocabiilo.’ Another such 
military ‘soubriquet ' (‘nianii ad ferrum ’) 
is called ‘signum’ by Vopiscus (Aurel. 
6, 2). 

12. vite. The vine-rod is the ‘insigne’ 
of the centurion (cp. ‘viiem posce’ Juv. 14, 
193), and was specially rescived for the 
punishment of the < Hizen soldier. Thus 
Bcipio at Numantia. acconling to Livy 
(Epit. 57), ‘ qucin militein extra ordincm 
deprehendit, si Romanus esset, vitibus, 
si extraneus, fustibus cecidit.’ Hence 
Pliny (N. II. 14. i, 3, 19) says of it 
‘etiani in dclictis poenam ipsam honorat.* 

14. perferendis . . . mandatis . . . 
idoneus. The use of ‘idoncus’ with a 
gerundive dative (cp. Quint. 2. 10, 6) is 
one of many such usages in post- Augus- 
tan Latin. Dr. instances those of ‘ calli- 
dus,’ ‘opportunus,’ ‘inhabilis,’ and ‘aptus.' 
‘Perferre’ has often in Tacitus the sense 
of ‘ delivering a message/ as c. 26, 1 ; 57, 
3; 3. 10, 2 ; 14. 7, I. 

16. dum. This conjunction is constant- 
ly thus used by Tacitus where not only a 



ilia morti deposcit, quintadecumani tuentur, ni miles noiianus 
preces et adversum aspernantis minas interiecisset. 

24 . Haec audita quarnquam abstrusum et tristissima quacque 1 
maxime occultantcm Tiberium perpulere ut Drusum filium cum 
5 primoribus civitatis duabusque praetoriis cohortibus mitteret, 
nullis satis certis mandatls, ex re consulturum. et cohortes 2 
delccto militc supra solitum firmatae. additiir magna pars 3 
praetoriaiii equitis et robora Germanorum, qui turn custodcs 
imperatori aderant ; simul praetorii praefectus Aelius Seianus, 

10 collega Straboni patri suo datus, magna apud Tiberium auctori- 
tatc, rector iuveni et ceteris periculorum praemiorumque osteii- 

temporal but a causal connection is indi- 
cated : cp. c. 50, I ; 54, 3 ; 2. 8, 3 ; 88, 
4 J 3 * 3; 6 . 7, 6, etc. See Driiger, 

Synt. and Stil, § 168, and a complete 
collection of instances in Gerber and Gi ecf, 
Lex. i;. V. 

oognomento Sirpicum. ‘ Cognomen- 
turn* usually denotes a real name (cp. 
2. 9, 2 ; 60, 3, etc.), and Nipp. appears 
rightly to contend that such is here 
intended, though no such name as *Sir- 
picus ’ is otherwise known : a nickname 
would probably have been explained, as 
‘ cedo alteram ’ above, or ‘ Caligula,’ c. 
4 i» 3 - 

I. morti deposcit, ‘demands for 
death,’ i. e. ‘with a view to his death.’ 
On this dative of work contemplated, 
see Introd. v. § 22 c; also note on c. 51, 
4, and Madv. § 249. 

3. abstrusum, ‘ reserved.’ This word 
appears to be only here used of persons. 
Similar uses of ‘ tectus,’ ‘ occultus,’ etc, 
are freqirent in Tacitus, but less peculiar 
to him. 

5. primoribus civitatis. This term 
is used in 3. 65, 2, in contradistinction 
to the mass even of consulars. and prob- 
ably implies family nobility as well as 
personal rank. One of those sent on 
this occasion is mentioned by name (c. 27, 
f), Cn. Lentulus. 

6. nullis satis certis mandatis. 
Nipp. notes that Tacitus often tolerates 
three ‘ homoeoteleuta,’ as in c. 5, 5 (‘pro- 
peris matris Uteris’), and in one place 
five, ‘ ignis, patulis magis urbis locis ’ 
(^ 5 - 40 . 2). 

ex re consulturum, ‘to decide ac- 
cording to circumstances : * so * ex me- 
moria (2.63, i); ‘ex delicto ’ (3. 27, 2); 
and the common expressions ‘ ex senten- 
tia,’ etc. 

7. delccto, i.e. chosen from the other 

8. praetoriani equitis. On this force, 
see Introd. vii. p. 107 ; also Marquardt, 
Staatsv. ii. 462. 

Germanorum. A body of Uat avian 
horsemen had been attached to the per- 
son of Augustus (Dio, 55. 24, 7). These 
and any other Germpiis of the bodyguard 
had been dismissed after the defeat of 
Varus (Suet. Aug. 49), but had evidently 
been already restored. A similar force is 
mentioned under (iaius iSuet, Cal. 43), 
and Nero (13. 18, 4; 15. 58, 2), but their 
dismissal by Galba (Suet. Galb. 12) was 
probably final, as Tacitus speaks of them 
in the past. Marquardt (Staatsv. ii. 471 ) 
refers to several inscriptions showing that 
they were not slaves, yet not strictly con- 
sidered soldiers, not being organized in 
‘ccnturiac’ or ‘ turmae,’ but as a ‘colle- 
gium’ divided into ‘dccuriae.’ 

9. Seianus. Here first mentioned. 
His early history is given in 4. i. His 
father has been mentioned (c. 7, 3). 

10. oollega. Maecenas is represented 

(Dio, 52. 24, i) as advising Augustus, as 
a measure of safety, to share the ‘ praefec- 
tura praetorii’ between two; 'and this 
was generally the rule, though with many 
exceptions, such as the sole command 
later of Seianus, of Macro, of Buirus (12. 
42, 2), Arrius Varus (H. 4. 2, i), etc. 
Ail other ‘ praefecturae ’ were adminis- 
tered by a single praefect : see Momm- 
sen, Staatsr. ii. p. 831. ♦ 

1 1. rector iuveni. On the dative, see 
Introd. Vt § 19. 

ceteris periculorum praemiorum- 
que oatentator, ‘ to h(dd before the 
rest their perils and rewards.’ ‘ Ceteri * 
must apparently refer only to the troops 
sent from Rome, as the legions do not 

A. D. 14.] 

LIBER /. CAP. 23 - 25 . 


4 tator. Druso propinquanti quasi per officium obviae fuere le- 
giones, non laetae, ut adsolet, nequc insignibus fulgcntes, sed 
inluvie deformi et vultu, quamquam maestitiam imitarentur, con- 
tumaciae propiores. 

1 25 . Postquam vallum introiit, portas stationibus firmant, globos 5 
armatorum certis castrorum locis opperiri iubent : ceteri tribunal 

2 ingenti agmine circumveniimt. stabat Drusus silcntium manu 
posccns. illi quotiens oculos ad multitudinem rettulerant, vocibus 
truculcntis strepere, rursum viso Cacsare trepidare ; murmur in- 
certum, atrox clamor et repente quies ; diversis animorum motibus 10 

3 pavcbant tcrrebantque. tandem intcrrupto tumultu literas patris 
rccitat, in quis perscriptum erat, praecipuam ipsi fortissimarum 
legionum curam, quibuscum plurima bella toleravissct ; ubi 
primum a luctu requicsset animus, actuium apud patres de pos- 
tulatis eorum ; misisse interim filium, ut sine cunctatione con- 15 
cederct quae statim tribui possent ; cetera senatuvservanda, quern 
neque gratiac neque se ve ritatis expertem haberi par esset. 

appear in view till the next sentence. The inferred that it was near, and may have 

praetorians, whose privileges were the eye- formed the night quarters of the prae- 

sore of the legions (c. 17, 9), were not torians, who appear to be now watching 

likely to make common cause with them, the issue close outside the gates of the 

but might flinch from confronting them. summer camp (cp. ‘adcursu multitudinis ’ 

Hence their own commanding oflicer, c. 27, 3). 

whose influence with the princeps 7. stabat. Nipp. notices that the 

a guarantee that he could make good his verb is here, as often, placed first to give 

words, is specially charged to warn them liveliness to the dcscrijition : cp. ‘ sta- 

how much they had to lose or gain by bant’ (c. 44, 4), ‘ inceclebat* (c. 40, 4), 

their behaviour. etc. ; and the present, as ' sternuntur,’ etc. 

1. per oflacium, ‘by way of respect c. 70, 4. 

cp. 6. 50, 4 ; 12. 56, 4, etc., anel, lor the 9. murmur incertum, etc., ‘there 

use of ‘per,’ Iiitrod. v. § 62. were confused utterances, fierce cries, and 

2. neque insignibus fulgentes. ‘ nor sudden lulls ; they were terrified or terrible 

glittering with decorations,’ i.e. with the as their emotions changed.’ ‘Pas'ere’ 

‘dona mililaria ’ (cp. c. 44, 7; 3. 21, 3, and ‘terrere’ stand thus in contrast in 

etc.), which formed the full dress of the c. 29, 3, and answer here to the ‘quies’ 

Roman soldier. The eagles and stand- and ‘clamor’ above. In the p.assage of 

ards might also be more or less adorned, Silius (10, 396), which Tacitus seems to 

to show joy (15. 29,4) or mourning (3. have in mind, ‘clamor saepe repens et 

2, 2). saepe silentia tixis in tellurem oculis,’ the 

5. portas stationibus firmant, etc. cries and silence are both marks of fear. 
These precautions appear intended to bar 13. plurima bella. This refers to the 
the entrance of the force with Drusus, earlier war from 742 to 745, li.c. 12-9, 

the main body of which appears to have and to the great rebellion of 759-762, 

remained outside (see c. 30, i), though a.d. 6-<j. See Introd. viii. pp. 114, 115, 

some escort entered with him (cp. ‘ ut 16. quom noque, etc., * w'hich should 
quis praetorianorum,’ctc., c. 27, i). From not be treated as having no right to con- 

the fact that the winter cam^ of one cede or to resist.’ The opposition be- 

or more of the legions was chosen by tween ‘severitas’ and ‘largitio’ in c. 36, 

Tentulus as a refuge, and had been pre- 3, seems to show that this is its meaning 

viously occupied by Drusus and his here in opposition to ‘ gratia.’ Nipp. 

retinue (cp. 'repetentem’ c. 27, 2), it is lakes it as alluding to the power to punish, 



26. Responsum est a contione, mandata Clementi centurioni 1 
quae perferret. is orditur de missione a sedecim annis, de 2 
praemiis finitae militiae, ut denarius diurnum stipendium foret, 
ne veterani sub vexillo haberentur. ad ea Drusus cum arbitrium 
6 senatus et patris obtenderet, clamore turbatur. cur venisset 3 
neque augendis niilitum stipendiis neque adlevandis laboribus, 
denique nulla bene faciendi licentia? at hercule verbera et necem 
cunctis permitti. Tiberium olim nomine Augusti dcsideria le- 4 
gionum frustrari solitum : easdem artes Drusum rettulisse. num- 6 
10 quamne ad sc nisi filios familiarum venturos ? novum id plane 
quod imperator sola militis commoda ad senatum reiciat. eundem 6 
ergo senatum consulendum, quotiens supplicia aut proelia indi- 
cantur : an praemia sub dominis, poenas sine arbitro esse ? 

which appears to be its meaning in c. 46, 
2, etc. Here, however, the only question 
thus reserved by Drusiia is whether certain 
concessions should be made or not (c. 26, 
5). The suggestion below (c. 26, 6), 
that if the senate be consulted on military 
rewards it should also be consulted on 
punishments, is thrown out by the soldiers 
themselves, to show that they saw through 
the pretext. 

4. ajbitrium , . . objtenderet, ‘was 
pleading the authority;’ i. e. that they 
must decide on such requests. ‘ Ob- 
tenderc ’ is often thus used by Tacitus, as 
also by Quint, and PI. min., in speaking 
of a pica or pretext, eg. 3. 17, 2 ; 35, 
2, etc. : cp. the substantive ‘obtentui’ 
(c. 10, I, etc.). 

6. augendis. On this gerundive dative, 
see Introd. v. § 22 b. 

8. cunctis, a rhetorical exaggeration. 
Even the centurion had his vine-rod (see 
c* 23, 4); but capital punishment could 
be inflicted on a soldier, in Caesarian 
provinces, by no lower officer than the 
‘ legatiis Augusti ; ’ in senatorial pro- 
vinces, not even by the proconsul. See 
I>io, 53. 13, 6. 

9. rettulisse, ‘ had repeated : ’ cp. 4. 
4, 3 ; also ‘ veterem Valeriae gentis . , . 
laiuiem rettulisse! ’ (Cic. Flacc. i, i); 
‘ cum aditus consul idem illud responsum 
rettulit* (Liv. 37. 6, 7); ‘ nota refert 
meretricis acumina’ (Hor. Epp. 1. 17, 55). 

numquamne ad se nisi. Nearly 
all editors have followed Lipsius in thus 
transposing the MS. text ‘ numquamne 
nisi ad se;* so also ‘adversum ferri* 
(c. 65, 7) has been treated as an error of 

transposition. This general agreement 
makes it needless to examine Walther’s 
explanation of the words as they stand in 
the MS., as an exaggeration put into the 
mouth of the speaker, making llie griev- 
ance peculiar to themselves, 

10. filios familiarum, i e. persons not 
‘sui iuris.’ The incompetence to redress a 
military grievance has no real connection 
with the disabilities of a ^filiiis-familias;* 
which may be illustrated by the account 
of Tiberius after his adoption (Suet. 
Tib. 15'!, ‘neque donavit neque manu- 
misit, ne hereditatem qiiidcm aut legata 
percepit aliter, quam ut peculio referret 
accepta.’ The word is thus contemptuous 
rather than relevant, and merely means, 
‘ Are our rulers never themselves to 
visit us ? ’ 

novum id piano. The main stress 
is laid upon ‘commoda;’ but ‘ militis’ is 
also emphatic in relation to ‘ imperator.’ 
That the senate could in no way interfere 
with mililary matters not specially re- 
ferred to it, is plain from 6. 3; 1 ; and 
such reference to it here, as in c. 6, 5, 
appears to be an evasive devolution of 
responsibility. On the practice of Tibe- 
rius, see note on c. 52, 2. 

13. sub dominis; this is used in- 
vidiously, ‘ under despotism.* Augustus 
and Tiberius alike repudiate the title of 
‘dominus’ as an insult. See 2. 87, 2; 
Suet. Aug. 53 ; Tib. 27. 

sine ^bitro, ‘wholly uncontrolled.’ 
The word is used of mere intervention, 
as ‘ Armenii sine arbitro relicti sunt* 15. 
1 7» 5 *’ ‘ mortem sine arbitro permittens ’ 
16. n, 6. 

A.D, h] liber I. CAP. 26 ^9. 191 

1 27 ‘ Postremo deserunt tribunal, ut quis praetorianorum mili- 
tum amicorumvc Caesaris occurreret, manus intentantes, causam 
discordiae et initium armorum, maxime infensi Cn. Lentulo, 
quod is ante alios aetate et gloria belli firmare Drusum crede- 

2 batur et ilia militiae flagitia primus aspernari. nec niulto post 5 
digredientem cum Caesare ac provisu periculi hiberna castra 
repetentem circumsistunt, rogitantes quo pergeret, ad impera- 
torem an ad patres, ut illic quoque commodis legionum adver- 

3 saretur ; simul ingruunt, saxa iaciunt. iamque lapidis ictu 
cruentus et exitii certus adcursu multitudinis quae cum Druso 10 
advenerat protectus est. 

1 28. Noctem minacem et in scelus erupturam fors lenivit ; 

2. manus intentantes, ‘ using thrcat- 

ening gestures : ’ cp. 3. 36, i, etc. ; and 
‘ intenderat manus’ 4. 3, 2. . 

causam discordiae. On this appo- 
sition, see Introd. v. § T2 a, and many 
other instances given by Nipp. here. 

3. Cn. Lentulo. The allusion to his 
age and military reputation appears to 
show that the person intended is Cn. 
Cornelius L. f. I.entulus, who was cos. 
in 736, B. c. 18, and had gained triumphal 
distinctions for his victory over the Getae 
or Daci. See the notice of him at his 
death in 778, a. d. 25 (4. 44, i). He 
is also evidently the jjcr.son mentioned 
in 2. 32, 2; 3. 6S, 3; 4. 29, I. 

4. ante alios: cp. *nobilitate opi- 
busque ante alios' II. 4. 55, i; ‘muri 
labore et opere ante alios’ 11. 5. 12, i. 
The consitruction resembles others (see 
Introd. V. § 31 b) in which the Latins, 
without possessing a participle of the 
verb ‘ sum,’ follow Greek’ constructions 
in which such a participle is usually 

6. digredientem cum Caesare. This 
reading, which has been generally adopted 
from a marginal correction of the MS., 
is still difficult to explain, and has been 
most fully discussed by Job. Muller 
(Beitriige, sect. 3), Pfitzner (p. 114), and 
Wolfflin (Philol. 26, 103). It is impos- 
sible to accept the interpretation of ‘ cum 
Caesare* as equivalent to 'a Caesare,* 
which cannot be justified by such phrases 
as ‘disceptare cum aliquo,* or by general 
Latin usage. Nor does Tacitus*seem to 
mean that Drusus was also himself in- 
tending to retreat to the winter camp; 
for so important a fact would hardly have 
been mentioned thus incidentally. But 

it may be supposed that Drusus, with 
such small retinue as he had about him, 
was escorting Lentulus to the gate, out- 
side which the main body of his own 
troops were waiting, and close to whicli 
the scene probably occurred. Thus ‘ cum 
Caesare’ would mean ‘ prosequente Cae- 
sare,’ as ‘cum custodibus’ (Sail. Cat. 46, 
5), ‘cum Cassio’ (Id. Jug. 33, i). But 
the text of the MS. has * eum,* whence 
Nipp. supposes that the preposition has 
dropped out, and reads ‘ digredientem 
eum a Caesare.’ The objection to this 
is that this pronoun, being superfluous, 
would usually be omitted by Tacitus ; cp. 
‘abeuntem’ (2. 34, 2); ‘ sacrificanlem ' 
(4. 52, 3), etc. : see Introd. v. § 8. 

provisu. This word, used only in 
the abl., is peculiar to ’I'acitus, and used 
generally with the meaning of * fore- 
thought.’ Here, as in H. 3, 22, 3 ‘ ne 
oculi quidem provisu iuvabant,’ it has the 
force of ‘foreseeing.’ Cp. ‘ providebat * 
4. 41, 3, etc. ; ‘ ubi . . . provideri nequeat’ 
Liv. 44. 35, 1 2. The more usual verb in 
this sense is ‘ praevideo.* 

7. repetentem. See note on c. 25, i. 

10. multitudinis, ‘the main body.’ The 
words ‘quae cum Druso advenerat’ do 
not express their position at this moment, 
but merely sen^e to distinguish this force 
from the Pannonian troops, ITobably, 
though outside (see c. 30, i), they were 
dose at hand, and might thus be able 
to see the danger of Lentulus, and to 
rescue him by a demonstration, if we 
suppose the assault to have been made 
when he was close to the gale, and 
thus evidently seen to be quitting the 

12. Noctem minacem. On such per- 



nam luna claro repente caelo visa languescere. id miles rationis 2 
ignarus omen praesentium accepit, suis laboribus defectionem 
sideris adsimulans, prospereque cessura qua pergerent, si fulgor 
et claritudo deae redderetur. igitur aeris sono, tubarum cornu- 3 
5 unique concentu strepere ; prout splendidior obscuriorve, laetari 

sonifications in Tacitus, see Introd. v. 

§ 75 * 

I. claro repente. Most editors follow 
Lipsius in this emendation of the MS. 
* clamore peria ’ (see Bait, and Ritt, 
Halm, perhaps by a misprint, gives it 
as ‘ plena ’). The position of * repente,* 
though hardly natural, would be such as 
often results in Tacitus from an apparent 
desire to improve the sound of the sen- 
tence ; and the eclipse, though itself 
gradual, may have suddenly attracted 
notice. Orelli follows Weissenborn in 
reading * claro plena,’ supposing a re- 
miniscence of Cic. de Rep. i. 15, 23 
‘ quod serena nocte . . . plena luna 

languescere. This word is no- 
where else used of an eclipse, but Pliny 
(N. H. 27. 13, 109, 133) uses it of paling 
colour, ‘ color in lutcum Janguescens.* 
This eclipse is fixed by astronomical 
calculation to Sept. 26, 3 to 7 a.m., and 
thus determines the chronology of these 
events. See note on c. 16, 1. 

rationis ignarus. Mr. Dallin has 
noted the proof here given of the igno- 
rance at this time of the legionary soldier 
(not the lowest class of Roman society), 
respecting the scientific explanation of 
eclipses, a truth well known to educated 
Romans as early as Lucretius (5, 751, 
etc.) and Cicero (de Divin. 2. 6, 17), and, 
if the story of C. Sulpicius Callus (Liv. 
44, 37) be true, even as early as B.c. 168 
(see also Cic. de Rep., 1 . 1 .). A similar 
contrast is shown by the ignorance of the 
Athenian army, and even of Nicias (Thuc. 
7* 4)» of the scientific theory which 

had been laid down, though in the face of 
much ^prejudice, by Anaxagoras (Plut. 
Nicias, c. 23), and which, from the 
account of Herodotus (i. 74, 3), was 
known even to Thales. We may notice 
that even Vergil (G. 2, 475) speaks in 
language adapted to popular superstition 
(‘ Defectus solis varios lunaeqne labores ’) ; 
and that this idea of a conflict with en- 
chantment, in which the moon was to be 
aided by the din of metal, though deplored 
as a superstition by Pliny (see below), 
was not only rife in the time of Juvenal 

(Sat. 6. 442), but even, as Lipsius notes, 
was a belief among Christians in the 
time of Maximus Taurinensis (A D. 450). 

2. suis. Most editors have followed 
Freinsheim in this reading. The MS. has 
' asuis,* the margin ‘ ac suis.' The latter 
is accepted by Walther,who considers that 
'ac* joins ‘adsimulans’ to ‘ignarus;’ 
but we can hardly suppose that Tacitus 
would have put such a clause after 
‘accepit.* Piitzner (p. 6r) conjectures 
that ‘ asuis ’ may represent * assiduis ’ (cp. 
‘ tentes * c. 17,4); which is supported by 
‘ aeternum laborem ’ below ; but we ap- 
pear here to reciuire the pronoun to show 
to what ‘ labores * those of the moon are 

3. prospereque cessura qua perge- 
rent. Halm here follows Nipp. in 
reading ‘ qua ’ for ‘ quae,’ but appears 
rightly to think the further alteration of 
‘cessura* to ‘ cessunim ' needless. The 
sentence is equivalent to ‘ resque prospere 
cessuras, ea via qua pergerent,’ ‘that the 
course on which they were advancing 
(that of mutiny) would succeed.’ The 
MS. ‘quae,’ which is retained by Orelli, 
might be taken as a quasi-cognate accusa- 
tive, analogous to ‘ pergere iter,’ etc., but 
has no direct parallel. Tn any interpreta- 
tion, the sense of such a participle as 
‘ putans ’ has to be supplied from ‘ ad- 

4. claritudd : see note on c. 43, 3. 

aeris sono . , . strepere. An ex- 
planation of this practice may be gathered 
from Pliny (N. H. 2. 12, q, 54) ‘misera 
hominum mente in defectibus scelera aut 
mortem aliquam siderum pavente ... at 
in luna veneficia arguente mortalitate et 
ob id crepitu dissono auxiliante.’ For 
other allusions to it, see Liv. 26. 5, and 
the passages referred to in the note 

5. prout splendidior obscuriorve. 
If the sky was still clear of cloud (as 
would seem from the next sentence), and 
the mere progress of the eclipse is meant, 
Tacitus would appear to be describ- 
ing not the real phenomena, but the 
fancies of the soldiers. It is however 
possible that he may mean to describe 

A.D. 14.] 

LIBER /. CAP. 28. 


aut maerere ; et postquam ortae nubes offeccre visui creditiimque 
conditam tenebris, ut sunt mobiles ad superstitioncm pcrciilsae 
semel mentes, sibi aetcrnum laborem portendi, sua facinora 

4 aversari deos lamentantur. utenduni incHnationc ea Caesar et 
quae casus obtulerat in sapientiam vertenda ratus circumiri 5 

6 tcntoria iubet ; accitur centurio Clemens et si alii bonis artibus 
grati in vulgus. hi vigiliis, stationibus, custodiis portarum se 

6 inserunt, spem offerunt, metum intendunt. ‘quousque filium 
imperatoris obsidebimus? quis certaminum finis? Pcrcennione 
ct Vibuleno sacramcntum dicturi sumus ? Percennius et Vibu- 10 
lenus stipendia militibus, agros emcritis largientur? denique pro 

7 Neronibiis ct Drusis impcrium populi Romani capessent ? quin 
potius, ut novissimi in culpam, ita primi ad pacnitentiam sumus? 
tarda sunt quae in commune expostiilantur : privatam gratiam 

8 statim mercarc, statim rccipias.’ commotis per haec mentibus 15 
ct inter se suspectis, tironem a vctcrano, legioncm a legione 

9 dissociant. turn redire paulatim amor obsequii : omittunt portas, 
signa unum in locum principio seditionis congregata suas in sedes 

something of this kind ; that their s])irits 
rose after the time of greatest obscuration 
was past, but that soon after this the 
moon became permanently hidden by^ 
clouds ; and tliat even this common 
phenomenon, coupled with the eclipse, 
worked upon their minds. 

7. vigiliis, stationibus, custodiis 
portarum. The two former of these are 
frequently mentioned together, as c. 32, 
6; ij, r8, 3; 13. 35,3. *Stationcs,' or 
‘ pickets ’ detached on guard, would be on 
duty both by day and night, ‘ vigiliae ’ by 
night only, and the latter may be dis- 
tinguishecl from the former, by being 
either (a^ Ritter thinks) the night-patrol 
charged with the duty of going round the 
camp, or (as Nipp. thinks) the sentinels, 
as distinct from the pickets. ‘ Custodiae 
portarum’ are only one class of the 
‘ slationes : ’ cp. ‘ portas stationibus fir- 
mant ’ (c. 26, 1). 

8 . intendunt. This verb has often in 
Tacitus the sense of ‘augere,’ but such 
meaning, though suitable enough, is prob- 
ably not to be thought of hfre. The 
similar expression ‘ intento mortis metu * 

39> 4)» and "intenta pericula’ (3. 48, 
4), as well as * offerunt’ in the corres- 
ponding clause, suggest that it is here 

equivalent to * intentant,’ and a metaphor 
from threatening gestures. 

9. obsidebimus. That Drusus was 
in some sense a prisoner in the camp, 
would appear from their conduct on his 
entry (‘portas stationibus firmant,* etc., 
c. 25, i), and from the exclusion (as has 
been suggested above: sccc. 25, 1 ; 27,3) 
of the main body of his escort. The 
statement of Dio (57. 4, 4), wat avrov 
TTjs vvKTus ir€p(itl}povpr)<xaVt /xi) 

seems exaggerated. 

1 2. Noronibus et Drusis. The plural, 
as in II. 35, 3, denotes the ruling family ; 
which represented both the ‘ Claudii 
Ncrones,’ and also the ‘ I.ivii Drusi.* 

13. in culpam ... ad paenitentiam ; 
cp. ‘ in audaciam ... ad fonnidinera ’ (4. 
51, 3), and other such change of preposi- 
tions for the sake of variety (Introd. v. 
§ 87). That those addressed, as well as the 
speakers, are among the less guilty, is skil- 
fully assumed to quiet their tears (Nipp,). 

15. mereare . . . recipias, potential 
subjunctives. See Introd. v. § 51. 

16. tironem. This word, here and in 
c. 42, 7, seems extended to include all 
who had not completed their term of ser- 
vice. Elsewhere, as in 2. 78, 3, it has its 
ordinary meaning. 



29. Drusus orta die et vocata contione, quamquam rudis 1 
dicendi, noB!litate ingenita incusat priora, probat praesentia ; 
negat se terrore et minis vinci : flexos ad modcstiam si videat, 

' si supplices audiat, scripturum patri ut placatus legionum preces 
5 exciperet. orantibus rursum idem Blaesus et L. Apronius, eques 2 
Romanus e cohorte Drusi, lustusque Catonius, primi ordinis 
centurio, ad Tiberium mittuntur. certatum inde sententiis, cum 8 
alii opperiendos legates atque interim comitate permulcendum 
militem censerent, alii fortioribus remediis agendum : nihil in 
10 vulgo modicum ; terrere, ni paveant ; ubi pertimuerint, inpune 
contemni : dum superstitio urgent, adiciendos ex duce metus 
sublatis seditionis auctoribus. promptum ad asperiora ingenium 4 
Druso erat : vocatos Vibulenum et Percennium interfici iubet. 
tradunt plerique intra tabernaculum ducis obrutos, alii corpora 
*5 extra vallum abiecta ostentui. 

1. orto die^ Only one clay and night family in travel, appears to be derived 

had passed since he entered the camp (c. from the 'cohors praetoria’ or staff of a 

35, i). On the whole time covered by provincial governor under the republic 

these events, see on c. 16, i. (Cic Verr. 2. i, 14, 36, etc.). See Fried- 

2. nobilitate. This word has here laender, i. p. 122, etc. 

something of a moral sense like that of lustus Catonius. This is proba- 
yfvvai 6 rT]?, ‘generosity.’ It appears also bly the same person who was afterwards 
to have a similar though less definite ‘praefectus praetorio,’ and was put to 

sense in H. i. 30, i ‘nihil adrogabo mihi death by Messalina in 796, A.D. 43 (Dio, 

nobilitatis aut modestiae ’ 6o. i8, 3). On ‘ primi ordinis centurio,’ 

3. terrore et minis. Here, as in see Introd. vii. p. 105. 

•nihil . . . prisci et integri’ (c. 4, 1), and 8. opperiendos legates, i.e. that no 
other uses of ‘ et ’ in negative clauses, the punishment should be inflicted till they 
words are more closely coupled than if returned. 

• nec* had been used. ii. ex duoe metus. The phrase ‘ me- 

5. exciperet. This imperfect appears tus ex aliquo,* even without a verb, is 

to be rightly explained by Walther as frequent in Tacitus (e. g. 2. 38, 6; 72, 2; 
used to denote a more uncertain conse- 3.65,i,etc ), and appears grounded on such 
quence. ‘ Excipiat ’ would have implied expressions in Livy as * ira ex clade’ (2.51, 
a tone of authority. 6), and * luctus,’ ‘ dolor,* etc., ‘ ex re aliqua.’ 

orantibus, ‘on their petition,’ i.e. 12. promptum ad a>sp6riora. On the 
that he would so write. On this abl. temperament of Drusus, see c. 76, 5 ; 4. 

abs., see Introd. v. § 31 c. 3, 2. Dio (57. 13, i) calls him ^(rf\7€(r- 

idem Blaesus : see c. 19, 4. raroy Koi djfxoraros, exaggerating the worst 

L. Apronius. The original text of side of the passionate but generous nature 

the MS. has ‘ Aponius,* which Nipp. re- ascribed to him by Tacitus, and appealing 

tains, thinking the description here given to the slight evidence that the sharpest 

of the person more suitable to a less swords were called from him Apovaiava, 

known name (cp. H. i. 7p, 8, etc.) than 14. obrutos, ‘ were hastily buried : * cp, 
to that of a consular family such as the • cadaver levi cespite obrutum est ’ (Suet. 

Apronii (see c. 56, i, etc.). Those who Cal. 59). This version of the story is adop- 

' identify him with the Apronius Caesianus ted'by Dio (57. 4, 5), who gives no other, 

of 3. 21, 6 would suppose him to be now 15. osientul, ‘to point the lesson.* 
a young man, and an ‘eques cquo publico.' On this dative, see Introd. v. § 23. This 

6. cohorte, ‘the retinue,* as 6. 9, 3. word had been already thus used by 

The idea of such a ‘cohors amicorum* Sallust (Jug. 24, 10; 46, 6), but with 

attending the princeps or members of his somewhat different meaning. 

A.D. 14] LIBER I. CAP. 29, 30. 19.5 

1 30 . Turn ut quisque praecipuus turbator conquisiti, et pars, 
extra castra palantes, a centurionibus aut praetoriarum cohor- 
tium militibus caesi ; quosdam ipsi manipuli documentum fidei 

2 tradidere. auxerat militum curas praematura hiems imbribus 
continuis adeoque saevis, ut non egredi tentoria, congregari inter 5 
se, vix tutari signa possent, quae turbine atque unda raptabantur. 

3 durabat et formido caelestis irae, nec frustra ad versus impios 
hebescere sidera, ruere tempestates : non aliud malorum leva- 
mentum quam si linquerent castra infausta temerataque et soluti 

4 piaculo suis quisque hibernis redderentur. primum octava, dein 10 
quinta decuma legio rediere : nonanus opperiendas Tiberii epis- 
tulas clamitaverat, mox desolatus aliorum discessione inminen- 

5 tern necessitatem sponte praevenit. et Drusus non exspectato 

legatorum regressu, quia praesentia satis considerant, in urbem 
rediit. 1 c 

T. turbator. This word is almost 
confined to Livy and Tacitus, and here 
only (acc. to Drager) used without a geni- 

2. centurionibus, etc. The centuri- 
ons had fled for refuge (c. 23, 5), proba- 
bly to the protection of the praetorians 
remaining outside. 

5. egredi tentoria. The active use 
of this verb originates with Caesar and 
Livy. 'I'acitus uses it also thus meta- 
phorically, as ‘egredi relationem’ (2. 38, 
3); ‘neque . . , praeturam egressa* (3. 
30, 2). 

congregari. Ritttfr’s repetition of 
* non ’ before this word receives support 
from II. 4. 33, 2 ; Dial. 23, 3 ; but it is 
not impossible that Tacitus may have 
omitted it here, as having an ill sound 
before ‘ con,' though such a juxtaposition 
is sometimes tolerated by him (2. 55, 2). 

6. tutftri, ‘ to keep them standing.* 
The fall of the eagles would be thought 
ominous, and was so regarded in the ex- 
pedition of Crassus. See Flor. 3. 11, 3 
(1. 46). 

7. formido . , . neo . . . hobescere. 
The idea of the principal verb is supplied 
from ‘formido; the words being their 
own expression of their fears. 

frustra. In several passages of Cicero 
the ordinary meaning, * withoflt effect,* 
passes into tnat of ‘without a purpose ;* 
whence by another step, the word 
comes to mean ‘ without cause ’ or ‘ rea- 
son,’ ‘groundlessly;* as here, and in 3. 


58, 1 ; 6. 6, 3, and in several other places 
in Tacitus (see Nipp.), as also often in 

8 . hebescere, ‘grew dull.* This word, 
like ‘ languescere * in c. 28, i, is nowhere 
else used of an eclipse. The figure may 
perhaps have been suggested by the ‘ stel- 
lis acies obtusa videtur* of Vergil (G. i> 
39 .=i)- 

10. piaculo, ‘ from guilt.* This mean- 
ing is found in old writers, also in Vergil 
(Aen. 6, 5^9), and Livy (5. 52, 8). Ta- 
citus does not elsewhere use it in this 

ir. epistulas. This use of the plural, 
as in c. 36, 4 ; 2. 70, 3 ; 78, i ; and many 
other places (see Nipp.), is peculiar to 
this age, but probably suggested, as 
Nipp. notes, by the classical use of ‘lit- 
erae,* which has this meaning in the 
plural only. 

12. desolatus, ‘isolated : ’ so ‘ filia . . . 
desolata ’ 16. 30, 4. This use of the word 
appears to originate in such an expres- 
sion as ‘ desolati manipli’ of Vergil (Aen. 
II, 870). 

14. praesentia, ‘affairs on the spot : * 
so c. 45. I ; 2. 47, 4 ; and ‘ubi praesentia 
satis composita sunt’ (ii. 18, 2). 

considerant ; so Malm, retaining the 
MS. form, which is found in Enn. ap. 
Gcll. 4. 7 *(jui propter Hannibalis copias 
considerant.* Such archaic forms are not 
unfreqiienlly revived by Tacitus, who how- 
ever uses elsewhere the ‘ e ’ form of this 
perfect (c. 6i, 3, etc.). 




/t"' 31. Isdem ferme diebus isdem causis Germanicae legiones 1 

turbatae, quanto plurcs, tanto violentius. et magna spe fore 
ut Germanicus Caesar iniperium alterius pati nequirct daretque 
se legionibus vi sua cuncta tracturis. duo apud ripam Rheni 2 
6 exercitus crant : cui nomen superiori, sub C. Silio legato, in- 
feriorem A. Caecina curabat, regimen summae rei penes Ger- 
manicum, agendo G allia rum cc nsui turn intentum. sed quibus 3 
Silius moderabatur, mente anibigua fortunam seditionis alienae 
speculabantur : inferioris exercitus miles in rabiem prolapsus 
10 est, orto ab unetvicensimanis quintanisque initio, et tractis prima 

quoque ac viccnsima legionibus 
Ubiorum habebantur per otium 

1. Germanicae legiones. The pro* 
vinces of ‘ Germania Superior ’ and ‘ In- 
ferior’ consisted chiedy of German tribes 
transplanted to the left bank of of the 
Khine. On their northern nnd eastern 
frontier, see Introd. vii. p. 93. Though 
not always distinguished from Gallia 
Belgica, they were certainly at this date 
separately governed, and parted from it 
by the line drawn l)etween Germans and 
Gauls, which in Upper Germany coin- 
cided mostly with the Vosges, in Lower 
Germany partly with the lower course of 
the Scheldt (PI. N. 11 . 4, 14, 28, 98). The 
two provinces were parted from each 
other by the Nahc (Nava), or perhaps 
the Mosel ; and the two headquarters of 
government were at Kdln and Mainz, the 
latter of which is erroneously assigned to 
Lower Germany by Ptolemy, whose ac- 
count (2. 10) appears to be inaccurate in 
other respects (see Diet, of Gcog. s. v. 
‘Obringas’). h'or further account see 
Marqiiardt, Staatsv. i. p. 120, foil , and, 
on the legions Introd. vii. p. 103. 

4. tracturis. On this concise use of 
the future participle, see Introd. v. § 54 d. 
The MS. text ‘ tracturus ’ has been gene- 
rally thus corrected; ‘sua,* here, as at 
the end of this chapter, being more pro- 
perly referred to the legions ; and ‘ tra- 
here’ being elsewhere used (cp. ‘ tractis’ 
below, and H. 2. 86, 4; 3. ,44, i) of 
troops inducing others to follow their 

5. O. Silio. He had been cos. in 776, 
A. t). 13; and received the ‘triumphalia ’ 
later (c. 72, 1). On his subsequent 
achievements, see 3. 42, 2, etc. ; on his 
trial and death, 4. i8 ; 19; on his son’s 
share in the infamy of Messalina, 11. 12, 

; nam isdem aestivis in finibus 
aut levia munia. igitur audito 4 

etc. The poet Silius Ttalicus may have 
been related to him. 

6. A. Caccina. As legatus ofTvOvver 
Germany, he must have been of consular 
rank; he also received ‘ trinmphalia ’ (c. 
72, i), was a veteran soldier (c. 64. i), 
and had won distinction in Pannonia and 
Moesia in 759. J6c ; A. T). 6, 7 (Veil. 2. 
112,4; Dio, 5?, 29 -32). lie is subse- 
quently mentioned with llie cognomen 
‘Severus’ (3. 18, 3; 33, i). 

regimen summae rei. Silius and 
Caecina were the ‘ legati Aiigusti proprae- 
tore’ in the two ‘ Germaniae ; ’ Germani- 
cus had ‘ proconsulare imperium ’ (see on 
c. 14, 4) over these and the Gaulish pro- 

7. agendo Galliarum censui : ‘ cen- 
sum agere’ is a common phrase (14. 46, 

2 ; Liv. 3. 22, etc.), as also ‘censum acci- 
pere’ (c. 33, i), of those who received the 
returns of property which the subjects had 
to furnish (‘censum defeire,’ as 6. 41, 1, 
etc). On such returns would rest the 
apportionment of the great tribute of forty 
million H. S., laid on Gaul as a wdiole 
(Suet. Jill. 25). The first syster/latic cen- 
sus of Gaul appears to have been held by 
Augustus in 727, H.C. 27 (Dio, 53. 22, 5), 
and revised by Dnisus in 751, B. c. 13 
(lav. Epit. 136; 137 ; ‘ Oratio Claiidii ’ sub 

fin. ) ; and again revised now, and later 
(2. 6, I ; 14. 46, 2). See Marquardt, 
Staatsv. ii. p. 204. 

12. Ubiorum. This tribe, which in the 
time of Julius Caesar lived beyond the 
Rhine, but had been already assimilated 
to Gallic ciWlisation (B. G. 4. 3, 3), was 
transplanted, with its own consent, by 
Agrippa (la. 27, 2 ; G. 2«, 5; Strab. 4. 

3, 4, p. 194), probably in 716^ B. c, 38 

A.D. 14.] 

LIBER L CAP. 31, 32. 


fine Augusti vernacula multitudo nuper acto in urbe diJectu, 
lasciviae sueta, laborum intolerans, implere ceterorum rudcs 
animos; venissc tcmpus quo veteran! maturam missionem, iu- 
venes largiora stipendia, cuncti modum miseriarum exposccrcnt 
6 sacvitiamquc centurionum ulciscerentur. non unus haec, ut 5 
Pannonicas inter legiones Percennius, nec apud trepidas mili- 
tum aiires, alios validiorcs exercitus respicientium, sed multa 
seditionis ora vocesque : siia in manu sitam rem Romanam, 

- siiis victoriis aiigeri rem publicam, in suum cognomentum ad- 
scisci impera tores. 

1 32 . Nec legatus obviam ibat: quippe plurium vaecordia con- 

2 stantiam exemcrat. repente lympliati dcstrictis gladiis in cen- 
turiones invadunt : ea vetustissima militaribus odiis materics 

3 et saeviendi principium. prostrates verberibus mulcant, sexa- 
geni singiiloSj ut numerum centurionum adacquarent : turn 15 

(Dio, 48, 49). On its * oppiiliim,’ see c. 
36, I. 

1. nuper; in 763, a. D. 10, after the 
defeat of Varus. Freeborn citizens were 
then so scarce and so reluctant to serve, 
that Aujjustus, besides taking other strong 
measures (Dio, 56. 23, 3), enlisted num- 
bers of freedmen, and even slaves rnami- 
mitted for the ]nirposc (Suet. Aug. 25). 
Tliis S'cmacnla multitudo’ {aariKus oxA-os 

57- 5, 4), was drafted no doubt into 
others, besides the newly formed twenty- 
first and twenty-second legions (see In- 
Irod. vii. p. 103). ^Suetonius ( 1 . 1 .) seems to 
be wrong in saying that this ‘ libertinus 
miles’ was kept distinct from the legions. 

2. suota. This part, thus takes a dat. 
in 2. 52, 2, etc.; and the verb in 2. 44, i. 

intolerans. Used with the genit. in 
2. 75, I ; and Livy 9. 18, 1 ; as is also 
‘ tolerans ’ 4. i, 4. 

implore. This has been needlessly 
altered to ‘ impel lere’ to assimilate the 
expression to c. 16, 5 : ‘implere animos’ 
is used in 4. 9, 1, and Sil. i, 105. The 
speech with which their minds were filled 
is to be gathered from the context. 

6. apud . . . aures. A not uncommon 
phrase in Tacitus (2. 39, 4 ; 4. 29, 4, 
etc ), — ' apud aliquem ; ’ * aures ’ being 
quasi-personified. See note on 13. 22, 3. 

9. augeri rem publicam. • ‘ The em- 
pire was being extended.* They consider 
themselves as not merely defending a fron- 
tier, but as still engaged, under Germani- 
ciis, in a project of conquest. 

in suum cognomentum adsoisci, 
‘ took from them their name ’ (or special 
designation), i.e. that of ‘ Germanicus,’ 
conferred at the death of Drusus on his 
posterity (Dio, 55. 2, 3), and hence borne 
by their present leader, and by his brother 
Claudius (Suet. Cl. i). It was also, rare- 
ly, borne by Tiberius (Act. Arv. Tab. i ; 
Orclli, Insc. 2265 ; Dio, 57. 8, 2). Com- 
p.arc the use of ‘adscivit in nomcn,’ of 
adoption, 3. 30, 3, etc. 

10. imperatores. The elder Drusus 
had the permanent ‘ nomen imperatoris ’ 
(see c. 3, i); as, perhaps, already had 
Germanicus (see on c. 58, 9), who is at 
any rate called ‘irnperator’ (c. 41, 2; 44, 
7), probably in virtue of his ‘imj?erium 

11. Nec legatus, etc. A contrast i.s 
implied to the action of Blaesiis (c. 

plurium, ‘ the more part,’ as * plu- 
ribus probabatur’ (15. 48, 5): also in 
Plant, .as Trim 2. 2, 16 ‘quin prius me 
ad pluris penetravi.’ 

constantiam exemerat, ‘ had un- 
nerved him:’ cp. ‘eximere consilium,’ 

‘ dissimiilationem ’ (ii. 32, 4; 13. 15, 3). 

12. lympliati. A poetical word, but 
already in Livy (7. 1 7, 3). Its equivalence 
to vvfi<p 6 \rjfTTos is explained by ‘Lym- 
pha * being another form of ‘ Nympha * 
(Hor. Sat. i. 5, 97; Orell. Insc. 1637, 
1638, etc.). 

14. aexageni singulos. This is ex- 
plained by Nipp. as a piece of grim 



convulses laniatosque et partim exanimos ante vallum aut in 
aiiinem Rhenum proiciunt. Septimius cum perfugisset ad tri- 4 
bunal pedibusque Caecinae advolveretur, eo usque flagitatus 
est, donee ad exitium dederetur. Cassius Chaerca, mox caede 5 
5 Gai Caesaris memoriam apud posteros adeptus, turn adulescens 
et animi ferox, inter obstantes et armatos ferro viam patefecit. 
non tribunus ultra, non castrorum praefcctus ius obtinuit : vi- 6 
gilias, stationes, et si qua alia praesens usus indixerat, ipy par- 
tiebantur. Id militares animos altius coniectantibus praecipuum 7 
10 indicium magni atque inplacabilis motus, quod neque disiecti 
aut paucorum instinctu, set pariter ardescerent, pariter silerent, 
tanta aequalitate et constantia, ut regi crederes. 

33. Interea Germanico per Gallias, ut diximus, census ac- 
cipienti excessisse Augustum adfertur. neptem eius Agrip- 2 
15 pinam in matrimonio pluresque ex ea liberos habebat, ipse 3 
Druso fratre Tiberii genitus, Augustae nepos, set anxius occul- 

humour. The legion views itself as one cp. ‘altius . . . maerebant’ (2. 82, 5), ‘altius 
body, and treats each centurion as having disseram’ (3. 25, 3), ‘altius expediam * 
chastised the whole ; for which his body (11. 4. 12, 1), etc', and for ‘coniectare 
has to suffer retribution from sixty chas- aliquem/ in the sense of ‘ estimating,’ cp. 
lisers. If this view is right, no inference * ne ceteri ex Pacligno coniectarentur ’ 
can be drawn as to the number of soldiers (12. 49, 3). * 

in a century. 10. disiecti - * sparsi,’ as c. 61, 3 p 3. 2, 

I . convulses laniatosque, ‘ with 5 ; 4. 46, 3, etc. 
limbs dislocated and mangled,’ Thus ii. aut. The MS. text ‘ nil,* has been 
Lucretius has ‘artus . . . convulsi’ (3, 343), generally assumed to be connpt ; but the 
and M. Seneca ‘convolsis laceralisque various alterations to ‘ nec,* ‘neque,’ ‘vel,’ 
membris,’ of persons racked (Contr. 2. or ‘aut,’ seem hardly felicitous. Itispos- 
6)- Ihis seems better than Nipp’s sible that some other word, with ‘ neque,’ 
explanation, ‘plucked from the ground,’ has dropped out before ‘ne(jue disiecti,’ 
like ‘ vexilla corivellunt (c. 20, 1). or that an erroneous transposition of ‘nil* 

3. Septimius , . . Cassius Chaerea. and ‘ neque,’ like that of ‘ ad se nisi ’ (c. 

It is implied that both these were centu- 26, 5), has taken place (cp. Pfitzner, p. 
rions. The former is otherwise unknown; 144,176); in either of which cases ‘nil* 
Chaerea was in 794 » a.d. 41, a tribune might stand, with a verb such as ‘age- 
in the praetorian guard, and, if lightly rent’ supplied from the context (see 
then called * elderly’ (Suet. Cal. 56), can Introd. v. § 38 b). ^ 

hardly have been now very young. pariter, ‘as one man.’ This word 

6. animi ferox. See Introd. v. § 33 often has the force of ‘ simul,’ as c. 47, 3, 
e 7. With this particular word such a etc. 

genitive appears elsewhere to be found ardescerent. On the frequent po- 
only in 4. 12, 3 ; H. 1. 35, 2 ; Ov. Met. etical use in Tacitus of simple verbs for 
^' 4 * their compounds, see Introd. v. § 40. 

et armatos. This adds force to 12. aequalitate, ‘uniformity.’ This 
^ obstantes, = ‘ et quidem armatos.’ Cp. use occurs in Cic., etc. ; but with Tacitus 
* vetera et inania’ 3. 13, 3, etc. the word is more commonly equivalent to 

7. vigilias . . . stationes. Cp. c. as c. 4, i, etc. 

5 * 13. census accipienti : see on c. 31, 2. 

9. altius coniectantibus, ‘to more 14. neptem. On the descent, family 
penetrating judges of the soldier’s cha- connexions, and cliildien of Germanicus 
racter. On this concise force of altius, and Agrippina, see Introd. ix. 

A.D. 14.] 

LIBER /. CAP. 32-34. 


tis in se patrui aviaeque odiis, quorum causae acriores, quia 
4 iniquae. quippe Drusi magna apud populum Romanum me- 
moria, credebaturque, si rerum potitus foret, libertatem reddi- 
6 turus ; unde in Germanicum favor et spes eadem. nam iuveni 
civile ingenium, mira comitas et diversa ab Tiberii sermone 5 
e vultu, adrogantibus et obscuris. accedebant muliebres offen- 
siones novercalibus Liviae in Agrippinam stimulis, atque ipsa 
Agrippina paulo commotior, nisi quod castitate et mariti amore 

quamvis indomitum animum in 
1 34. Sed Germanicus quanto 

I. patrui. Nipp. notes that Tacitus 
usually (e.g. a. 5, 2 ; 43, 6 ; 3. 3, 3 ; 5, 
5; 17,5; 31, 1) describes the relationship 
of Tiberius and Germanicus as it was 
by blood ; but makes them in their own 
sjHicches use the terms of their adoptive 
relationship (eg. c. 42, i; 2. 71, 3; 3. 
12, 8) ; an apparent exception, in 2. 14, 
6, being due to the necf^ssity of mention- 
ing both Drusus and 'I'iberius. 

acriores, quia iuiquae. Tacitus had 
already expressed a similar sentiment 
fprpprium humani generis odisse quern 
laeseris’ (Agr. 42); and Seneca had pre- 
ceded him with ^ pcrtinaciores nos facit 
iniquitas irae ’ (dc Ira 3. 29, 2). On his 
fondness for such maxims, see Tntrod. iv. 
p. 28. The fact of human nature here 
asserted is explained by Nipp. on the sup- 
position that a sense of our own baseness 
• leads to hatred of one who suggests the 
thought of it. 

3. credebaturque, etc. The impro- 
bable tale respecting a letter addressed to 
Tiberius, and by him betrayed to Augus- 
tus in which Drusus had mooted a scheme 
for compelling a restitution of the repub- 
lic; seems refuted by the position in which 
Augustus retained him till his death, at 
the head of his greatest army; but he 
may have used expressions such as to 
suggest this belief as to his republican 
sentiments, which was evidently preva- 
lent (see 2. 41, 5; 82, 3; Suet. Cl. i); 
though Tacitus nowhere expressly en- 
dorses it, either as regards him or Ger- 

5. civile : cp. c. 8, 3, etc. 

6. adrogantibus et obscilris. Both 
adjectives belong to both substantives: 
as a countenance may be called 'obscu- 
rus,’ in the sense of ‘ inscrutable.* The 
application of this word to personal cha- 

bonum vertebat. 

sunimae spei propior, tanto im- lo 

racter (as 4. i, 3 ; 6. 24, 4 ; Agr. 42, 4) 
is sanctioned by Cicero and Horace. 

muliebres offensiones, ‘ feminine 
jealousies : * cp. ‘muliebres causae ’12. 64, 

3. It is intended to represent the ‘ nover- 
cales stimuli’ as one cause of such jea- 
lousies, and the irritability of Agrippina 
as another; but the construction is chang- 
ed by supplying ‘ accedebat* from above, 
with the fact contained in the whole sen- 
tence ‘Agrippina . . . commotior’ its 
subject; like the participial construction 
so frequent in Tacitus (Introd. v. § 55 \ 

7. novercalibus. Augusta was rciHv 
her mother’s stepmother ; but many such 
terms arc carried back a step, as ‘amita * 

(2. 27, 2), ‘avunculus’ (2. 53, 3), etc. 

8. commotior, ‘ excitable : ’ cp. ‘ ver- 
bis commotior’ (2. 28, 3) ; also 4. 3, 2; 

6. 45, 6; 11. 12, I. The temper of A-' 
grippina is uniformly described as to the 
last degree passionate and ungovernable. 

Cp. 2. 72, 1; 3. 1, j; 4. 52, 3; 53, I, 

nisi quod, 'were it not that.’ The 
use of this expression to qualify what has 
been stated (as 0. 24, 2) is Ciceronian ; 
but its use here (as in 14. 14, 6 ; Agr. 6, 

1) is noteworthy, as qualifying something 
only implied in thought ; as that her tem- 
per would have deserved a bad name but 
for the course it took. The thought in 
the two Ollier passages is well shown by 
Mr. Frost. 

9. quamvis indomitum, ‘a temper 
however ungovernable.’ ‘Quamvis’ is thus 
used in 6. 50, i ; 15. 24, i ; 16. 16, i ; and 
‘ quamquam ’ in c. 76, 5. 

in bonum vertebat, ‘gave a good 
direction to ; ’ i.e. by enlisting such qua- 
lities on the side of virtue and in the 
cause of her husband. Thus it is said of 
her ‘virilibus curis feminarum vitia ex- 



pensius pro Tiberio niti, seque et proximos et Belgariim civi- 
tates in verba eius adigit. dchinc audito legionum tumultu 2 
raptim profectus obvias extra castra habuit, deiectis in terram 
oculis velut paenitentia. postquam vallum iniit, dissoni questus 
5 audiri coeperc. et quidam prensa manu eius per speciem ex- 3 
osculandi inseruerunt digitos, ut vacua dcntibus ora contingeret ; 
alii cui-vata senio membra ostendebant. adsistentem contionem, 4 
quia permixta videbatur, discedcre in manipiilos iubet : sic 
melius audituros responsum ; vexilla praeferri, ut id saltern 
10 discerneret cohortes : tarde obtemperaverc. tunc a veneratfone 6 
Augusti orsus flexit ad victorias triumphosque Tiberii, prae- 
cipuis laudibus celebrans quae apud Germanias illis cum le- 
gionibus pulcherrima fecisset Italiae inde consensum, Galliarum 6 
fidem extollit ; nil usquam turbidum aut discors. silentio haec 
15 vel murmure modico audita sunt. 

uerat’ (6. 25, 3). Orelli less well cx^ to be stronger than the simple verb, 
plains it by ‘ redimebat’ (‘compensated*). 8. sic melius audituros responsum, 

I. pro Tiberio niti; cp, ‘millo pro ‘ they replied that they would hear better 
Galba nitente ’ H, i. 55, 4. as they were,* i.o. crowding round him 

seque et proximos. This is adop- in a mass. This refusal is contrasted with 
ted, after Haase, by Orelli and Halm, f(*r the reluctant obedience (‘tarde obtem- 
the MS. ‘ seque proximos * (see Halm, peravere ’) to his next order. On this 
Comm. crit). The text of older editions, use of ‘sic,* cp. ‘sic quoque* (4 40,4; 
'Sequanos proximos,’ couples a portion of 15. 17, 3). Nipp. thinks that ‘est,* 
a single tribe to the whole province of which occurs with ‘responsum’ in c, 26, 
‘Gallia Belgica;’ while Nipp.’s reading, i, should be here inserted. 

‘Sequanos, proximaset ’would necessitate 9. vexilla: sc. ‘manipulorum : * cp. c,^ y 
the explanation of^‘et* as~‘etiam* (as 20, i. This has been held to imply that ' ^ 

‘ aegro et corpore ’ c. 4, 2, etc.), which no ‘ signa cohortium ’ existed (see on c. 
seems here without force. Germanicus 18, 3) ; but it is possible to suppose also 
would naturally take the oath himself, that, through some circumstances of the 
and then tender it to those next in rank tumult, the ensigns of the maniples could 
(see on c. 7, 3), such as his ‘ aniiconim more readily be got at. To bring these 
cohors ; ’ ^ who might be spoken of as to the front would infuse some order into 
' proximi.* the mass, as the soldiers would instinc- 

2. in verba eius. The ‘princeps,’ lively group themselves tound them (see 
though absent, is conceived as dictating c. 38, 4) ; and a kind of formation in 
the oath of allegiance to him. This is cohorts would result. 
the first instance on record, and probably 10. veneratione, * expressions of reve- 
the first actual instance, of extensjon of rence.’ The word is especially suitable 
the ‘ sacrajnentuni,’ not only (as in c.l7> lo a deified emperor, though not restricted 

3) to civilians, but even to provincials. to such: cp. 12. 42, 3. 

A similar course is mehtioned as taken In ii. flexit. This verb is used intransi- 
Syria on the death of TiberiuS (Jos. Ant. lively by Verg. Liv., etc. Its application 

5 » 3 )* Ike practice later, see PI. to a turn of speech (cp. 6. 15, 5; 13. 3, 

ad Trai. 52. Cp. Mommsen, Staatsr. ii. 2), or thought (cp. 4. 37, 2 ; 41, 2), ap- 
P- 768- pears to b^ Tacitean. 

5. audiri ooepere. On the use of the la. illis cum legionibus. In c. 42, 6, 
inf. pass, with this verb, cp. Introd. v. § the first and twentieth are particularly 
42 ^ mentioned. On the German campaigns 

exosoulandi. This word is con- of Tiberius, see Introd. viii. pp. 1 14, 115. 

lined to writers of this age, and appears 14. nil usquam, etc. This general ac- 

A.D. 14.] 

LIBER L CAP. 34, 35 - 


1 35. Ut seditioncm attigit, ubi modestia militarjs, ubi veteris 
discipHnac decus, quonani tribunes, quo centuriones cxegissent, 
rogitans, nudant universi corpora, cicatrices ex vulneribus, ver- 
berum notas exprobrant ; mox indiscretis vocibus pretia vaca- 
tionum, angustias stipendii, duritiam operum ac propriis no- 5 
minibus incusant vallum, fossas, pabuli materiae lignorum 
adgestus, ct /A qua alia ex necessitate aut advcrsiis otiiim cas- 

2 trorum quaeruntur. atrocissimus veteranorum clamor oriebatur, 
qui tricena aut supra stipendia numerantes, mederetur fessis, 
neu mortem in isdem laboribus, sed finem tarn exercitae mi- 10 

3 litiae neque inopem requiem orabant. fuere etiam qui legatam 
a divo Augusto pecuniam reposcerent, faustis in Germanicum 

4 ominibus ; et si vellet imperium, promptas res ostentavere. turn 

quiescence in the succession of Tiberius 9. medorctur . . . new mortem . . . 
is recorded by Dio (57. 7, i). sed finem . . . orabant. The harshness 

I. modestia. Here ‘subordination/ of such a combination of constructions 
as c. 49, 6, etc. Cp, c. II, T. with ‘ orabant * appears to be unprece- 

4. exprobrant: cp. c. 18, i. dented; nor is any other instance given 

indiscretis, ‘ undistinguishable:* so of a verb followed by ‘neu’ or ‘neve* 

'proles indiscreta’ Verg. Aen, 10, 7,92. except as coupling a coordinate verb (e,g. 

These several cries are shouted at once 16.34,2). Krnesli maintained that ‘mor- 

coiifusedly. tem ’ sliould either be altered to ‘ more- 

pretia vacationum : see on c. 1 7, 6. rentur ’ or followed by ‘ obirent ; ’ the 

5. propriis nominibus, ‘specifically.* latter is inserted by Nipp. after * labori- 

They complain of hard work generally, bus,* where it might have dropped out 

and particidarif?e these kinds of it. through resemblance of sound. The 

6. inousant. Such a position of a change of construction which would still 

verb belonging to two or more sentences remain, from a dependent clause to a 
is noted by Nipp. as similar to that of simple case, may be paralleled by that 

‘tradidit’ (2. 48, i) ; ‘labefccit’ (6. 29, of ‘ augebalur ’ (c. 52, i) and by 

5); ‘veni* (H. i. 83, 2); ‘cinxerant' instances of such a change in the reverse 
tH. 2. 25, i); but as otherwise rare ex- order (Introd. v. § 91 : Driiger, Synl. und 

cept in poetry. Stil, § 233). Others explain the con- 

materiae lignorum, 'timber and struction as designedly abrupt, like that 
firewood.* The terms are thus distin- in c. 41, 2, and the accusatives as excla- 

guished by Ulpian (Dig. 32. 55, pr.), ‘ ligni matory (see Plitzner, p. 149). 

appellatio nomen generale est, sed sic sc- 10. exercitae. cp. c. 17, 7. 

paratur, ut sit aliquid materia, aliquid lig- 12. reposcerent, ‘ demanded of him.* 
num: materia est, quae ad acdificandum, Orelli notes that in this is implied a rc- 

fulciendum necessaria est ; lignum quid- cognition of Ciermaniciis as the lawful 
quid comburendi causa paratum est.* A heir ; which was also probably expressed 
similar distinction is drawn by Pliny (N. in more distinct terms plaustisoniinibus’). 

H. 16. 40, 76, 206), ‘comus non j^otest Dio (57. 5, i) represents them as going to 
videri materies propter exilitatem, sed lig- still greater length {avTOKpfiropa cTre/tdAe- 
num ; * and ' materies ’ has this specific aai/). On the legacy demanded, see c. 

sense as early as Caesar (B. G. 4. 17, 8). 8, 3. 

7. adversus otlum. Sometimes con- 1 3. promptas res ostentavere. This 

siderable works were undertaken with reading, suggested by Wallher and Weis- 

this object: see 11.20, 2; 13.55,3. senborn, is supported by ‘promptasque 

8. veteranorum: see c. 17,4. On res ostentante ' ti2. 12, 5). Most editors 

the question whether 'in isdem laboribus* alter the MS. ‘promtas’ to ‘promptos;* 
here, and 'eosdem labores’ there, are to .supposing 'se* to be supplied, as with 
be taken as exaggerations, see note on c. * moriturum * below, and in other in- 

36 * 4* stances, such as 4. 59, 5; 5. 5, 2; etc. 

20 ^ 


vero, quasi scelere contaminaretur, praeceps tribunali desiluit. 
opposuerunt abeunti arma, minitaiites, ni regrederetur ; at ille 6 
moriturum potius quam fidem exueret clamitans, ferrum a latere 
diripuit elatumque deferebat in pectus, ni proximi prensam 
5 dextram vi adtinuissent. extrema et conglobata inter se pars 6 
contionis ac, vix credibile dictu, quidam singuli propius ince- 
dentes, feriret hortabantur ; et miles nomine Calusidius strictum 
obtulit gladium, addito ai^tiorem esse, saevum id maliquej 
moris etiam furentibus visum, ac spatium fuit quo Caesar ab 
10 amicis in tabernaculum raperetur. 

36 . Consultatum ibi de remedio : etenim nuntiabatur parari 1 
legates qui superiorem exercitum ad causam eandem traherent ; 
destiiiatum excidio Ubiorum oppidum, imbutasque praTeda manus 
in direptionem Galliarum erupturas. augebat meturn gnarus 2 
15 Romanae seditionis et, si omitteretur ripa, invasurus hostis: 
at si auxilia et socii adversum abscedentis legiones armarentur, 
civile bellum suscipi. periculosa severitas, flagitiosa largitio : 3 

(Nipp. and Pfitzner, p. 102). Other cor- 
rections are ‘ promptos sc ’ (Jahn), or 
* prompta * (Heinsius), which appears to 
need such a word as ‘studia/ as in 2. 
76, I. 

1. desiluit. This verb has a simple 
abl. 15. 28, 5: elsewhere the usage , is 
almost wholly poetical. 

3. moriturum potius quam fidem 
exueret. The full construction would 
be ‘potius quam ita victurum, ut,’ etc. 
P'or similar abbreviations, see ‘ exceden- 
dum potius, quam . . . pellerentur ’ ( Agr. 25, 
5) and ‘perpessus est omnia potius, quam 
. . , iiidicaret’ (Cic. Tusc. 2. 22, 52, 
where Kiihner gives other instances). 

4. diripuit. This, the MS. text, has 
been wrongly altered to ‘ deripuit : ’ ‘ di~ 
ripit ensem ’ being the Medicean text in 
Verg. Aen. 10, 475; and the proper word, 
as Nipp. shows, for the wearer, who could 
not be said to * snatch down ’ his sword. 

5. adtinuissent. This word is con- 
stantly used for ‘ retinere ’ by Tacitus (as 
c. 50. I, 2 j 2. 10, 2, etc.) ; but otherwise 
so only by Plaut. and Sail. 

6. quidam singuli. In contrast with 
‘conglobata,’ as ‘propius incedentes* with 
‘ extrema pars.’ 

9. spatium, ‘ a pause ; ’ during which 
their attention was drawn to Calusidius, 
and German icus could be got away unob- 
served. Orelli. 

11. etenim. This introduces conside- 
rations which make the need of remedial 
measures more pressing. 

12. superiorem : see c. 31, 2, 

1 3. Ubiorum oppidum, ‘ the capital : * 
so ‘ Batavorum oppidum’ PI. 5. 19, 2: 
sec on c. 37, 3 (‘ civitas Ubiorum ’). The 
conversion of this town into the fa- 
mous ‘ Colonia Agrippinensis ’ (Koln) in 
803, A. I). 50, is mentioned in 12. 27, i. 
Agrippina, from whom it took this title, 
was bom here probably in 768, A. D. 15. 
See Inlrocl. ix. note 14. 

imbutas praeda manus, ‘ troops 
steeped in plunder.’ This sense of ‘ ma- 
mis,^ if less suited to ‘ imbutas,’ is more 
so to ‘ erupturas ; ’ and the whole meta- 
phor resembles that of II. 3. J 5 * 4 ‘ut 
civili praeda milites imbuerentur.’ 

16. auxilia et sooii. Ritter appears 
rightly to distinguish these; tlie former 
being those already under arms, the latter 
those who might be levied. 

1 7. suscipi. The construction, though 
varied, still depends on ‘ augebat metum.’ 
‘ That to arm the allies, etc , was to un- 
dertake a civil war.* 

severitas. This appears to mean 
^ rigour,^ i. e. peremptory refusal (as prob- 
ably in c. 25, 3), and answers to the 
*$eu nihil* below, as does its opposite 
* largitio ’ to ‘ sive omnia.* The notion 
of ‘punishment* (as in c. 46, 2, etc.) 

A.D. 14] LIBER I. CAP. 35 - 37 . 203 

seu nihil militi sive omnia concedcrentur, in ancipiti res publica. 

4 igitur volutatis inter se rationibus placitum ut epistulae nomine 
principis scriberentur : missio nem_daxLyjj;^?^--.§ijp.?i?jlil-— 
exauctorari qui sena dena fecissent ac retineri sub vexillo cete- 
rorum inmunes" nisi propulsandi hostis, legata quae petiverant 5 
exsolvi duplicarique. 

1 37. Sensit miles in tempus conficta statimque flagitavit. 
missio per tribunes maturatur, largitio differebatur in hiberna 

2 cuiusque. non abscessere quintani unetvicensimanique, donee 
isdem in aestivis contracta ex viatico amicorum ipsiusque 10 

8 Caesaris pecunia persolvcretur. priniam ac vicensimam legiones 
Caecina legatus in civitatem Ubiorum reduxit, turpi agmine, 

seems out of place here, as such measures 
could not have been at present contem- 
plated as practicable. 

1. concederentnr. The MS. has *con- 
cedentur,’ which is defended by Nipp., 
rfitzncr, etc., as an expression of the 
writer’s own view ; the historic present 
‘est’ being supplied with ^ periculosa,* 
etc , and with 'in ancipiti.’ On the other 
hand it is more natural to suppose the 
same construction to be carried through ; 
and the omission of a syllable is shown 
by Baiter (from 3. 2, i ; 3, i ; 67, 3 ; 
4- 59» probably also 3. 17, 8) to be 
one of the characteristic errors of this 

2. inter se. The notion of compari- 
son of one plan with another is implied 
in 'volutatis.’ Thus Vergil has 'artifi- 
cumquc manus inter se . . . miratur ’ Aen. 
1-455- Nipp. 

3. raissiouem dari . . . exauctorari. 
The latter of these words usually implies 
full discharge, whether honourable or 
otherwise ; but here it is qualified by the 
context, |o as to express such relaxation 
of the ' sacramentum ’ as may have taken 
place when the legionary soldier became 
a 'vexillpius’ (see c. 17, 4). Similar 
qualification attaches to 'dimissis’ (c. 17, 
4); 'missi’ (c- 39, 2); and 'dimitteren- 
tur ’ (c. 78, 2) ; and ' missio ’ is used of 
both kinds of discharge (c. 37, i : 40, i ; 
52, ib The terms offered are a com- 
promise between two regulations of Au- 
gustus by which the time of full discharge 
was fixed, first at sixteen, afterwards at 
twenty years (Dio, 54. 25, 6; 55. 23, i) : 
but this concession, though carried out at 
present (see below, and c. 39, i ), was not 
perpetuated (see c. 78, 3). The immunity 

from camp duties, from the prominent 
mention here made of it, would seem to 
have been a new concession, not a stand- 
ing privilege of the veterans, who arc cer- 
tainly made to assert (c. 1 7, 4) that they 
have the same work as others (‘ eosdeni 
labores'). Their language in c. 35, 2, 
has been thought to point the other w^ay, 
as they do not there expressly join in the 
complaint made by the others respecting 
camp duties. 

6. duplicari. This gift, noted by Sue- 
tonius (Tib. 48) as the only donative 
from Tiberius to the soldiers, except that 
to the praetorians and some others at the 
fall of Seianus, can hardly be called a 
voluntary gift here, but w^as voluntarily 
extended to the Pannonian army (c. 52, 

7. in tempus, 'to meet the emer- 
gency :’ cp. ‘ ad tempus ’ c. i, 2. 

8. missio. Here and bedow, of both 
kinds of discharge: cp. c. 36, 4. 

differebatur, * was to be deferred.* 

9. non abscessere, 'would not leave.’ 
It is implied that after receiving payment 
they departed to ‘ Vetera ’ (c. 45, 1 ) ; and 
that the immediate payment thus extorted 
by them was given also to the two other 
legions before they went to winter quar- 

10. viatico. This is used generally of 
a soldier’s private stock or savings, as II. 
I- 57* 55 iior. Kpp. 2. 2, 26; Suet. Jul. 
68, etc. 

12. civitatem Ubiorum. This expres- 
sion could be used of the whole district, 
as in 13. 57, 4 ; but the locality is here 
certainly identical with that of ' ara Ubi- 
orum ’ (see on c. 39, i). 



cum fisc| de imperatore rapti inter signa interquc aquilas ve- 
herentur. Germanicus superiorem ad exercitum profectus se- 4 
cundam et tertiam decumam et sextam decumam legioncs nihil 
cunctatas sacramento adigit. quartadecumani paulum dubita- 5 
5 verant ; pecunia et missio quamvis non flagitantibus oblata 

88 . At in Chaucis coeptavere scditionem praesidium agi- 1 
tantes ve.^illarii discordium legionum et praesenti diiorum mili- 
turn supplicio paulum repressi sunt, iusserat id M’. Ennius 2 
10 castrorum praefectus, bono magis exempio quam concesso iure. 
deindc intumescente motu profugus repertusque, postquam in- 3 
tutae latebrae, praesidium ab audacia mutuatur : non praefectum 
ab iis, sed Germanicum ducem, sed Tiberium imperatorem 
violari. simul exterritis qui obstiterant, raptum vexillum ad 4 
15 ripam vertit, et si quis agniine decessisset, pro desertore fore 
clamitansj reduxit in hiberna turbidos et nihil ausos. 

1 . de imperatore rapti. These words 
contain the explanation of * turpi agmine.* 
The moneybags may indeed have been 
unusually paraded on this occasion ; 
otherwise, the practice of depositing 
money with the standards, in custody of 
the standard bearers, was encouraged, 
and even to some extent enforced, to 
make the soldier thrifty, and to bind him 
to the colours (Veg. 2, 20). Domitian 
however considered it advisable to limit 
each man’s deposit to looo II. S. (^Suet. 
Dom. 7). 

2. superiorem: cp. c. 31, 2, On 
these legions, see Tntrod. vii. p. 103. 

7. in Chauois. This tribe occupied a 
very large space (G. 35), apparently on 
either side of the lower Weser. Pliny 
(N. H. 16. I, I, 2) divides them into 
* maiores * and ' minores ; * of whom the 
latter, along the coast between the Weser 
and Ems (cp. 2. 24, 3), were under Ro- 
man control (cp. c. 60, 3) ; but, like 
their neighbours the Frisii (4. 72, i), 
appear afterwards to have revolted (ii. 
18, I ; H. 4. 79, 3; 5. 19, 2; Suet. Cl. 


coeptavere. This verb, rare else- 
where in prose, is often used by Tacitus 
to express an attempt, whether successful 
or otherwise: cp. c. 45, 2; 2. 81, i ; 4. 
29, 4 ; 24, 2, etc. 

8. vexillarii, * detachments.* The 
‘veterani sub vexillo* cannot be here 

meant, as they do not appear to have left 
headquarters (cp. c. 35, 2: 39, 1). 

discordium, * disalfected.’ Thiis‘dis- 
sideat’ (c. 46, i); * discoidare ’ (3. 

40, 4); ‘discofflia* (II. 2. 76, 9), etc., 
are used of soldiers, not as disagreeing 
among themselves, but as insubordinate 
and mulinou.s. 

9. M’, Ennius. The MS. has * Mcn- 
nius,* which is not a known Roman 
name ; and the correction is supported by 
the error ‘Lennium’ for L. Ennium in 3. 
70, 2, and by the general practice of men- 
tioning officers of this rank by two names 
(c. 20, 1 ; 13. 39, 2). The preference of 
M*, rather than M, as the praenomen, 
re.sts on a suggestion of the possible iden- 
tity of this person with a Mdytof "'Em of 
mentioned in the Pannonian war (Dio, 
55 - 33 . 3 )- 

10. concesso iure : see on c. 20, i ; 
26, 3. 

1 1 . intumescente motu ; cp. ^quoniam 
Galliae tumeant* (H. 2. 32, i). Similar 
metaphors, originating apparently in the 
‘ monet . . . tumescere bella ’ of Verg. G. 
I. 465, are found in Liv., etc. 

15. ripam. No river has been mention- 
ed: we should hence suppose the bank to 
be that of the Rhine, as in c. 36, 2 ; but 
the position of the Chauci would make a 
more distant river, such as the Amisia, 
more probable. 

16. hiberna. Probably at ‘Vetera;* 

A.D. 14] 

LIBER I. CAP.^y-sg. 


1 39 . Interea legati ab senatu regrcssum lani apud aram Ubi- 

2 orum Germanicum adeunt. duae ibi legiones, prima atque 
vicensima, veteraniqiie niiper missi subycxillo hiemabant. pa- 

3 vidos ct conscientia vaecordes intrat metus, venisse patrum iussu 

4 qui inrita facerent quae per seditionem expresserant. iitque mos 5 
vulgo quamvis falsis ream subdere, Muiiatium Plancum con- 
sulatu functum, principcm Icgationis, auctorem senatus consulti 
incusant : et nocte concubia vcxillum in domo Gcrmanici situm 

flagitare occipiunt, concursuque 

which would be nearer to the Chauci 
than the other winter camp 

turbidos. 'I'his is best taken in 
its usual sense as ^seditious’ (cp. 34, 6; 
43, 5, etc.), in which case ‘et’ would con- 
tain an adversative force (see note on c. 
13, 2). On the use of ‘et’ witli a noj^a- 
tive, instead of ‘ neque ’ witli an affirma- 
tive j)ronoun or adverb, see Madvig, § 
458 a, (jl)s. I. Nipp. has collected many 
instances to show the fondness of Tacitus 
for such constructions, especially for ‘et’ 
with ‘nulliis,’ ‘niirnquaiii,’ ‘nihil,’ and 
* nemo.’ 

I. legati. Their mission had proba- 
bly no connection with the mutiny ; but 
was to convey to him the ‘ i)roconsularc 
imperium’ (cp. c. 14, 4). 

regressum, i.e. from the upper army 
(cp. c. 37, 4). 

aram Ubiorum. Some have con- 
tended that this altar was not situate at 
the ‘ oppidum Ubiorurn ’ (Koln), but at 
or near Bonn, which in 822, A.D. 69 (M. 
4, 25, I), was the winter camp of the first 
legion. Sec Mr. Long in Diet, of Geog. 
s.v. ‘ Ara Ubiorum.* But the subsequent 
‘ Colonia ’ certainly derives a title from 
an altar situate in it, being styled in some 
inscriptions and coins ‘ Claudia ara ’ or 
‘Colonia Claudia ara Agrippinensis ’ (see 
Marquardt, Staatsv. i. 121, n. 4, and ref. 
there). Also the distance from ‘ Vetera’ 
(c. 45. i) appears by correct measure- 
ment more suitable to Kbln. The altar 
had a Cheruscaii for its priest (c. 57, 2'', 
and is believed to have been consecrated 
to Augustus and Roma (see on c. 59, 6), 
and to have been probably the centre of 
this ' cullus ’ for the whole province : 
see Marquardt, Staatsv. i. p. 121. 

3. sub vexillo. It appears ^ be best 
to take these words as qualifying ‘missi’ 
(‘ita missi ut sub vexillo retinerentur’). 
The other explanation, joining * sub vex- 
illo hiemabant,’ forces us to apply the 
verb with these words to the veterans, 

ad ianuam facto moliuntur fores, 

and w'ithout them to the legions. 

4. conscientia, ‘ consciousness of 
guilt,’ as in c. 57, 2, etc. 

5. oxprosserant : cp. c. 19, 5, etc. 

6. subdere : cp. c. 6, 6, etc. 

Plancum. itis full title in the 

Fasti (.as cos. in 766, A.D. 13, with C. 
Silius) Is L. Mumatius L. f. J^. n. Blancus. 
He would appear to be son or grandson 
of the famous consul of 712, n. c. 42, so 
well known in the history of the tiium- 
virate, and so stigmatised by Velleius (2, 
83). riaacina (2. 43, 4) was probably 
his sister. 

8. vexillum. The ab.sencc of any ex- 
planation of this word suggests that the Hag 
is that already mentioned above (‘sub vex- 
illo ’). Germanicus is living in a house, 
probably the winter residence of 
the ‘ legatus,’ and the soldiers assaulting 
him are also outside the legionary camp. 
It is suggested that these are the veterairs, 
whose ‘vcxillum’ Germanicus had for 
some reason retained in his own keeping. 
This fact, and the arrival of the embassy, 
might lead them to fear that their dis- 
charge was a fiction, and might be re- 
voked; and they may be supj>osed to 
demand possession of their ‘ vexillum ’ as 
a guarantee. The legions, who had 
received their money and had less 
to lose, seem less prominent in Ihi.s 
outbreak, though ev(;n among them 
riancus was not safe. The alternative 
suppo-sition, that the ‘ vexillum ’ is the 
red flag of the general-in-chief, by which 
signal for battle was given (Caes. B. G. 
2. 20, i; Pint. Fab, 15, 182), would 
make the demand for it imply an inten- 
tion to elect a new' general, of which 
there is no evidence ; though Germanicus 
(c. 43, 2) is represented as imagihing such' 
an act in the case of his death. 

situm - ‘positum.* So used of 
statues, etc., c. 74, 4; 2. 37, 3; 4. 64, 3. 
See also 2. 7, 3. 

9. occipiunt : cp. 3. 2, 5 ; 6. 45, 



extractum cubili Caesarem tradere vexillum intento mortis metu 
subigunt. mox vagi per vias obvios habuere legates, audita 6 
consternatione ad Germanicum tendentes. ingerunt corrtume- ® 
lias, caedem parant, Planco maxime, quern dignitas fuga impe- 
5 diverat ; neque aliud periclitanti subsidium quam castra primae 
legionis. illic signa et aquilam amplexus religione sese tuta- 7 
batur, ac ni aquilifer Calpurnius vim extremam arcuisset, rarum 
etiam inter hostes, legatus populi Romani Romanis in castris 
sanguine suo altaria deum commaculavisset. luce demum, post- 8 
10 quam dux et miles et facta noscebantur, ingressus castra Ger- 
manicus perduci ad se Plancum imperat recepitque in tribunal, 
turn fatalem increpans rabiem, neque militum sed deum ira 
resurgere, cur venerint legati aperit ; ius legationis atque ipsius 
Planci gravem et inmeritum casum, simul quantum dedecoris 
15 adierit legio, facunde miseratur, attonitaque magis quam quieta 
contione legates praesidio auxiliarium equitum dimittit. 

6, etc, A word generally archaic, but sanctityis collected by Marquardt, Staatsv. 
adopted by Tacitus from Livy, ii. p. 43J. 

1. extraotum. This implies some 7. aquilifer. The actual bearer of the 
compulsion, but not necessarily physical eagle is not to be confounded with the 

force; cp. ^ contuberniis extract!’ (15. 13, 'centurio primi pili ’ who had chaise of 

2); ^rure extractus in urbem* (Hor. Sat. it, but is an officer of much lower rank, 

I. I, ii). The case is probably abl., as mentioned in several inscriptions. See 

in Horace ( 1 . 1 .) ; but in 6. 23, 5, the Henzen, Index. 

MS. text ‘ extractum custodiae * is gene- rarum etiam, etc. On such pa- 
mlly accepted, rentheses, see Introd, v. § 82. A similar 

3, consternatione, * the tumult ; * cp. outrage on ‘ legati ’ is similarly spoken of 
c. 63, 3; 13. 16, 6, etc. This noun ap- in H. 3. 80, 3. 

pears to originate with Livy, but the verb 9. altaria deum. These, as well as the 
tcp. H. 3. 79, 3) is found earlier. standards and the image of the emperor, 

5. castra primae legionis. Each stood in the principia. See 4. 2, 4. 

legion had always more or less separate lo. noscebantur, ' were capable of re- 
winter quarters, though the two here may cognition : * cp., 4. 62, 5 ; H. 1. 90, 3. 
have been in distinct portions of a com- ingressus castra : see above. 

inon enclosure. The context implies per- 1 1 . imperat recepitque. The histo- 

haps that his assailants followed him into rical present is easily interchangeable 
this camp, and certainly that some of the with a perfect, as 2. 7, i ; 20, 2 ; 14. 4, 
legion, who are addressed as guilty by 6, etc. 

Germanicus, attacked him there. 12. fatalem increpans rabiem. ^Ra- 

6. religione: see note on c. 18, 2. On bies* is thus used of mutiny in c. 31, 3. 

the sanctity of the eagles and other stan- The use of * fatalem ’ (cp. 5. 4, 2 ; 15. 61, 

dards, cp, 2, 17, 2, and ‘conversus ad 6; and note on 3. 30, 2), which is ex- 

signa et bellorum deos* (IL.3. lo, 7); plained by ‘deum ira’ (cp. 16. 16, 3), 

also Dion. Hal, 6, 45 ravra . . . Siairtp Idph^ treats them as hardly responsible beings, 

para Ota/v lepd. vopiC^rai, Catiline kept and softens the censure conveyed in * in- 

an eagle of Marius in a shrine within his crepans ; ’ from which word some such 

house (Cic, Cat. i. 9, 24) ; and the legi- sense as that of ‘dicens* is supplied by 

onary eagle is slated by Dio (40. 18, i) ‘ zeugma^ with ‘resurgere.’ 

to have been kept in camp in a portable 13. ius legationis, sc. ‘violatum.* 
shrine. Even in old times it was a prac- On such pregnant constructions, see In- 
tice to swear by the standards (see Liv. trod. v. § 84, 

26. 48, 12). Other evidence of their 15. miseratur, ‘ expresses sorrow for.* 

A.D. 14] 

LIBER I, CAP. 39 - 41 . 


1 40. Eo in metu arguere Germanicum omnes, quod non ad 
superiorem excrcitum pergeret, ubi obsequia et contra rebellis 
auxilium : satis superque missionc et pecunia et mollibus con- 

2 sultis peccatum. vel si vilis ipsi salus, cur filiiim parvulum, cur 
gravidam coniugcm inter furentes et omnis human! iuris viola- 5 

3 tores haberet ? illos saltern avo et rei publicae redderet, diu 
cunctatus aspernantem uxorem, cum se divo Augusto ortam 
neque degencrem ad pericula testaretur, postremo uterum eius 
et communem filium multo cum fletu complexus, ut abiret 

4 pcrpulit. incedebat muliebrc et miserabile agmen, profuga ducis 10 
uxor, parvulum sinu filium gerens, lamentantes circiim amicorum 
coniuges, quae simul trahebantur, nec minus tristes qui mane- 

1 41. Non florentis Cacsaris neque suis in castris, set velut in 
urbe victa facies ; gemitusque ac planctus etiam militum aures 15 

2 oraque advertere : progrediuntur contuberniis. quis ille flebilis 

So *defendcre,’ *to plead in excuse,’ 13. 12. qui manobant, i.e. the husbands 

43, 4, etc. and friends parting from them. 

I. Eo in metu ; 'metus ’ seems to be 14. florentis, ‘ in prosperity: ’ cp. c. 53, 
used of circumstances causing fear, rather 2 ; i6. 33, i, etc. 

than fear itself ; cp. * ostendere metum ex 15. facies. Gronov. has rightly ex- 
Tiberio’ (2. 72, 2) ; 'nihil metus* (=a*ni- plained this, as not ‘ facies Cacsaris,’ but 

hil metuendum’) 'in vultu’ Agr. 44, 2. 'facies rerum’ (cp. c. 49, i) 'non florenti 
A similar use of 'terror* (ii. 19, i, etc.) Caesari, sed urbi captae conveniens/ It 

is classical, and 'formido* (Agr. 22, i) seems better, with Nipp., to place a semi- 

is so used by Sail. colon at 'facies,’ and to take the sentence 

6. avo. On the use of terms of adop- in apposition with the last of the preced- 

tive relationship, see on c. 33, 3. That ing chapter, than, with Halm, to join it 

of the boy alone is mentioned, as he, in with ‘ gemitusque,’ etc., as subject of 

virtue of this adoptive relationship, stood ' advertere.’ 

nearer than Agrippina to Tiberius. Nipp. 16. advertere, ' attracted,’ as 2. 1 7, 2 ; 

diu cunctatus aspernantem ... 4. 21, 5 ; 6. 44, i, etc. For other uses 

perpulit. Two distinct causes are as- of the word, see 3. 52, 2 ; 4. 54, 2, etc. 

signed for the delay ; his own hesitation, progrediuntur voontuberniis. Ta- 
and the pride of his wife ; which latter is citus appears to follow the ‘ progredior 

explained by ‘ cum se . . . testaretur.* portu ’ of Verg. Aen. 3, 300. On other 

8 . degenerem. This poetical word such ablatives, see Introd. 5. § 24, 
had been introduced into prose by Liv. quis ille, etc. The construction i.s 
andPl.mai. The construction with ‘ad’ here to be taken as designedly broken 

(which would be in full 'ad pericula sub- and exclamatory, to express the agitation 

eunda ’), not found elsewhere, is analo- of the speakers. ' What is this sound of 

gous to that of ‘ praecipuos ad scelera,* mourning? What this sight so sad? Here 

'ad pericula* (6. 7, 3; 14. 58. i). are women of rank — not a centurion — not 

10 . incedebat^ This implies the ab- a soldier as escort — not a mark of the 

sence of such vefiicles as would usually general’s wife or of her usual retinue — set- 

be provided. 'MuHebre* and •misera- ting out for the Treviri* I etc. Such ex- 
bile’ are also emphatic, and the order of clamatory sentences arc given in 14. 8, 4, 

words is studied for effect. ‘They were and, according to some, in c. 35, 2 ('neu 

starting on foot, a train of women, and mortem,’ etc.). With ' quod,* we should 

in pitiable plight.* expect a substantive (cp. ' quod nomeii,* 



sonus? quod tarn triste? feminas inlustres, non centurionem 
ad tutelam, non militcm, nihil imperatoriae uxoris aut comitatus 
soliti : pergere ad Treveros [et] externae fidei. pudor indc et 
miseratio et patris Agrippae, Augusti avi memoria, socer Drusus, 3 
5 ipsa insigni fecunditate, praeclara pudicitia ; iam infans in castris 
genitus, in contubernio legionum cductus, quern militari vocabulo 
Caligulam appellabant, quia plerumque ad concilianda vulgi 
studia eo tcgmine pedum induebatur. sed nihil aeque flexit4 
quani invidia in Treveros: orant obsistunt, rcdiret maneret, 

c. 42, 4\ and, though ' triste * may have 
a substantival force (as ‘triste . . . cvenit’ 
15. 34, 1 ; ‘triste lupus stabulis ’ Verg. Eel. 
3, 80), the addition of ‘ tam ’ supports 
the conjecture (see Halm, Comm. Crit.), 
that ‘ spectaculum,’ answering to ‘sonus,* 
may have dropped out. 

3. ad Treveros [et] externae fidei. 
If we are to follow most commentators 
in taking the last words as a concise 
genitive of quality (cp. Introd. v, § 34) ; 
they should certainly be joined closely to 
‘Treveros,* without a needless and even 
misleading conjunction. * Et ’ appears also 
redundant before ‘externae’ in H, 5. 10, 
3. But the force of such an expression 
liere (as of ‘externa superbia’ in 15. 3r, 
2), should be ‘homines tabs fidei, qiialis 
apud externos essc solet,’ i.e. ‘parvae 
fidei ; ’ an interpretation, which, if open 
to no other objection, seems to misrepre- 
sent the thought of the speakers, which is 
not one of anxiety for Agrippina’s safety, 
but of self-reproach, that the fidelity of 
foreigners should be the refuge of a 
Komaii general’s wife against a Roman 
army. The alternative explanation, tak- 
ing ‘externae fidei’ as a dative adapted 
in construction to the idea of some such 
verb as ‘ committi,’ supplied by zeugma 
from ‘pergere,’ is hardly justified even by 
the boldness with which Tacitus uses this 
figure (see Introd. v. § 83). Some cor- 
ruption is therefore to be suspected ; 
though the emendations ‘externam fidem’ 
(Nipp.), or ‘externae tradi fidei’ (see 
11 aim, Comm. Crit.), have hardly won 
general acceptance. On the Treveri, see 
3. 40, I, etc. 

4. socer Drusus, etc. All these 
clauses express the thoughts influencing 
the soldiers, and lead up to ‘ sed nihil/ 
etc. The passage begins regularly, but 
abruptly passes irora ‘patris . . . memoria’ 
to a pregnant construction, in which men- 
tion of the object of thought implies the 
thought itself. For a similar transition, 

cp. ‘cum ... ad memoriam coniugii et 
infantiam liberorum revolvcretur’ (11. 34, 
i). Wolf remarks that here the change 
seems designedly introduced, as if to de- 
note that not merely the recollection, but 
the image itself of Drusus, their former 
beloved commander, is as vividly before 
them as those whom they actually saw. 
The relationship expressed is throughout 
that of Agrippina, 

5. insigni fecunditate. Of the nine 
children whom she had in all, three were 
now living, and six had been bom. See 
Introd. ix, 

in oastris genitus. Gains was 
now just two years old. Tacitus heie 
follows the popular belief, as expressed 
in an epigram quoted by Suetonius (Cal. 
8), ‘In castris natiis,’ etc. But he was 
bora when his father, as consul, was in 
Rome ; and Suetonius ( 1 . 1 .) shows, from 
a letter of Augustus, that the child was 
in Italy not long after the date of birth ; 
and that the birthplace was stated in the 
* acta publica ’ to have been Antium. 

6. militari vocabulo ; see on c. 23, 4. 

7. ad concilianda vulgi studia. The 
‘ caliga ’ was not worn by officers above 
the rank of centurion, and is thus so far 
characteristic of the common soldier, that 
‘ caligatus ’ is used for ‘ miles gregarius ’ 
(Suet. Aug. 25 ; Vit. 7), and ‘ in caliga,’ 
or * a caliga ’ for ‘ in,’ or ‘ from the ranks ’ 
(PI. N. 11 . 7. 42, 44, 135 ; Sen. de Benef. 
5. 16, 2). Hence it is called ‘habitus 
gregalis ’ (c. 69, 5), or ‘ manipularius ’ 
(Suet. Cal. 9). 

8. aeque quam: cp. 14. 38, 3, etc. 
In prose from Livy, who appears to take 
it from Plautus. 

9. orant obsistunt! etc. The con- 
struction is again designedly abrupt : 
‘orant’ IS explained by ‘ rediret,* ‘ma- 
neret;* ‘obsistunt* refers strictly to ‘pars 
. . , occursantes,’ and more loosely to 
‘ plurimi . . . regressi.’ 

A,D. 14O LIBER L CAP. 41, 4%. 209 

pars Agrippinac occursantes, plurimi ad Germanicum regressi. 

6 isque ut erat recens dolore et ira, apud circumfusos ita coepit. 

1 42 . ‘Non mihi uxor aut films patre et re publica cariores 
sunt, sed ilium quidem sua maiestas, impcrium Romanum ceteri 

2 exercitus defendent. coniugem et liberos mcos, quos pro gloria 5 
vestra libens ad exitium offerrem, nunc procul a furentibus sum- 
moveo, ut quidquid istud sceleris imminct, meo tantum sanguine 
pictur, neve occisus August! pronepos, interfecta Tibcrii nurus 

3 nocentiores vos faciant. quid cnim per hos dies inausum inte- 

4 meratumve vobis? quod nomen huic coetui dabo? militcsne 10 
appellcm, qui filium imperatoris vestri vallo ct armis circumse- 
distis? an cives, quibus tarn proiccta senatus auctoritas? hos- 
tium quoque iiis ct sacra legationis ct fas gentium rupistis. 

6 divus lulius scditionem exercitus verbo uno compescuit, Quirites 

2. recens dolore et ira, * fresh from,’ 

1. e. with their influence still strong upon 
him : cp. * stipendiis recentes ’ 15. 59, 7, 
‘recens victoria’ H. 3, 77, 5. So one 
who had been lately praetor is called 
* recens practura ’ (4. 52, 2). The more 
classical construction would Ikj with the 
prep., as ‘ recens a vuhiere Dido ’ Verg. 
Aen. 6, 450 ; but the usage here is ana- 
logous to that of the abJ. of place whence 
(see Iiitrod. v. 24). 

5. liberos ; a rhetorical plural, one 
child only being present. 

7. istud sceleris, partitive genitive, 
like ‘quicquid . . . auctoritatis ’ I4. 43, 2. 
On the freedom with which such are used 
by Tacitus, cp. Introd. v. § 32, 

8. pietur. Nipp, has noticed the pecu- 
liar use of this word here to denote, not 
an expiation of guilt, but an act on which 
guilt might exhaust itself. Cp. Prop. 4 (3). 
19, 18 (of Medea) ‘quo tempore matris 
iram nalorum caedc piavit amor.’ I'he 
word is generally poetical, the usual j^rose 
word being ‘ expiare.* 

9. inausum intemeratumve. Both 
\vords appear first in Vergil (Aen. 7. 308; 

2. 143, etc.). The former, found here 
alone in Tacitus, occurs in earlier prose 
(Sen. Ep. 91, 15); the latter seems 
introduced into prose by Tacitus, but 
used freely by him, even where the pas- 
sage is not rhetorical (as c. 49; 6, etc.). 

10. quod nomen, etc. That this speech 
is mainly a rhetorical composition, would 
appear from the evident reminiscence 
here of that purporting in Livy (28. 27) 
to have been addressed by Scipio Afri- 

canus to his mutinous troops : ‘ ad vo.^-. 
quemadmodum loquar, ncc consilium, nec 
oratio suppedilat; (juos ne quo nomine 
quidem aj>|)ellare debeam, scio. Cives? 
quia patria vestra dcscistis : an milites? 
qui imperium auspiciiumiue abnuistis, 
sacramenti religionem rupistis.* 

11. vallo et armis circumsodistis. 
Walther ap^iears to be right in treating 
this as rhetorical and figiii alive ; as 
neither the occurrences in the summer 
camp (c. 35), noT those in the w inter 
quarters (c. 39), bear out a literal inter- 

12. proioota,rtrampled underfoot : ’ so 
^ proiectuni consulare iinpei ium ’ Liv. 2, 
27, II. In 3. 65, 4, it is adjectival, in 
the sense of ‘ abject.’ The contempt for 
the senate here alluded to, is that im- 
plied in their treatment of its delegates 
(c. 39» ^)- 

hostium quoque ius, 'even rights 
accorded to enemies ; ’ i. e. ‘ law^s of w ar.’ 
This and the two following cxprc.ssions 
are all a rlietorical amplification of one 
idea, the conjunctions being epexegetical. 

13. sacra, * sanctity;’ as ‘ sacra regni ' 
(2. 65, 4) ; ^mensae’ (13. 17, 3). 

fas gentium, ‘ international obliga- 
tion ; ’ i. e. ‘ law of nations.’ Cp. ‘ fas 
disciplinae’ (c. 19, 3); *fas patriae’ (2. 
10, 1), etc. 

14. divus lulius, etc. Two mutinies 
in his time are mentioned by Suetonius 
(Jul. 69 ; 70) ; and this circumstance is 
referred to the latter of them (that of the 
tenth legion near Rome in 707, b.c. 47) 
by him, as also by Appian (B.C, a. 93), 



vocando qui sacramentum eius detrectabant : divus Augustus 
vultu et aspectu Actiacas legiones exterruit : nos ut nondum 
eosdem, ita ex ilHs ortos si Hispaniae Suriaeve miles aspema- 
retur, tamen mirum ct indignum erat. primane et vicensima 6 
5 legiones, ilia signis a Tiberio acceptis, tu tot proeliorum socia, 
tot praemiis aucta, egregiam duci vestro gratiam refertis? hunc 7 
ego nuntium patri, laeta omnia aliis e provinces audicnti, feram ? 
ipsius tirones, ipsius veteranos non missione, non pecunia sati- 
atos ; hie tantum interfici centuriones, eici tribunos, includi le- 
10 gatos, infccta sanguine castra flumina, meque precariam animam 
inter infensos trahere. 

and Dio (42. 53, 3). Mcrivale (ch. xvi. 
j). 222) prefers the authoiity of Lucan 
(nt .358), uho tells this story of the earlier 
mutiny at Placentia-in 705, li.c. 49. In 
H, 3. 24, 3, Antonius is made to reproach 
soldiers as 'pagani;* and Alexander 
JSeverus is recorded (I.amprid. 52') to have 
often disbanded legions by merely styling 
them ‘ Quirites/ 

1. diviis Augustus, etc Other ac- 
counts of this mutiny repiescnt Augustus 
as having hastily returned to Brundiisium 
in the winter following Actiiim, and ap- 
jieased the military discontent by rewards 
(Suet. Aug. 17; Dio, 51. 3, 4). Jn this 
[lassage there may be some confusion 
with the incidents of an earlier mutiny, 
in 719, B.C. 35, which appears to have 
been more formidable, and more ener- 
getically dealt with : see Liv. Epit. 131 ; 
Dio, 49. 34. 

2. nos. The context shows that this 
rcleis to himself alone ; Tiberius not 
being of the blood of Augustus, nor un- 
known (see ?. 3, 4) to the Syrian legions. 

ut . , . ita. Sec on c. 12, i, 

3. Hispaniae Suriaeve ; i. e. ‘ an 
army to which I was personally un- 

4. erat. On the force of this indicative, 
see Tntrod. v. $ 50 b, 2. Nipp. has here 
colIecte<l instances of it, as also of the 
subjunctive in similar expressions. 

primane, etc. The construction is 
partly interrogative, partly exclamatory, 
as suited to the excitement of tlie speaker. 
It has been thought from the following 
words that the first legion had been 
enrolled by Tiberius (cp. ‘ ipsius tirones ’), 
probably after the defeat of Varus. But 
it had not been one of the legions then 
lost (see Introd. vii. p. 21), and it is un- 
likely that no first legion had previously 

existed. Mommsen (on Mon. Anc. p. 46) 
suggests that it may have lost colours, 
when the fifth legion lost its eagle, in the 
defeat of Lollius (see on c. 10, 3) ; and 
nnay have received new ones from Tibe- 
rius after the death of Dnisus. This 
would certainly not entitle them to be 
called his * tirones ; ’ and, if the context 
obliges us to restrict this to one of the 
legions and * veteranos ’ to the other, it 
would be far easier to suppose the 
twentieth, which probably did not exist 
till 760, A. 1 >. 7 (see Introd. 1 . 1 .), to have 
been enrolled by him for the Illyrian war. 
It is perhaps po.ssible to suppose such a 
distinction in respect of comparative 
nearnc-ss in the thought of the speaker 
as might justify a reference of ‘ ilia ’ to 
the legion last mentioned, but on whose 
achievements less stress is laid (cp c. 70, 
6, and note there) ; or tliat in the com- 
position of this speech, which can hardly 
be altogether treated as historical, the 
antecedents of these two legions may 
have been confused. 

6. egregiam. In his frequent ironical 
use of this word (c. ^9, 3; 3. 17, 5; 
li* 3.b 3; 4- 32, 4), Tacitus appears 
to follow Vergil (Aen. 4, 53). 

duci; sc. ‘Tiberio.’ The allusion 
to their former service under him is still 

9. includi legatos. The mention of 
these with the centurions and tribunes, 
as well as the inapplicability of ‘ includi ’ 
to the delegates of the senate, who had 
already departed (c. 39, 8), suggests that 
the ‘legati legionum’ are meant. No 
act of violence to these has been men- 
tioned, but all the superior officers must 
have been under some constraint, which 
would justify their being spoken of as 
‘imprisoned,* without greater rhetorical 

A.D. 14.] 

LIBER /. CAP. 42 , 43 . 


1 43. Cur emm prime contionis die ferrum illud, quod pectori 
meo infigere parabam, detraxistis, o inprovidi amici? melius 

2 et amantius illc qui gladium offerebat. cecidissem certe nondum 
tot flagitiorum cxcrcitui meo conscius ; legissetis ducem, qui 
meam quidem mortem iupunitam sineret, Vari tameii et trium 5 

3 legionum ulcisceretur. . neque enim di sinant ut Belgarum quam- 
quam ofiferentium dccus istud et claritudo sit, subvenisse Romano 

4 nomini, compressisse Gcrmaniae populos. tua, dive Auguste, 
caelo recepta mens, tua, pater Druse, imago, tui memoria isdem 
istis cum militibus, quos iam pudor et gloria intrat, eluant hanc 10 

5 maculam irasqiie civilcs in cxitium hostibus vertant. vosque, 
quorum alia nunc ora, alia pectora contucor, si legates senatui, 
obsequium imperatori, si mlhi coniugem et filium redditis, dis- 

licence than that of * infecta sanguine 
caslra, fliimina,’ etc. 

precariam, ‘ on sufferance : ’ cp. 
*precaria vita* H. 4. 76, 5; ‘ precarium 
impeiium* H. i. 52, 6, etc. 

1. Cur enim, etc. The thought is. 
*1 am living on siiffeiance, and it is the 
fault of my short-sighted friends that I 
am living at all.’ 

2. melius, sc ‘ fecit.’ On the omission 
of such verbs, see Introd. v. § 38 b. 

4. tot flagitiorum . . . consciu.'?, ' im- 
plicated with my army in so many out- 
rages.’ As responsible for its discipline, 
he treats himself as involved in what he 
had not prevented. Cp. ‘quasi scclerc 
contaminarelur’ (c. 35, 4). On the con- 
struction, cp. ‘alius alii tanti facinoris 
coiiscii’ Sail. Cat. 22, 3; ‘si conscius 
Dymno tanti scclcris fuissem ’ Curt. 6. 10, 
20. The construction is intended to avoid 
the awkwardness of a double genitive, 
and, when the dative is that of a personal 
pronoun, is usual. 

6. sinant, ut. This conslriiction is 
found only a few times in Terence, and 
once in Curtins, * nec di siverint ut . . . 
quisquam . . . possit’ (5, 8, 3). 

7. claritudo. Wbifflin notes (Philol. 
25, 99) that Tacitus shows a growing 
preference foj this more archaic form 
(Cato, Sisenna) instead of the Cice- 
ronian ‘Claritas,’ throughout the Annals, 
especially in the last six books, where the 
latter word occurs once (16. 40, i), the 
former twenty times. Except in c. 28, 2, 
it is used always figuratively, whether of 
personal renown (as here, and 11. 10, 5 ; 
^4. 53 » 4 » etc.), or of distinguished an- 

cestry (as 2. 43, 6 ; 6. 47, 3, etc.). 

9. imngo. This should be taken 
figuratively, and ‘ tiii memoria ’ ns its 
explanation. That the legions still bore 
the effigy of one who had been long dead 
and was not deified, is most improbable ; 
and the apostrophe to Augustus (‘tua . . . 
caelo recepta mens’) appeals equally to 
the imagination. 

10. gloria, ‘ pride ; ’ as ‘ iactantia glo- 
riaque* (c. 8, 2). Thus ‘pudor’ and 
‘gloria’ are joined in H. 2. 21, 6; cp, 

* generandi gloria mcllis’ (Verg. C, 4, 
205). Akin to this is its use in a bad 
sense, as ‘ vainglorousness ’ (14. 15, 

3, etc.). 

hanc maculam. This i.s by some 
wrongly referred to the defeat of Varus, 
of which ‘ illam ’ would rather have l)cen 
used. It means the stain of mutiny, and 
is explained by ‘ iras civi]e.s,’ as ‘eiiiant’ 
by ‘ in cxitium hostibus vertant.’ The 
expedition in c. 49, 5, is called ‘ pia- 
culum furoris,’ and similar expressions 
arc used in c. 51, 7. 

1 1 . vosque etc. The speaker is repre- 
sented as skilfully imagining the existence 
of the (Jj^ange of feeling which he desires 
to produce. 

12. si legates senatui . . . redditis. 
They would give liim back his wife and 
son by so behaving that he could safely 
recall them. The figure of ‘ giving back 
to the senate its delegates’ seems more 
farfetched, and merely to denote due 
recognition of them as such ; unless we 
suppose him to represent them rhetori- 
cally as still in the ])ower of the legions, 
ar.d not yet in safety, 



cedite a contactu ac dividite turbidos : id stabile ad paeniten- 
tiam, id fidei vinculum erit.’ 

44 . Supplices ad haec et vera exprobrari fatentes orabant I 
puniret noxios, ignoscerct lapsis et duceret in hostem : rcvoca- 
5 retur coniunx, rediret legionum alumnus neve opses Gallis tra- 
deretur, reditum Agrippinae excusavit ob inminentem partum 2 
et hiemem ; venturum filium : cetera ipsi exsequerentur. dis- 3 
currunt mutati et seditiosissimum quemque vinctos trahunt ad 
legatum legionis primae C. Caetronium, qui indicium et poenas 
lode singulis in hunc modum exercuit. stabant pro contione 
legiones destrictis gladiis ; reus in suggcstu per tribunum os- 4 
tendebatur: si nocentem adclamaverant, praeceps datus truci- 
dabatur. et gaudebat caedibus miles, tamquam scmet absol- 6 
veret ; nec Caesar arcebat, quando nullo ipsius iussu penes 

I. a oontaotu, ‘from contagion:’ so 
used properly in 4. 49, 4, and figuratively 
often in Tacitus, as 6. 7, 4, etc. 

dividite — * sccernite : * cp. * pro- 
vinciac quae man dividuntur’ (2. 43, a); 
* dividcre defensionem ’ (3. 15, 3). Earlier 
prose writers appear always to add the 
prep, and abl. of separation. 

o. reditum Agrippinae excusavit. 
Elsewhere, the accusative with this verb 
either denotes that which has been clone, 
and is apologised for; or (as in 3 ii, 2, 
etc.) that which is pleaded in excuse. 
Here it means 'excusavit Agrippinam, 
quod non rediret.* 

inminentem. This belongs pro- 
perly to ' partnm,* but may extend its 
force somewhat to ‘ hiemem.’ An altar 
at Ambitarvium, a Treveran village near 
Coblenz, inscribed ' ob Agrippinae puer- 
perium,’ is recorded to have been seen by 
PI. mai. (Suet. Cal. 8). Mommsen shows 
(Hermes, 13. pp. 256, foil.) that neither 
of the children bom in Germany (In- 
trod. ix. note 14 ; 15) can have been born 
in this year; and that we must sup- 
pose at this time the probable p^raature 
birth of a child which never lived, and 
which has no place in the list given by 

9. legatum legionis. On these offi- 
cers, see Introd, vii. p. 105. Caecina, the 
'legatus August! propraetore,* who had 
led these legions to winter quarters, ap- 
pears now to have gone to the other camp 
at Vetera : see c. 48, i. 

poenas . . . exercuit. This appears 
to be taken from Vergil (Aen, 6, 543) ; 

and its strangeness is here softened by com- 
bination with the regular phrase ‘indicium 

10. pro contione. This construction 
is familiar in the phrase ‘ laudare nliquem 
pro contione’ (2. 22, i ; Sail.; Liv., etc.), 
where it is generally explained to mean 
‘ before the assembly.’ But here the 
legions arc the assembly. Also, there 
appears to be some evidence that the 
‘tribunal* or 'rostrum* may itself be 
called ‘ contio.* Even thus, if ‘ pro con- 
tione * were equivalent to * pro b'ibunali * 
or ' pro rostris,* and analogous in Tacitus 
to ' pro ripa,* ‘ pro munimentis,* ‘ pro 
mnris ’ (2. 9, 3 ; 13, 4 ; 81, i) ; it would 
describe the position of the speaker 
standing forth on the platform, rather 
than the audience facing it. Unless 
therefore we may take the phrase to 
mean no more than that they 'stood 
forth assembled,* we must explain it (with 
Nipp.) to signify ' after the fashion of an 
assembly ; ’ the expression being probably 
chosen to imply that it was not strictly 
a ' contio ’ convened by the general, but 
one self-constituted. No such use of the 
phrase has been however found elsewhere. 
A rude trial of this kind, in which sol- 
diers were allowed to batcher those whom 
they pronounced guilty, is called ‘ priscus 
mos ’ in Ammian. 2. 9, 5. 

1 1 . suggestu. This is the regular term 
for the 'tribunal* or platform in camps, 
as H. I, 36, I ; 55, 5 ; Caes. ; Liv,, etc. 
The construction of such with piled up 
turf is described in c. 1 8, 4, but it might 
often be a more permanent structure. 

A.D. 14.] 

LIBER /. CAP. 43-45. 


6 eosdem saevitia fact! et invidia erat. secuti exemplum veteran! 
hand multo post in Raetiam mittuntur, specie defendendae pro- 
vinciae ob imminentis Suebos, ceterum ut avellerentur castris 
truclbus adhuc non minus asperitate remedii quam sceleris mc- 

7 moria. centurionatum inde egit. citatus ab imperatore nomen, 5 
ordinem, patriam, numerum stipendiorum, quae strenue in prae- 

8 liis fecissct, et ciii erant dona militaria, edebat. si tribuni, si 

legio industriam innocentiamque adprobavcrant, retinebat or- 
dinem : ubi avaritiam aut crudelitatcm consensu obiectavissent, 
solvebatur militia. 10 

1 45. Sic compositis praesentibus baud minor moles siipererat 

1. secuti exemplum, sc. Megionum.* 
The separation of the 'veterani sub vex- 
illo ' from the legions is here clearly indi- 

2. Raetiam. This name strictly an- 
swers to the modern Grisons and Tyrol, 
but often, as here, is taken to include the 
frontier country of Vindelicia ; which com- 
prised Southern Bavaria between the Inn 
and the Upi)er Danube, and extended later 
to the ‘ limes l^manus.’ See Introd. vii. 
p. 93. Both countries were reduced to 
subjection by Dnisus and Tiberius in 739, 
ij.C. 15 (Liv. Kpit. 138; Veil. 2. 39, 3 ; 
Hor. Od. 4. 4 and 14), Their only im- 
portant tow'n was 'Augusta Vindelicorum’ 
(Augsburg) : see G. 41, i . 

3. Suebos. The various tribes group- 
ed under this name extended in the time 
of Tacitus from the Baltic to the Danube 
(cp. G. 38-43), and many of them had 
been formed into a powerful organization 
by Maroboduus ; on whom see note on 2. 

44. 5. 

ceterum : cp. c. 10, 1. 

oastris. Nipp. takes this as dat. ; 
but Vergil has the abl. ^ complexu avol- 
sus luli’ (Aen. 4, 6i6). 

4. trucibus, 'gloomy cp. ‘ lucosquc 
vetusta rclligione truces ’ Claud. Laud. 
Stil. I, 229. 

5. centurionatum inde egit. The 
sense required is that of * centnriones rc- 
censuit,* or ' creavit ; ’ the former process 
alone being described, but the latter 
implied ; as the vacancies of those dis- 
missed or killed (c. 32, 3) had to be 
filled up. But ‘ centurionatus,* which 
(according to Nipp.) is found only in Val. 
Max. 3. 2, 23, and in aft inscription of 
Antonine times (I. R. N. 2653), 
mean ‘ the office of centurion ’ (cp. ‘ op- 

tionatus,’ ' dccurionatus,’ etc.) ; and thus 
the centurion himself should rather be 
said 'centurion alum agere.’ It is per- 
haps possible, on the analogy of ' delec- 
tum agere,’ to make the phrase mean ‘ to 
hold an election of centurions ; * but more 
probably the passage is corrupt. I'he 
most plausible emendation, however, 
'centurionuin reatum’ (Benibardy, citetl 
by Baiter), introduces a word unknown 
in Tacitus and very rare otherwise ; and 
one which hardly seems to bear the 
meaning here re(iuired. 

7. dona militaria, ‘decorations.’ Such 
are mentioned in 3. 21, 3; Juv. 16, 57- 
60 ; and many inscriptions (See Ilenzeii, 
Index, j). 144). The brilliant aj)pearance 
of an army when these were worn, as in 
full dress, is described in M. 2. 89, 3. 

si . . . adprobavcrant, . . . ubi . . . 
obiectavissent. ‘ Si ’ and ' ubi ’ are 
interchanged (both with indie.) in 4. 17, 

I ; ‘ si ’ and ‘ ut ’ (both with subj.) in 1 1 . 
28, 3 ; and such changes are frequent : 
see Driigcr, Synt. und Stil, § 233. The 
moods are interchanged, as here, in 6. 
18, 5, where see note. Here there ap- 
pears to be a compromise between the 
subj. of repealed action, usual in writers 
of this age, and the indie, of earlier 
writers. See Introd. v. § 52. Walther 
takes it to imply that approval was the 
rule and disapi)roval the exception. 

9. avaritiam, in selling ‘ vacationes.* 
Seeonc. 17, 6. 

10. solvebatur militia. This is the 
‘ ignominiosa missio ; ’ as distinct from 
the ‘honesta,’ on completion of service, 
and 'causatia,’ for disease. Macer, Dig. 

49. 16, j 3. 

11. praesentibus: cp. c. 30, 5. 

moles, ‘difficulty;* as 2. 78, i, etc. 


ob feroclam quintae et unetvicensimae legionum, sexagensimum 
apud lapidem (loco Vetera nomen est) hibernantium. nam primi 2 
seditionem coeptaverant ; atrocissimum quodque facinus horum 
manibus patratum ; nec poena commilitonum exterriti nec pae- 
5 nitentia conversi iras retinebant. igitur Caesar arma classem 3 
socios demittere Rheno parat, si imperium detrectetur, bello 

46.* At Roniae nondum cognito, qui fuisset exitus in Illyrico^ 1 
et legionum Germanicarum motu audito, trepida civitas incusare 
10 Tiberium quod, dum patres et plebem, invalida et inermia, 
cunctatione ficta ludificctur^ dissident interim miles neque du- 
orum adulesccntium nondum adulta auctoritate comprimi queat. 
ire ipsum et opponere maiestatem imperatoriam debuisse ces- 2 
suris, ubi principem longa experientia eundemque severitatis 

This use of the word had been already 
adopted by Idvy (25. ii, 18) from Vergil 
(Acn. I, 3.^, etc.). 

1. quintae et unetvicensimae. On 
the departure of these legions from the 
summer camp, cp. c. 37, 3. 

2. Vetera, 'this station, though here 
described as if unknown to the reader, 
hatl been frequently mentioned in the 
* Histories.’ d'he full name, 'Vetera 
castra,’ is given in II. 4. 21, 1 ; 5. 14, i. 
The locality is identified by geographers 
with that of IJirten, near Xanten, between 
Cleves and Wesel. This would well suit 
the distance (sixty Roman miles) if reck* 
oned from Kbln. The Itinerary of Anto- 
ninus (p. 370, cited by Orelli), placing it 
at a distance of sixty- three *millia pas- 
sus’ from Bonn, cannot be correct, if 
‘ Vetera ’ be placed at Xanten. See note 
on c. 39, 1. 

3. primi coeptaverant : see c. 31, 3, 

4. poenitentia. With this ‘ cornmi- 
litonum’ may be again supplfcd, or it 
may be taken (with Is4pp.) to mean their 
own penitence. 

5. arma. This is often used for'mi- 
lites,’ as in c. i, 3, etc. Here the legions 
especially are meant, as the * socii ’• are 
mention^ separately. 

classem. 'Fhis was perhaps a flo- 
tilla temporarily got together for use on 
the river. It is known, however, that a 
standing German fleet of seagoing ships 
existed in the time of Drusus (Flor. 4. 
12, 26; Suet. Cl. i), and was employed 
in 758. A. D. 5, by Tiberius, who carried 
it to the Elbe (Veil. 2. 106, 2), and even 

to the Cimbri, or Jutland (Mon. Anc. 5. 
14). Germanicus also used (c. 60, 3) and 
augmented it (2. 6, 2 ). It is st}ded in in- 
scriptions 'Classis Germanica’ (or ‘Au- 
gusta Germanica ’) P. P'. (‘ pia fidelis ’) : 
see Orelli 3600; Henzen 6865 -6867. 

8. Illyrico. This is 'often not dis- 
tinguished from Pannonia : see c. 52. 3. 

10. invalida et inermia, 'the feeble 
and defenceless element:’ cp. ‘quod im- 
becillum aet.atc,’ etc. (c. 56, 3). Nipp. 
has here collected many instances from 
Tacitus of the substantival application 
of neuter adjectives to masc. or fern, 
substantives, to denote them as beings, or 
things, of a certain class. It is not how- 
ever peculiar to him, but a classical usage : 
see Madv. 211 b, Obs. i. 

11. cunctatione: see c. ii, etc. 

dissideat, ‘mutinies:* cp, ‘discors,* 

c. 38, I, etc. 

1 2. adulescentium. Germanicus was 
twenty- nine, Drusus probably about 
twenty-six, years old. See Introd. ix. note 
30> 31- 

13. opponere, ‘ to confront them with.’ 

cessuris : cp. ' tracturis ’ c. 31, i. 

14. experientia : cp. c. 4, 3. 

severitatis et munificentiae sum- 

mum, * with sovereign power to 
punish and reward.’ ‘ Severitas,’ though 
apparently used differently in c. 25, 
3 i 3> 4^19-3 certainly this force in 
3. 21, 2, etc. On the genitive, see In- 
trod. V. § 33, e, 7. The words might 
also be taken, with Zumpt (447, n. i), 
like ‘ pr^estantissimus sapient iae * (6, 6, 
2), to mean 'severitatis et munificentiae 

A.D. M*] 

LIBER /. CAP, 4 . 5 - 47 . 


3 et munificentiae summum vidissent. an Augustuin fessa aetate 
totiens in Gcrmanias commeare potuisse : Tiberium vigentcni 

4 annis sedere in senatu, verba patrum cavillantem ? satis pro- 

spectum urbanae servituti: militaribus animis adhibcnda fo- 
menta, ut ferre pacem velint. 5 

1 47. Inmotiim adversus eos sermones fixumque Tiberio fuit 
non omittere caput rerum neque se remque publicam in casum 

2 dare, multa quippe ct diversa angebant : validior per Ger- 
maniam exercitus, propior apud Pannoniani ; ille Galliaruni 
opibus subnixus, hie Italiae inminens : quos igitur anteferret ? 10 

3 ac ne postpositi contumclia incenderentur. at per filios paritcr 

4 adiri maicstate salva, cui maior e longinquo reverentia. simul 
adulescentibus excusatum quaedam ad patrem rcicere, resisten- 
tisque Germanico aut Druso posse a sc mitigari vel infringi : 

6 quod aliud subsidium, si imperatorem sprevissent? cctcrum ut 15 

summae but the position of Tiberius, as se . . . in casum dare. In 12. 14, 
compared with tliat of his sons, seems here 3, Tacitus has ^rem in c.asum dare;’ and 
to Ije tliouj^ht of rather than his character. such phrases are analogous to ^ rem in 

I. an Augustum, etc. The speakers casum . . . committere’ (Liv. 4. 27, 6;, 

appear to exaggerate the frequency of and ‘dare se in viatn* (Cic. Fain. 14. 

these expeditions, and wholly to invent the 12), or ‘ in fugam ’ (Itl. Verr. 4. 43, ()5). 
contrast of age. We know of no later 10. subnixus, ‘ supported by:’ cp. c. 
expeditions of Augustus to Germany (or ii, 3; 11.1,2. 

rather Gaul) than those of 738, u.c. 16, quos. The use of this pronoun i!i 
and 746, ii.c. 8 (Dio, 54. 19; 55. 6) ; in the sense of ‘ nter * is rare, but found in 

the forty-seventh and hfty-fifth years of the best authors: cp. ‘ coiitroversias . . . 

his age. d'iberius, though undoubtedly quisnam anteferelur ^ (Caes. Ik G. 5. 44, 

far stronger for his years, was already 2); ‘qucin velis, riescias,’ i. c. Anlonius 

tifly-six. The absence of any \varning of or Octavianiis (Cic. Alt. 16. 14, i): cp, 
this exaggeration suggests that Tacitus also Cic. ad Fam. 7. 3, 1 ; Verg. Acn. 

was himself misled by it. 12, 719; 727 ; and several other instances 

fessa aetate. This is a common cited by Isipp. 

expression in Tacitus, as 3. 59, 6 ; 14, 33, ii. ac ue. From 'angebant ’ are su[>- 
4, etc. plied both the idea of doubt (with ‘({uos 

3. cavillantena, ‘quibbling at.’ The anteferret’), and of fear (with ‘ne . . . 

word usually means ' to jest ’ or ‘satirize,’ incenderentur’). ‘Ac ne’ is used in H. 

but is used in this sense in Liv. 3. 20, 4 2. 34, 2 ; 3. 46, 3, to subjoin an ad* 

* cavillari turn tribuni:’ cp. ‘cavillante ditional motive for an action. The 
circa crus’ (of the cobbler) PI. N. li. 35. original text of the MS., ‘ intenderentin,’ 

10, 36, 85. has found defenders (cp. Pfitzncr, p. 4c,') ; 

4. servituti, invidioiusly contrasted but that verb, though often used by 

with ‘ pacem.’ T.acitus in the sense of ‘ to inten.sify,’ 

6. Inraotum fixumque. One of the appears never used with an accusative 
many imitations in Tacitus of Vergil (see of the person. 

Introd. V. § 97, 4). I3- excusatum. This participial ,n<l- 

7. omittere, ‘ to leave unguarded ; ’ as jeetive, in the sense of * excusable,’ is post- 

c. 36, 2, etc. Augustan and rare. The adverbial com- 

caput rerum : so ‘ caf)ut renim parative is found in 3. 68, i, and other 

Urbem ’ (of Rome) H. 2. 32, 4. On a adverbial or adjectival uses in Sen., 

similar occasion, later, we have the same Quint, and PI. min. 

idea in other words, ‘omissa urbe, unde 15. ut . . . iturus. Driiger notes that, 
in omnia regimen ’ (3. 47, 2), before Livy, this rendering of the Greek 



iam lamque iturus legit comItes, conquisivit impedimenta, ador- 
navit naves : mox hiemem aut negotia varie causatus prime 
prudentes, dein vulgum, diutissime provincias fefellit. 

48. At Germanicus, quamquam contracto exercitu et parata 1 
5 in defectores ultione, dandum adhuc spatium ratus, si recenti 
exemplo sibi ipsi consulerent, praemittit literas ad Caecinam, 
venire se valida manu ac, ni siipplicium in males praesumant, 
usurum premisca caede. eas Caccina aquiliferis signiferisque 2 
ct quod maxime castrorum sincemm crat occiilte recitat, utque 
10 cunctos infamiae, se ipsos morti exiniant hortatur : nam in pace 
causas et merita spectari : ubi bellum ingruat, innocentes ac 
noxios iuxta cadere. illi temptatis quos idoneos rebantur, post- 3 
qiiam maiorem leglonum partem in officio vident, de sententia 
legati statuunt tempus, quo foedissimum quemque et seditioni 
15 promptum ferro invadant. tunc signo inter sedate inrumpunt^ 

construction of a participle with is 
very rare, and not found with the future 
participle. Tacitus has *ut . . . arguens* 
(4. 33, 6); *ut . . . transmissurus * (H. 2. 
58, 4! ; *ut . . . positurus’ (II. 3. 68, 4). 
See other instances in Introd, v. § 67. 

1 . legit . . . conquisivit . . . adornavit. 
On the fondness of Tacitus for asyndeta 
in lively narrative, see Introd. v. § 65. 
In such clauses he more frequently uses 
the historical infinitive (as 2, 31, i), or 
present (as H. 2. 22, 3) ; and with the 
verb usually at the beginning of its 
clause, but sometimes for variety at the 
end in the last clause (as c. 68, 2 ; 2. 29, 
i ). Other examples are here collected by 

2. causatus, ‘pleading;’ cp. 13. 44, 
2, etc. ; freq. in poets and Livy. 

3. vulgum. This accus., found in 
Lucr., Verg., and Liv. is not unfrequent 
in Tacitus: cp. 3. 76, 2 ; 4. 14, 4; 6, 44, 
1 ; and several other references given by 

5. dandum . . . spatium. This is 
equivalent to ‘ exspectandum ; ’ with which 
verb, or with such as express or imply 
design, or attempt, ‘si’ is often used in 
the sense of ‘ whether,’ or ‘ in case that.’ 
See Madv, 451 cl. Driiger (Symt. und 
Jsdl, § 193) notes the usage as found in 
Cicero, and Caesar, and especially in 
Livy, and that it is not really a Graecism. 

6 . exemplo, that of the two other 
legions (c. 44). 

Caecinam. He must have gone on 

to ‘Vetera’ soon after leading the two 
other legions to the ‘ civitas Ubiorurn ’ 
(c. 37» 3), as he is not mentioned in the 
events there (c. 39-44). 

7. praesumant : cp. 2. 73, 6 ; 3. 46, 
2, etc. The word is confined to poets 
and post- Augustan prose. 

8. promisca. The first Medicean MS. 
has always this form (cp. 3. 34. 3 ; 53, 5; 
70, 2; 4, 16, 5; 37, 5); whereas the 
second interchanges it with ‘ promisciuis ’ 
(cp. e. g. 14. 14, 3 and 15. 9, 2). Halm 
throughout adopts the former ; Baiter and 
others follow the MS. On such variations, 
see Introd. v. § 85, Pfitzner, p. 42. 

aquiliferis signiferisque. On the 
former cp. c. 39, 7 : ‘ signiferi legionum ’ 
arc often mentioned in inscriptions. 
Orelli (on Inscr. 3482) supposes them to 
be ‘ signiferi cohortium’ (see on c. 18. 3); 
Ritter, to be the bearers of the ‘ vexilla’ 
or ‘signa’ of maniples, for w'hom no 
special title appears to occur in inscrip- 
tions. Caeciiia appears to be obliged to 
act through these officers, as there were 
no centurions left. See c. 32, 3. 

10. ezimant. The dative with this 
verb, frequent in poets and post- August an 
prose, is generally used by Tacitus (cp. 
c. 64, 4; 2. 55, 3; 3. 18, I, etc.), except 
in Agr. 3, 3, and perhaps in T4. 64, i. 

1 1 . oaiibas, ‘ excuses : ’ so ‘ causam 
seditioni’ (H. 4. 19, i) ; ‘ accipio causam’ 
(Cic. Fam. 16. 19). 

15. promptum. On the dative with 
this word, see c. 2, i. 

A.D. 14] LIBER I. CAP. 47-49. 217 

contubernia, trucidant ignaros, nullo nisi consciis noscente quod 
caedis initium, quis finis. 

1 49. Diversa omnium^ quae umquam accidere, civilium ar- 

2 morum facies, non proelio, non adversis e castris, sed isdem 
e cubilibus, quos simul vescentis dies, simul quietos nox habu- 5 
erat, discedunt in partes, ingcrunt tela, clamor vulnera sanguis 

3 palam, causa in occulto ; cetera fors regit. et quidam bonorum 
caesi, postquam intellecto in quos saeviretur, pessimi quoque 
arma rapucrant. neque Icgatus aut tribunus moderator adfuit : 

4 permissa vulgo licentia atque ultio et satietas. mox ingressus 10 
castra Germanicus, non medicinam illud plurimis cum lacrimis 
sed cladcm appellans, crcman corpora iubet. 

6 Truces etiam turn animos ciipido involat cundi in hostem, 
piaculum furoris ; ncc aliter posse placari commilitonum manes, 
e quam si pcctoribus impiis honesta vulnera accepissent. sequitur 15 
ardorem militum Caesar iunctoque ponte tramittit duodecim 
milia c legionibus, sex et viginti socias cohort is, octo cquitum 
alas, quarum ea seditione intemerata modestia fuit. 

I. nullo ... noscente, ‘none being zeugma; as 'not confronted in battle, 
able to ascertain;’ cp. c, 62, i; and nor starting from opposite camps.’ 

‘arma,’ ‘ principia noscerc* (to distin- 7. cetera, 'the issue.’ ‘ Fors omnia 

giiish’) 11 . 1. 68, i; 2. 93, i. regere’ is found in Sail. Jug. 51, 1. 

quod . . • initium, quis finis. Wal- ii. illud. This use of a pronoun in (ho 

thcr thinks an explanation possible of neuter, where its gender would more 
the interchange of ‘ qui ’ and ‘ quis,’ on classically be attracted to that of the 
the ground that more stress is laid in the noun referred to. is common in Tacitus, 
first clause on the noun, in the second on who thus uses 'istud’ (2. 38, 4), 'illud’ 
the pronoun. But in not a few cases the (4. 19, 3), and ‘ id’ (16. 22, 2). Several 
use of ‘quis* for ‘qui,’ or the reverse, other instances are collected by Nipp. 
seems to turn on euphony. See Zumpt The usage appears to occur first in Vergil, 

134, note; Madvig 88, Obs. i. e. g. Acn. 3, 173 ‘nec sopor illud erat.’ 

3. Diversa omnium. The words 13. etiam turn; this is taken closely 
might be rendered ‘ unlike this was the with ‘ truces.’ 

appearance,’ etc. ; but more probably the animos cupido involat. This 
genitive is a Graecism like that found phrase is noted by Drager as (in. ilp., but 
often in Horace with words expressing the construction of ‘involare’ with the 
separation; as ‘abstineto irarum,’ ‘sceleris accusative, found also II. 4. 33, 2, and in 
punis,’ ‘ operum vacuus,’ etc. : cp. Zumpt PI. mai. etc., is analogous to that of 
469 ; Madv. 290, Obs. 3. many verbs compounded with ‘ in,’ as 

4. facies. The use of this word in ‘inruiiipere,’ etc. 

the sense of ‘aspectus rei’ ajipears to 15. honesta, i.e. the wounds orhonoiir- 
originate with Vergil, from whom (Aen. able battle, contrasted with ‘impiis,’ pob 
6, 104) Tacitus adopts ‘labornm facies’ luted by civil war. Cp. ‘impius . . , miles’ 

(H. 3. 30, 1): cp. ‘facies belli^’ (H. i. (Verg. Fcl. i, 71). 

2), ‘pugnae’ (H. 2. 42, 4), ‘locorum’ sequitur, ‘ seconds: ’ cp. ' adula- 
(Ann. 14, 10, 5), ‘victoriae’ (Agr. 38, 2). tionem . . . sequitur’ (3. 69, i). 

See above, c. 41, i. 17. e legionibus, i. e. from the four 

6. discedunt in partes. Nipp. notes legions of the lower army. These de- 
the ideas supplied from this above by tachments, amounting to about half their 



50. Laeti neque prociil Germani agitabant, ditm iustitio ob 1 
amissum Aiigustum^ post discordiis attinemur. at Romanus 2 
agmine propero silvam Caesiam Umitemque a Tiberio coeptum 
scindit, castra in limite locat, frontem ac tergum vallo, latera 
5 concaedibus munitus. inde saltus obscuros permeat consult- 3 
atque cx duobus itineribus breve et solitum scquatur an inpe- 
ditius et intemptatum eoquc hostibus incautum. dclecta longiore 4 
via cetera adcclerantur : etenim attulerant exploratores festam 
earn Gcrmanis noctem ac sollemnibiis epulis ludicram. Caecina 5 

strength, are designated by the legionary 
names in c. 51, 5. 

quarum applies to * cohortes’ and 
'alae.* The auxiliary troops generally 
had no share in this mutiny. See 
e. 36, 2. 

modestia, * subordination ; ' as c. 35, i. 

I . agitabant — ‘ degebant : ’ so 4. 46, i ; 
II. 21, 2, etc. : cp. ‘ agere’ c. 68, i,ctc. 

iustitio. See c. 16, 2. 

3, Caesiam. Thi.s forest is nowhere else 
mentioned : but must have been near the 
l)oint of crossing, which must have been 
between Xanten and Kbln, jirobably nearer 
to the former. Some think the name trace- 
able hi Cocsfeld, where a high tract extends 
from the Lippe to the Yssel. Another 
view, more suitable to the probable line 
of march here, agreeing with Lips., that 
the name should probably be ‘ Ilaesiam ’ 
(connected with that of the Geiinan 
war-god), traces it in a formerly existing 
‘ Hescrwakl,’ the name of w'hich survives 
in the village of Heisingen, near Essen. 

limitom ; this, as well as those 
mentioned in 2. 7, 5, appear to have no 
connection with the well-known ‘ limes 
Komaniis ’ of later date (Introd. vii. i).,93). 
The direction of this one may probably 
be inferred from the position of ‘Aliso’ 
(2. 7, 5), westward of Ilamm ; which is 
believed to have been one of the forts 
securing it. Dorsten is supposed also to 
be on the line of it (Ritter). 

coeptum, Maid out.* So *(hortos) 
a Lucullo coeptos* 11. 1,1. The word 
does not in such places imply incom- 
jiletcness of work, but rather the capa- 
bility of extension. Nipp. 

4. scindit, ‘ penetrates,* or * passes 
through.’ It is hardly likely that this 
first march, * propero agmine,’ through a 
forest within the ‘limes,’ involved any 
considerable clearance of obstacles, such 
as Caecina was sent on to effect in the 
further march ; nor need we suppose that 
the * limes ’ had to be cut away to pass 

it; the probability being, as Nipp. sug- 
gests, that such a barrier had passages at 
one or more points secured by forts. 

ip limite. Walther and others take 
this to mean * touching the barrier,’ i.e. 
so that it formed one side of the camp. 
'I'he expression would seem rather to 
imply that the Mimes’ was a broad 
embankment with a double ‘vallum,’ on 
which could be formed a long narrow 
camp, secured in front and rear. But we 
can hardly suppose it to have been so 
great a work, and in such a .spot it w’ould 
have been needless to protect the flanks. 

frontem . . . munitus. On the fre- 
quency of this poetical or Greek accus. in 
Tacitus, sec Introd. v. § ii. 

5, concaedibus. The word appears 
to be found only in Vegetius and Am- 
mianus, but such barricades of felled 
trees to protect the flanks are described 
in Cacs. B. G. 3. 29, i. 

saltus obscuros. These lay be- 
tween the Mimes’ and the ‘Marti’ (see 
below). Ritter suggests a locality suit- 
able to the narrative, in the Mlaardt- 
Gebirge,’ near Dor.sten, between the 
Lippe and Ruhr. We have no means 
of knowledge as to the two roads from 
this point to the Marsi. Those suggested 
by Klbstermeyer (ap. Rupert.) are routes 
suitable to longer expedition.'?. 

7. incautum. This passive sense is 
found in poets; also in Sallust (‘incautos 
agros invasit’ 11 . Fr. inc. 46 D, 12 K, 
3, 71 G), and Livy (‘ quod neglexeris in- 
cautum . . . habeas’ 25. 38, 14). 

8. cetera, in contrast with * delecta 
longiore via.* 

9. sollemnibus epulis ludicram, * a 
night of games at the festival banquet.* 
The gr^t national game of the Germans 
is described in G. 24, i ‘genus specta- 
culorum unum atque in omni coetu 
idem. Nudi iuvenes, quibus id ludicrum 
cst, inter gladios se atque infestas frameas 
saltu iaciunt,* 

A.D. 14.] LIBER /. 50, 51. 219 

cum expeditis cohortibus praeire et obstantia silvarum amoliri 
6iubetur: Icgioncs modico intervallo sequuntur. iuvit nox si- 
dcribus inlustris, vciitumque ad vicos Marsorum et circumdatae 
stationes stratis etiain turn per cubilia propterque niensas, nullo 
7 mctu, non antepositis vigiliis ; adeo cuncta in curia disiecta erant 
neque belli timor, ac ne pax quidem nisi languida et soluta inter 

1 51 . Caesar avidas Icgionos, quo latior populatio foret, quattuor 
in cuneos dispertit ; ciuinquaginta milium spatium fcrro flam- 

2 misque pcrvastat. non sexus, non aetas miscrationcm attiilit : 
profana simul et sacra et celeberrimum illis gentibus templum 

3 quod Tamfanae vocabant solo 

4 qui semisomnos, incrmos aut 

3. Marsorum. This people appear in 
these books (cp. c. 56, 7 ; 2. 25, 2) as one 
of the chief names in this part of (Ger- 
many, like the Chenisci and Chatti, and 
arc mentioned by Strabo (7. i, 3, p. 2<jO) 
as having retreated before the Romans 
into the interior; but in the * Germania* 
appear only as an * antiquum nomcn * 
(c. 2, 4). Nipp. gives the probable 
explanation, that the name is that of a 
combination or aggregate of some such 
tribes as those mentioned in G. 34, 1, and 
that it had become dissolved by the time 
of Tacitus. The locality of the Marsian 
villages here mentioned would appear to 
be between the Lippe and the Ruhr, 
perhaps near Dortmund. 

circumdatae; ])robably, as Joh. Miiller 
suggests, ‘ vicis ’ should be supplied, and 
‘ stratis ’ should be taken as abl. abs. 

5. antepositis, ‘ j)laced in front of 
them;* so ^antepositis piopiignaculis * 
12. 56, 3, 

disiecta, disorganized : * cp. * disicctas 
per cater vas ’ 2. 45, 3. For other senses 
of the word, cp. c. 32, 7, etc. 

6. ne pax quidem, etc., ‘even their 
peace was but the weary and reckless 
ease of the drunken.* Driiger notes the 
application in Cicero of ‘ langiiidus ’ to 
such conceptions as ‘seneclus,’ ‘ studium,* 

‘ voluptates :* ‘inter temulcntos* is re- 
peated from FI. I. 80, 3; and this prep. 
IS often used thus concisely (cp. H. i. i, 
2; 34, 2; 2. 92, 2), where an aU. abs.’ 
or such a clause as ‘ cum temulenti essent,* 
would be expected. 

8. avidas. Tacitus appears to follow 
Horace (Od. 3. 4, 58) in using this word, 
without qualification, of eagerness for 

aequaiitur. sine vulnere milites, 
palantis ceciderant. excivit ea 


9. cimeos. This formation would ap- 
pear suitable rather to battle than to 
marching ; but the word is capable of 
a more general meaning, equivalent to 
‘columns;* as in 16. 27, i ; also as used 
in opposition to ‘catervae’ (U. 2. 42, 4), 
and to ‘ porrecto agmine’ (H. 5. 16, I), 
and by Curtins (3. 2) of the Macedonian 

10. non sexus, etc. We have similar 
complacent descriptions of massacre in 
c. 56. 3; 2. 21. 3, 25,4: yet ‘ mansue- 
tudo in hostes* is noted as a special cha- 
racteristic of Germanicus (2. 72, 3). 
Orelli supposes that the duty of avenging 
Varus would justify such extremities of 
warfare iu the mind of a Roman It is 
more probable that sucli ads towards 
barbarians would not appear to require 
justification ; though the soldiers are made 
to express special indignation against 
‘perfidious peacebreaker ’ (2. 13, i ). 

11. templum quod Tamfanae voca 
bant. The Germans had no temples ((F 9, 
3), but the consecrated grove in which their 
altars were placed is called ‘ templum * 
in G. 40, 4. A similar place is the Mucus 
Raduliennae ’ in 4. 73, 7. ^I'hc attributes 
of this deity are iinknow^ri : the form 
‘Tanfaiiae’ (Reroald , etc.) Is a nearer 
approach to the name as found in a (jer- 
man line of the ninth or tenth century 
(cite<I by Nipp.) ‘ Zanfana sentit morgane 
feiziu scaf cleiniu ’ Zanfana sciidet mor- 
gen kleine feiste Schafe ’). 

13. palantis, ‘ stragglers,’ as in c. 30, 1 . 
It is meant that all the enemy were in 
one or other of these three conditions ; 
many possibly in more than one. 



caedes Bructeros, Tubantcs, Usipetes ; saltusque per quos exer- 
citui regressus insedere. quod gnarum duci incessitque itineri 
et proelio. pars equitum et auxiliariae cohortes ducebant, mox 5 
prima legio, et mediis impedimentis sinistrum latus unetvicensi- 
5 mani, dextrum quintani clausere, vicensima legio terga firmavit, 
post ceteri sociorum. sed hostes, donee agmen per saltus por- 6 
rigeretur, immoti, dein latera et frontem modice adsultantcs, 
tota vi novissimos incurrere. turbabanturque densis Germa- 7 
norum catervis leves cohortes, cum Caesar advectus ad vicensi- 
10 manos voce magna hoc illud tempus obliterandae sedilionis 
clamitabat: pergerent, properarent culpam in decus vertere. 
exarsere animis unoque impetu perruptum hostem redigunt in 8 
aperta caeduntque: simul primi agminis copiae evasere silvas 

1. Bructeros. This tribe, divided in- ercitum;’ and in Curtius (3, 8) by Mti- 

to ‘maiores’ and ‘minores,’ appear to neri simul paratus et praclio.’ On this 

have occupied a tract between the Idppe use of the dative, see note on c. 23, 6. 

and the upper part of the Kms, near the The chief peculiarity here consists in the 

modern Munster, and on both sides of absence i^through use of an intransitive 

the former river. (Strab, 7. i, 3, 291). verb) of the substantive on which such 

They had been reduced by Tiberius (Veil. dative usually more or less depends (sec 

2. 105, I), but had risen against Varus, Roby, 1156). 'Incessit’ has the force of 

one of whose eagles they had captured * incessum instituit,* as * honori deciicur- 

(c. 60, 4). Tliey take part in the rising rit’ (2. 7, 4) is e(]uivalcnt to 'honori de- 

of Civil is (H, 4. 21, 3; 61, 3, etc.); and cursum duxit,’ and as 'signnm' is sup* 

later history (see Diet, of Geog.) contra- plied in the phrase ' receptui canere.’ 

diets the statement of Tacitus (G. 33, i), 3, auxiliariae cohortos. As it is 

that they had been annihilated by his own plain from what follows that these did 

not all march in front, the suggestion 
Tubantes. These are mentioned of Nipp. is probable, that some numeral, 

iii 55 > 5 » ^ though not such as x, may have dropped out after, 

noticed in the ' Germania,’ were known or become altered into, ' et.* 

to Ptolemy, and ranch later (see Diet, of ducebant ; absolutely, as i^ovfiat 
Geog.). They appear to have moved is often used, The arrangement, nearly 

gradually from their original locality near the same as in c. 64, 8, is one of the 

the Yssel in a south easterly direction forms of the 'quadratum agmen,’ other 

(see on 13. 55, 5), and to have lived at disj)ositions of which are given in Mar- 

this time south of the Ruhr. quardt. Staatsv. ii. p. 41 1. 

Usipetes. These are elsewhere 6. porrigeretur. This verb is here used 
called 'Usipi * (e.g. 13, 55, 5; 56, 6), of extension of columns in file, more 

and closely joined with the Tencteri (G. usually of extension in line (as II. 5. 16, 

32, j, etc.). These two tribes fronted i ; Agr. 35, 4). 

the Rhine throughout a considerable part 7. adsultantes. The accus. with this 
of the Lower Province. The Usipi fur- verb, as also those with ' incurrere’ and 

nish a cohort to the army of Britain in * evasere ’ below, are instances of the 

the time of Domitian (Agr. 28, i), but fondness of Tacitus for such constructions 

are unknown after the date of the ' Ger- with compound verbs ; see Introd. v. § 

mania.’ 12 Cr ‘Adsultare,’ a word not apparently 

2. gnarum: cp. c. 5, 4. found ttarlier than in PI. mai., and chiefly 

incessitque itineri et proelio, * he in Tacitus, is elsew here used by him with 

ordered his advance alike for march- a dat. (as 2. 13, 4, etc.), or absol. (as ii. 
ing and lighting.’ Such a disposition of 31, 5, etc.). 

troops is similarly described in 13.40, 2 10. illud tempua, ‘the opportunity 

* viae pariter et pugnae composuerat ex- they had desired ’ (c. 49, 5). 

A.D. 14.] 

LIBER 1 . CAP. 51-53, 


9 castraque communivere. quietum inde iter, fidensquc recentibus 
ac priorum oblitus miles in hibernis locatur. 

1 52 . Nuntiata ea Tiberium laetitia curaque adfecere : gaudcbat 
oppressam seditionem, sed quod largiendis pecuniis et missione 5 
festinata favorem militum quaesivisset, bellica quoquc Germa- 

2 nici gloria angebatur. rettulit tamen ad senatum de rebus 
gestis multaque de virtute eius menioravit, magis in speciem 

3 verbis adornata quam ut penitus sentire crederetur. paucioribus 
Drusum et finem Illyrici motus laudavit, scd intentior et fida 
oratione. cimctaque quae Germanicus indulserat, servavit etiam 
apud Pannonicos exercitus. 

1 53. Eodem anno lulia supremum diem obiit, ob impudicitiam 

olim a patre Augusto Pandateria insula, mox oppido Reginorum, 

6. festinata. This passive (as 6. 40. 
I, etc.) and the corresponding transitive 
active (as c. 6, 4, etc ) are poetical, but 
already used by Sail. 

quaesivisset, * had courted.’ In 
the subjiinct., as part of the thought of 
I'iberius, who is taken by some to be the 
subject of the verb, and supposed lo view 
himself as compromised by what was 
done in his name (c. 36, 4). But the 
subject ‘Germanicus’ can be supplied 
from the following words, as is the ob- 
ject of ‘raperct’ in 2. 55, 3; and the 
change of construction, from a dependent 
clause to a simple case, would resemble 
that noted on c. 35, 2, 

bellica quoque gloria, etc. It is 
not improbable (see on c. 35, 1) that the 
insignificant campaign just concluded had 
been greatly overrated at Kome through 
the popularity of Germanicus. Other- 
wise, it seems incredible that it could 
have excited any jealousy, or dread of his 
increased importance. 

7. rettulit ... ad senatum. Dio (57. 
6, 2) states that he also sent compli- 
mentary letters to Germanicus himself 
and to Agrippina. The practice of laying 
before the senate even matters not strictly 
within their proper business is character- 
istic of Tiberius, and appears on .several 
occasions (e. g. 2. 43, i ; 63, 3 ; 88, i ; 
3. 47, I ; 4. 15, 3) ; and several other cases 
referred to in Suet. Tib. 30 ; see Introd. vi. 
pp. 79, 8i. 

8. magis in speciem, etc., %with a 
verbiage too ostentatious to win credit 
for sincerity.’ For Mn speciem,’ cp. 2. 
6, 3 ; and for other such uses of * in,’ see 
Introd. V. § 60 b. 

10. intentior, ‘more in earnest:’ cp. 
3 ‘ 35 > 2 ; 13. 3 , ^ ; 15* 62, 2, etc. 

fida. The application of this word 
to inanimate things, though common in 
poets and post -Augustan prose writers, 
seems contiiied to them. 

1 1 . indulserat, ‘ had conceded : ’ cp. 2 . 
38, 3; 11. 20, 3, etc. The passive is 
found in I.iv. 40. 15, 16 ; otherwise thi.s 
use appears wholly confined to writers of 
the silver age. 

12. exercitus. I'his plural might be 
understood here of the .separate armies of 
Pannonia and Delmatia (cp. 4. 5, 4), 
both loosely styled ‘ Pannonici.’ But 
nothing has been said in this narrative 
about the Delinatian army, and ‘exer- 
ciliis ’ appears to be often equivalent to 
‘legiones,’ c. g. 3. 12, 6 ; 4. 47, i ; H. 3. 
15, j, etc. 

13. lulia. The only child of Augustus. 
On her marriages, see Introd. ix. note 5. 
All authorities are agreed upon her vices : 
see 3. 24, 2 ; Veil. 2. too, 3 ; Sen. de 
Ben. 6. 32, 1 ; Suet. Aug. 65 ; Dio, 55. 
10, 12. Some of her sayings and personal 
traits have been preserved by Macrobius 
(Sat. 2. 5). She was fifty-three years old 
at her death, and had Used fifteen years 
in exile, which at first was voluntarily 
shared with her by her mother (Dio, 1 . 1 .). 

14. Pandateria. This island is gene- 
rally identified with Vandotena, a little 
north of the bay of Naples. It was after- 
wards the place of exile of Agrippina 
(Suet, Tib. 53), and of Octavia (14. 63, 
1). Julia wa.s kept there five years, her 
removal to Regium being a slight indul- 
gence (Suet. Aug. 65). 

Beginorum. The name is thus 



qui Siculum fretiim accolunt, clausa, fuerat in matrimonio Ti- 2 
berii florentibus Gaio et Lucio Caesaribus spreveratque ut in- 
parem ; nec alia tarn intima Tiberio causa cur Rhodum absce- 
deret. imperium adeptus extorrem, infamem et post interfectum 3 
Postumum Agrippam omnis spei egenam inopia ac tabe longa 
peremit, obscuram fore necem longinquitate exilii ratus. par 4 
causa saevitiae in Sempronium Gracchum, qui familia nobili, 
sellers ingenio ct prave facundus, eandem luliam in matrimonio 
Marci Agrippae temeraverat. nec is libidini finis : traditam 5 
Tiberio pervicax adulter contumacia et odiis in maritum ac- 
cendebat; Hteraeque quas. lulia patri Augusto cum insectatione 
Tiberii scripsit a Graccho compositae credebantur. igitur amotus 6 
Cercinam, Africi maris insulam, quattuordecim annis cxilium 

written in the MS., and the orthography 
is confirmed by inscriptions (e. g. Orcll. 
3308, 3838, etc ). Nipp. notes that the 
clause ‘qui . . . accolunt’ is added to 
distinguish it from Regium Lepidi (Reg- 
giob between Parma and Modena. Banish- 
ment often took the form of restriction to 
a town : cp. 13. 47, 4. 

1. fuerat in matrimonio, etc. On 
her marriage to Tiberius, his retirement 
to Rhodes, and the death of her sons, see 
Introd. viii. pp. 113, 114. 

2. inparem, ‘beneath her:’ so‘ma- 
temum genus impar’ (II. 2. 50, i). Cp. 
Sail. Jug. II, 3 ; Idv. 6. 34, 9, In family, 
Tiberius was far above her fonner hus- 
band, Agripj^a, but had hardly as good a 
position in the state; and her sons, as 
adopted into the house of the Caesars, 
and heirs-designatc of Augustus, would 
rank above her husband. 

3. tarn intima, ‘so real.’ ‘Tam’ is 
used to add force to a superlative by Cic., 
as ‘tarn gravissimis iudiciis’ (Phil. 12. 
5, ii) and ‘tarn maxime ’ (de Am. 23). 

5. egenam. lavy, in a poetical pas- 
sage (9. 6, 4b adopts the Vergilian ‘om- 
nium egeni ’ (Aen. i. 599') ; and Tacitus 
uses this poetical word with genit. (as 4. 
30, 2, etc.), or abl. (as 12. 46, 2). 

inopia ac tabe longa, ‘by privation 
and slow decay,’ i. e. ‘ tabe per inopiam 
facta.* Suetonius (Tib. 50) says that 
after the death of Augustus, Tiberius 
aggravated her restrictions, and withdrew 
her ‘ peculium ’ and annual allowance. 
Though she died within the year, her 
privations may thus have lasted three or 
four months. 

6. longinquitate, ‘ duration,’ She had 

been forgotten so long that none would 
ask how she died. This sense of the word 
is fully supported from the best authors 
(cp. ‘ longinquitas morbi ’ Cic. Phil. 10. 
8, 16) ; and Ritter’s reference to 6. 14, 4 
hardly proves that any place within Italy 
could be called ‘distant.’ 

7. Sempronium Qracchum. There is 
evidence (Eckhel, v. 304; C. 1 L. vi. ], 
1515) that his pracnomen was ‘ Tiberius.’ 
and that lie had been ‘ iii vir monetalis’ 
and ‘ quaest. design.; ’ and Nipp. suggests 
that he may be the same who is men- 
tioned as a tragedian by Ovid (ex P. 4. 
16, 31), and of whom three or four lines 
and titles are preserved by Priscian and 
others (Ribbeck, p. 196). 

S. prave facundus, ‘ of unscrupulous 
eloquence : ’ cp. ‘ pudons prave ’ (‘ with 
false modesty’) Her. A. P. 88. 

9. temeraverat. This poetical word 
is also brought into prose by Livy (26. 
13, 13, etc.); it is generally figurative in 
Tacitus, as c. 30, 3, etc. 

10. contumacia et odiis, ‘through 
defiance and antipathy,’ i. e. by rousing 
these feelings in her. Nipp. compares 
‘ira magis quam metu . . . accenderant’ 
(*5-4. 4)- 

12. scripsit. This is a mere aorist, 
denoting a past event, as ‘ inposuit ’ (6. 
31, 2), ‘ patefecit ’ (11.9, 4), etc., w'hereas 
‘ credebantur ’ expresses the belief at tlie 
time when. the letters were written. 

13. Cercinam, the ‘ Karkenah’ or ‘ Ker- 
kena * islands, in the Lesser Syrtis. 

quaiJluordecim annis. On this ab- 
lative, see Introd. v. § 26. As this 
computation would make his exile dale 
from a year later than that of Julia, Nipp. 

A.D. 14] 

LIBER I. CAP. 53, 54. 

7 toleravit. tunc milites ad caedem missi invencre m prominenti 

8 litoris, nihil laetum opperientem. quorum adventu breve tempus 
petivit, ut suprema mandata uxori Alliariae per litcras darct, 
cervicemque percussoribus obtulit, . constantia mortis baud in- 

9 dignus Sempronio nomine : vita degeneraverat. quidam non 5 
Roma eos milites, scd ab L. Asprenate pro consule Africae 
missos tradiderc auctorc Tiberio, qui famam caedis posse in 
Asprenatem verti frustra speraverat. 

1 54. Idem annus novas caerimonias accepit addito sodalium 
Augustalium sacerdotio, ut quondam Titus Tatius retinendis 10 

2 Sabinorum sacris sodales Titios instituerat. sorte ducti e pri- 
moribus civit^tis unus et viginti ; Tiberius Drususque et Clau- 

3 dins et Germanicus adiciuntur, 

suj^gests that he was the person whose 
punishment was deferred till the expira- 
tion of his tribuneship (Dio, 55. 10, 15). 

4. constantia mortis : cp. ‘ constantia 
exitus’ 15, 49, 2 ; 63, 4. 

5. vita, d'his is usually taken as an 
abl. and wmild be a similar modal abl. to 
‘constantia. Mr. Frost takes it as the 
subject of the verb. 

6. L. Asprenate. Probably this was 
the nephew of Varus, who is honourably 
mentioned in Veil. 2. 120, and whose name 
occurs later in a senatorial debate (3. 18, 
5). He is generally identified with the 
L. Nonius A sprenas, cos, suff.iii 759, A.D. 6 
(laser. Henzen 7130). Nipp. thinks him 
also the, person mentioned by M. Seneca 
(Controv. TO. praef. 2) as an orator whose 
fame had perished with him. 

8. speraverat. 'I'his expresses the 
opinion of Tacitus, whereas * speraverit,’ 
the conjecture of Freinsh. and Krn. would 
express that of his authorities. 

9. annus . . . accepit. On such per- 
sonifications, see Introd. v. § 75. 

sodalium Augustalium. These are 
mentioned in 3. 64, 3 ; H. 2. 95, 3 ; Suet. 
Cl. 6 ; Galb. 8 ; and in numerous in- 
scriptions (see Henzen 6045 »’ Index, 
p. 46, etc.). They ranked with the great 
priestly colleges, and rose to the number 
of twenty- eight members: when, after the 
deification of Claudius, his cultus de- 
volved on them, they are sometimes 
styled * sodales Aiigustales Claudiales.’ 
Afterwards their institution served as a 
precedent for the creation of ‘sodales 
Flaviales,’ ‘ Hadrianales,’ etc. See the 
authorities cited by Marquardt, Staatsv. 
iii. p. 449, etc. 

ludos Aiigustales tunc primum 

II. sodales Titios. This old religious 
brotherhood is mentioned by Lucan 
(i, 602), Suetonius (Galb. 8), and in 
many inscriptions, c. g. Orell. 746, 890, 
^.3^4 , 236.S. 2366, etc, Tacitus else- 
where (II. 2. 95, 3) ascribes the founda- 
tioii to Romulus in honour of Tatius ; 
which is more likely to have been the 
received form of the legend, inasmuch 
.is Tatius, who (see J.iv. 1. 10-14) is 
really known only as the eponymus of 
this priesthood and of the old century or 
tribe of the Titienscs, was certainly 
honoured by sacrifices (Dion. Hal. 2. 52), 
and may be a god ' Fuhemerized' into a 
man. See Seeley, Hist, lixam. of Jfivy, 

b. I. pp. 37, 73, etc. Nothing is known 
of the functions of this priesthood ; but 
Varro (L. L. 5, 85), in connecting their 
name with ‘ aves 'I'itii,’ appears to asso- 
ciate them witli the science of augury. 
Tacitus here supposes them to have kept 
up the Sabine religion. See Marqiiardt, 
Staatsv. iii. p. 427. 

Borte ducti, etc. L; Suet. Galb. 8, 
we find evidence of subsequent elections 
by cooptation, but the general mode of 
election is not known. On ‘ piimoics 
civititcs,’ see note on c. 24, 1. 

13. adiciuntur; i. e. as supernumerary 
or honorary members. Such w'ere not 
unfrequently added by .senatorial election 
(see on 3. 19, i). The addition of 
Claudius is remarkable, as he was not 
included in the Julian family. On the 
distinct office of ‘ flamen August!,’ see on 

c. 10, 5, 8. 

tunc primum coeptos. On the error 
of supposing an earlier existence of these 
games, see 011 c. 15, 3. 


coeptos turbavit discordia ex certamine histrionum. indulserat 
ci ludicro Augustus, dum Maecenati obtemperat effuso in amo- 
rem Bathylli ; neque ipse abhorrebat talibus studiis, et civile 
rebatur misceri voluptatibus vulgi. alia Tiberio morum via : 4 
5 sed populum per tot annos niolliter habitum nondum audebat 
ad duriora vcrtere. 

55. Dniso Caesare C. Norbano consulibus decernitur Ger - 1 
manico triumphus maneiite bello ; quod quamquam in aestatem 
summa ope parabat, initio veris et repentino in Chattos excursu 

1. discordia, probably * turbulence : * 
cp. 'discors’ c. 38, 1, etc. Dio (56. 
47, 2) states that one of the actors struck 
for hi^jher pay, and that the people sup- 
ported him so entliusiastically that the 
tribunes were forced on the same day to 
convene the senate to authorise the in- 

histrionum. This word (interchanged 
with ‘mimus’ in c. 73, 2, 4) is gene- 
rally applied by Tacitus (e. g. c. 77t 
2, etc.) and writers of his age (c. g. Juv. 
7, 90) to the 6 pxf)(TTai^ who, from the 
time of Augustus (see Suet. Aug. 45. etc.) 
are called * pantomimi.’ The art of re- 
presenting characters by dumb-show (de- 
scribed as ‘ saltarc Agamemnona,* * Oedi- 
pum,‘ ‘ I.edam,’ etc.), though in some 
form as old as the earliest Italian drama 
(see 4. 14, 4; Liv. 7. 2), received such 
development at that time from Jlathyllus, 
I’vlades, and Ilylas, that they have been 
called its inventors (Zosimiis 1. 6), Some 
description of it may be seen in Macrob. 
2, 7; Imcian de Salt. c. 67, etc. 

indulserat. Suetonius (Aug. 45^ de- 
scribes his interest in all public amuse- 
ments, but adds that his indulgence to 
the ‘ histriones ’ was not untemjxjred by 
severity; for Hylas and another were 
scourged, and l^ylades temporarily ban- 
ished (see Dio, 54. 1 7, 4) by his order. 

2. dum. See note on c. 23, 6. 

3. Bathylli ; he was a freedman and 
client of Maecenas, and the chief rival of 
l^ylades. See Dio, 54. 17, 4. 

abhorrebat talibus studiis. Cp. 
‘abhorruisse . . . oblectamentis ’ 14. 21, 
2. The- case is probably in both in- 
stances an abl. like * meta distabat 
utraque* (Ov. Met. 3, 145). The simple 
.abl. with verbs expressing difference is 
rare and poetical; the simple dative 
rather less rare : see Zumpt 468. 

4. morum via, ‘ his character took a 
diflerent course.* Cp. the use of ‘via* 

alone, 4. 7, i . On the character given of 
Tiberius as ‘ tristissimus hominum,* see 
Introd. viii. p. 1 17. 

5. habitum, * held in hand,’ ‘ governed 
cp. * Hispaniae . . . habebantiir' 4. 5, 2; 
‘ comiptius habiti (liberti) ’ II. i. 22, 1. 

nondum audebat. It is staled by 
Dio (37. II, 5) th.Tt he was constantly 
present at the regular public entertain- 
ments during the earlier years of his rule. 
Occasional treats, such as gladiatorial 
shows, became very rare under him. See 
4 - 62, 3 - , 

6. ad duriora, ‘to sterner courses;' 

‘ duris iudicibus ’ is used in a good sense 
(T5- 55* .^)* ‘dura virtus’ G. 31, 5. 

7. Druso Caesare O. Norbano, 
‘Flaccus,’ the cognomen of the latter, is 
given in Suet. Vit. 3, and in Fasti (Hcn- 
zen 6442), which also give M. Silanus as 
cos. suff. Flaccus appears to have been 
praetor in 764, A. D. ii (Henzen, Act. 
Arv. Index, p. 192). 

8. triumphus. This was not celebrated 
till two years later. Cp. 2. 41, 2, Its 
award seems to show that the insignificant 
campaign described in c. 50, 51 had been 
greatly overrated at Rome. See note on 
c. 52, I. On the reservation of the full 
honours of a triumph, or of an ovation 
(cp. 3. II, i) for the imperial family, see 
note on c. 72, i. 

8. manente bello. This was irregular, 
though not without precedent. At the 
time of the actual celebration of this 
triumph, the war was held to be virtually 
concluded; see 2. 41, 3. 

9. initio veris et repentino . . . ex* 
oursu. Nipp. has collected many in- 
stances of the somewhat unusual, and 
especially Tacitean, insertion of a con- 
junction^in such sentences. It is intended 
here to indicate two distinct contrasts, 
that of * in aestatem ' to ‘ initio veris,* and 
that of ‘ summa ope * to ‘ repentino excursu.’ 

Chattos. This powerful tribe, con- 

A.D. 14.] LIBER /. CAP. 54, 55. 225 

2 praecepit. nam spes incesserat dissidere hostem in Arminium ' 

3 ac Segestem, insignem utrumque perfidia in nos aut fide. Ar- 
minius turbator Germaniae, Segestes parari rebellionem saepe 
alias et supremo convivio, post quod in arma itum, apcruit sua- 
sitque Varo ut se et Arminium et ceteros proceres vinciret : 5 
nihil ausLiram plebem principibus amotis, atqiie ipsi tcmpus 

4 fore, quo crimina et innoxios discerneret. sed Varus fato et 
vi Armini cecidit : Segestes quamquam consensu gentis in 
bellum tractus discors mancbat, auctis privatim odiis, quod 

6 Arminius filiam eius alii pactam rapuerat, gencr invisus inimici i- 
soceri ; quaeque apud Concordes vincula caritatis, incitamenta 

irarum apud infensos erant. 

slant enemies of the Cherusci, though 
also distrustful of Rome (see 12- 28, 2 
etc.'), are described (G. 30, 1) as in- 
habiting the tract specified by Tacitus 
a? that of the * Hercynius saltus,’ a term 
of very wide import in other writers. The 
Chatti are mentioned in history <lown to 
the fourth century, and their name is con- 
sidered to survive in the modern Hessen, 
which, with part of Nassau, represents their 
locality at the time of this expedition. 

I. praecepit, ‘anticipated:’ cp. 2. 
35» 3> ‘tempore praecepto’ Liv, i. 
7, r, etc. 

dissidere in, * were forming fac- 
tions of.’ This new construction is ex- 
plained by Nipp. as analogous to the 
jx!r.sonal accus. with ‘ in ’ after verbs of 
distribution, as ‘dlstribuo’ (2. 8, i ; Cic. 
Clu. 27, 74), ‘divide* (2. O7, 4; Liv. 40. 
59, 2), ‘partior’ (H. 3. 58, 3; Veig. 
Acn. I, 194), etc. 

Arminium. This ])rince, here first 
mentioned by Tacitus, is in Strabo ’A/)- 
/ieVtos, both forms being equivalents of 
‘Hermann/ His character and career 
are summed up in 2. 88. As to his 
family relations, it is to be gathered that 
he was of the royal race of the Cherusci, 
son of Segimerus, and iiepliew of Iiigui- 
oinerus, that he had a brother Flavus, 
who married a princess of the Chatti, 
and had a son Italicus. Cp. c. 60, i ; 2. 
9, 2; 88; II. 16; 17; Veil, 2. 118, 2. 
On his wife and son, see c. 57; 58. It is 
stated by Velleius (1. 1.) that he had 
gained Roman citizenship and evin eques- 
trian rank by former military service 
(cp. a. 10, 3): whence it is inferred that 
he must have borne, though he had no 
doubt renounced, a full Roman name, 

probably including the ‘gentile nomcn’ 
of ‘Julius’ (cp. 3. 40, i). See Hiibncr 
(in Hermes 10. 393-407). 

2. Segestem; his stui Segimundus is 
mentioned (c. 57, 2), as also (C. 71, 1) a 
brother vSegimerus an<l his son. 

porlidia aut tide, ‘ the one for 
treachery, the other for fidelity.’ On this 
use of ‘ aut,’ cp. ‘ pro . . . decore aut . . . 
libertate ’ (2. 46, 3); ‘ ciiltus . . . utrisque 
Dianam aut ApolUnem vciicrandi ’ (3. 
63, 6); and several other instances col- 
lected by Nipp. on 2. 30. 

3. parari rebellionem . . . aperuit. 
His conduct is stated below as repre- 
sented by him .self (c. 58), and is mentioned 
by Velleius (2. 118, 4) ; but he does not 
appear in the narrative of Dio (56. 18, 
etc.). On the German practice of flis- 
cussing important matters over their 
feasts, cp. G. 22, 3 ; H. 4. 14, 3. 

7. criraina et innoxios. This inter- 
change of persons and things, similar to 
‘ insontibus . . . , manifestis flagitiis ’(if. 
26, 2), and one of the many variations 
noted by Drager (Synt. und Stil, § 233', 
is rendered more natural l)\ the frequent 
use in Tacitus of abstract for concrete 
(Introd. V. § i). 

fato. On the conception of fate itr 
Tacitus, see Introd. iv. p. 21. The blind- 
ness of Varus is similarly explained by 
Velleius (2. 118, 4). 

10. filiam. See c. 57, 5. 

genor invisus inimici sooeri. The 
two words are taken by Halm as 
in the nominative iilural; on the su])- 
position that the father of Arminius is the 
Segimerus mentioned by Dio (56. 19, 2) 
as sharing in the rebellion, and that he 
and Segestes were therefore enemies. 



66 . Igitur Germanicus quattuor legiones, quinque auxiliarium 1 
milia ct tumultuarias catervas Germanorum cis Rhenum co- 
lentium Caecinae tradit ; totidem legiones, duplicem sociorum 
numerum ipse ducit, positoque castello super vestigia paterni 
5 praesidii in monte Tauno expeditum exercitum in Chattos rapit, 

L. Apronio ad munitiones viarum et fluminum relicto. nam a 
(rarum illi caelo) siccitate et amnibus modicis inoffensum iter 
properaverat, imbresque et fluminum auctus regredienti mctue- 
bantur. sed Chattis adeo inprovisus advenit, ut quod imbe- 3 
locillum aetate ac sexu statim captum aut trucidatiim sit. iu-4 
ventiis flurncn Adranam nando tramiserat, Romanosquc pontem 
coeptantis arcebant. dein tprmentis sagittisque pulsi, temptatis 5 
frustra condicionibus pacis, cum quidam ad Germanicum per- 
fugissent, reliqui omissis pagis vicisque in silvas disperguntur. 

But the mention of Segimerus seems out 
of place, and he was probably now dead 
(see 2. 10, i); so that it seems better to 
take the words as genit. sing., and explain 
them by supposing that ‘invisus’ and 

* inimici ’ are to be distinguished ; the 
meaning being that Arminius, already at 
enmity with Segestes on public grounds, 
was additionally hateful to him from the 
way in which he became his son-in-law. 
This would be expanded in the next 
sentence (‘ quacque . . . erant’), where 

* apud infensos’ answers to ‘ inimici/ and 

* incitainenta irarum’ to 'invisus/ The 
correction of Nipp. ‘ inimicus soceri * is 
tcij^pting, both from the analogy of 
‘ invisus avunculo iiifensusque ’ (H. 4. 70, 
3), and from the likelihood of a loss of 
the terminal ‘s/ owing to the initial of 
the next word. The passages cited from 

2. 45, 2, and 3. i6, 6, are hardly apposite. 

1. Igitur; this takes up the narrative 
from ‘piaecepit’ (c. 55, i). 

2. tumultuarias: cp. 15. 3, 3. Livy 
often uses the word of troops levied for 
an emergency. Such are also called 'su- 
bitus miles* (H. 4. 76, 2), and ‘subitarii* 
(Li V. 3.4. 11). 

3. Caeoinae. The service for which 
he was detached is showm below, wheie 
the mention of the Marsi suggests that 
his advance was in the same direction as 
that of last year (c. 50, 51). 

totidem legiones. The four le- 
gions of the upper army (cp. c. 37, 4) are 
under the special command of Germani- 
cus throughout this campaign ; hence their 
Icgatus, Silius, is unmentioned. See c. 
72. L 

4. paterni praesidii. Taiinus (cp. 

12. 28, 1 ; Mela 3. 3, 30) is clearly the 
high tract, still preserving the name, ex- 
tending, nearly parallel with the Main, 
from the Rhine to the Nidda between 
Wiesbaden and Hombnrg. The fort 
would therefore be that described in Dio 
(.64- 4)» iis built by Drusus irap* avr^ 


5. rapit — ' raptim ducit;* so 4. 25, 2, 
etc.; Liv. 3. 23, 3; taken apparently from 
Vergil (Aen. 7, 725; JO, 178; 308). 

6. Ij. Apronio. This legatus, who 
received ‘ triumphalia ’ this year (c. 72, 
i), apjxiars from the Fasti (C. I. L. 1. p, 
548) to have been cos. suff. in 761, A. D. 
8. He is generally identified with the 
Apronius who had served in Delmatia 
(Veil. 2. 116, 2) ; and with the proconsul 
of Africa in 773, A D. 20 (3. 21,1); prob- 
ably also with the legatus of Lower Ger- 
many in 781, A.D. 28 (4. 73, 1 ; 6. 30, 3). 

7. rarum : cp. the similar parenthesis, 
c. 39» 7- 

inoffensum, ' uninterrupted,* poet- 
ical, and in prose from L. Seneca: the 
transitive * properare ’ is found in Sallust, 
but is also chiefly poetical. 

8. metuebantur. Idpsius has been 
generally followed in this correction of 
the MS. ‘ metuebatur ; ’ as ‘ auctus * is 
probably plural, as well as * imbres. ’ 

II. Adranam, the Eder, which takes 
a north-easterly course, and, a little above 
Cassel, joins the Fulda, itself a tributary 
of the Weser. 

14. pagis vicisque; these words are 
thus joined in G. 12, 3. The former is 
used of some definite cantonal subdivision 

A.D. 15,] 

LIBER I. CAP. 56, 57. %2y 

6 Caesar incenso Mattio (id genti caput) apcrta populatus vertit 
ad Rhenum, non auso hoste terga abeuntium lacessere, quod 
illi moris, quotiens astu magis quarn per formidinem cessit. 

7 fuerat animus Cheruscis iuvare Chattos, sed extcrruit Caecina 
hue illuc ferens arma ; et Marsos congredi ausos prospero proelio 5 

1 57 . Neque multo post legati a Segeste venerunt auxiliuin 
orantes adversus vim popularium, a quis circunisedebatur, va- 
lidiore apud eos Arminio, quoniam bclluni suadebat : nam bar- 
baris, quanto quis aiidacia promptus, tanto magis fidus rebusque 10 

2 motis potior habetur. addiderat Segestes legatis filium, nomine 
Segimundum : sed iuvenis conscientia cunctabatur. quippe anno 
quo Germaniae descivere sacerdos apud aram Ubiorum creatus 

3 ruperat vittas, profugus ad rebelles. adductus tamen in spcni 
clcmentiac Romanac pertulit patris mandata benigneque ex- 15 

4 ceptus cum praesidio Gallicam in ripani missus cst. Germanico 

of German tribes; the Semnones (G. 39, 3; cp. the similar ablatives ‘ aiiimo/ 'ser- 

4), as at an enrlier time the Suevi (Caes. mone promptus* (14. 58, 2 ; H. 2. 86, 3). 

B. (i. 4. 1, 4), being said to have a hundred The dative is more usual, as in c. 2, 1, 

such. The German ’priucipes pagorum’ etc. 

are also mentioned (Id. 6. 23, 5) ; and rebusque motis. Tapsius is gener- 
similar, apparently larger districts, existed ally followed in this correction (from 14. 

in Gaul (Id. i. 12, 4). 61, 4) of the MS, ‘ rebus commotis ;* the 

I. Mattio. This place is evidently simple verb, as noted by Walther, being 

north of the Eder, and has been identified chiefly used by Tacitus to express political 

with various localities, one of w'hich, disturbance (as 2. 1, i ; 43, i, etc.). 

Maden, near Gudensburg, appears to pre- 12. conscientia: cp. c. 39, 3. The 
serve the name. The Mattiaci mentioned abl., as also ‘meinoria ’ below, is causal : 
later as under Roman rule (i 1 . 20, 4 ; G. see Introd. v. § 30. 

29, 3), lived in Nassau; their hot springs 13. Germaniae. This plural, denoting 
(PI. N. H. 31. 2, 17, 20) being identified usually the two Roman provinces, ap- 
with Wiesbaden, and their chief town pears, when used even of tribes beyond 
‘ Mattiacum ’ (Ptol. 2. 11, 29) probably the Rhine, to refer especially to such as 
with Marburg on the Lahn. had been considered to belong to Rome 

4. Cheruscis. In the lime of Caesar (2. 73, 3; 3, 46, 2 ; ii. 19, 7; Agr. 15, 

(B. G. 6. 16, 5) this great tribe appear to 4); as distinct from ‘Germania,* the 

have ranked with the Suevi ; and they .are general name of the country : Marquardt, 
spoken of ever since the rising against Staatsv. i. j). i2i,n. i. 

Varus as at the head of the German re- aram Ubiorum: cj\ c. 39, i. The 
sistance. In the time of Tacitus, they selection of a Cheruscan as priest, and 
had been overpowered by the Chatti (G. his renunciation of office at the rebellion, 

36, 2), but the name survives in the fourth tend to show tliat this altar was dedi- 
century (Claud. Bell. Get. 420). Their cated, in token of submission, by the Ger- 
country was north- east of that of the mans to Augustus and Roma, or possibly 
Chatti, and between the Weser and the to Augustus and Julius. Cp. also c. 
Elbe, in portions of Hanover, Brunswick, 59, 6. 

etc.; with a confederation probably ex- 15. benigne exceptus. As the con- 
tending still further to the west.* text shows, he was nevertheless treated 

10. quanto : cp. ‘quanto inopina* c. 68, as a prisoner, and, according to Strabo 
5. On the abbreviation of comparative (7. 1, 4, p. 291), was exhibited as such in 
sentences in Tacitus, see Introd. v. § 64. the triumph. 

audacia promptus; so in 14. 40, 16. Gallicam. Nipp. compares ‘in Gal- 

Q a 



pretium fuit convertere agnicn, pugnatumque in obsidentis, et 
ereptus Segestes magna cum propinquorum et clientium manu. 
inerant feniinae nobiles, inter quas uxor Arminii eademque filia 5 
Segcstis, mariti magis quam parentis animo, neque evicta in 
5 lacrimas neque voce supplex, compressis intra sinum manibus 
gravidum uterum intuens. ferebantur et spoHa Varianae cladis, 0 
plerisque corum qui turn in deditionem veniebant praedae data : 
simul Segestes ipse, ingens visu et memoria bonae societatis 

10 68. Verba eius in hunc modum fuere : ‘ non hie mihi primus 1 

erga popiilum Romanum fidei et constantiae dies, ex quo a 2 
divo Aug usto civitate donatu s sum, amicos inimicosque ex vestris 
utilitatibus delegi, neque odio patriae (quippe proditores etiam 
iis quos anteponunt invisi sunt), verum quia Romanis Germanis- 
es que idem conducere et paccm quam bellum probabam. ergo 3 
raptorem filiae meae, violatorem foederis vestri, Arminium apiid 
Varum, qui turn exercitui praesidebat, rcum feci, dilatus seg- 4 
nitia ducis, quia parum pracsidii in Icgibus erat, ut me et Armi- 
nium et conscios viiiciret flagitavi : testis ilia nox, mihi utinam 
20 potius novissima ! quae secuta sunt, deflcri magis quam defendi 5 
possunt : ceterum et inieci catenas Arminio et a factione eius 
iniectas perpessus sum. atque ubi primum tui copia, vetera novis 6 

lias traiecti ’ (12. 39, 4), as showing that, 
though now peopled by Germans, this 
side of the Rhine was still regarded as 
Gallic soil. 

1. pretium. This abbreviation of 
^operae pretium’ (2. 35, i ; H. 3. 8, 2) 
appears to occur in Tacitus alone. 

convertere. He was in retreat to 
ihe Rhine (c. 56, 6), and wheels round 
again to some point in the enemy’s couii- 

2. clientium. On the * comitatus * of a 
German prince, cp. G. 13; 14. 

3. uxor, etc. : cp. c. 55, 4. Strabo 
(1. 1.) gives her name as &omv€\ 8 a, which 
Grimm (cited by Orelli) takes to be in- 
tended for Thurshilda, Thusshilda, or 

4. mariti . . . animo. Nipp. notes a 
similar genit., depending on an abl. of 
quality, in H. i. 8, 2 (‘ pacis artibus ’), 
and II. 5. 6, 5 (‘ specie mans *). 

evicta in lacrimas. On this use of 
* in,’ cp. In trod. v. § Co b. 

8. bonae societatis, ‘alliance faith- 
fully kept,’ like ‘ bona fides,’ etc, 

1 2. civitate donatus. On the bestowal 
of the ‘ civitas ’ by the princeps, see 
Introd. vi. p. 73 ; Mommsen, Staatsr. ii. 
P- 855 - 

ex, ‘in accordance with;’ analogous 
to ‘ ex senteiitia,’ ‘ex more.’ etc. 

15. conducere, sc. ‘iiidicabam,’ sup- 
plied by zeugma from ‘ probabam.’ On 
the omission of ‘ magis ' before ‘ quam,’ 
cp. Introd. v. § 64, 

16. raptorem . . . violatorem. These 
poetical words are suited to a rhetorical 
passage, the former being thus used in 
Veil. 2. 27, 1 ; the latter in Liv. 4. 19, 3. 

19. nox, that of the banquet, c. 55, 3. 

20. quae secuta. This glances at his 
share in hostilities, as ‘ consensu gentis in 
bellum ifractus’ (c. 55, 4). 

2 2. tui copia, ‘ access to you ; ’ so * eius 
copia* riaut. Trin. 3. 2, 45 ; Ter. Phorm. 
I. 2, 63; more usually, with ‘conven- 

A.D. 15.] 

LIBER /. CAP. 57-^59. 


et quieta turbidis anteliabeo, neque ob praemium, sed ut me per- 
fidia exsolvam, sinnil genti Germanorum idoneus conciliator, si 

7 paenitentiam quam perniciem maluerit pro iuventa et errore 
filii vcniam precor: filiam necessitate hue adductam fateor. 
tuum erit consultarc, utrum praevaleat, quod ex Arminio concepit 5 

8 an quod ex me genita est/ Caesar dementi responso liberis 
propinquisque eius incolumitatem, ipsi sedem vetere in provincia 

8 pollicctur. exercitum reduxit nomcnque imjgeratqris auctorc 
Tiberio accepit. Arminii uxor virilis sexus stirpem edidit : cdu- 
catus Ravennae puer quo mox ludibrio conflictatus sit, in tempore 10 

1 59. Kama dediti benigneque except! Segestis vulgata, ut qui- 
busque bellum invitis aut cupientibus erat, spe vel dolore accipitur. 

2 Arminium super insitam violcntiam rapta uxor, subicctus servitio 
uxoris uterus vaecordem agebant, volitabatque per Cheruscos, *5 

3 arma in Segestem, arnia in Caesarem poscens. neque probris 

I. antehabeo, a new word (Introd. V, Such persons were no doubt held in 
69, 5), only lierc and 4. 1 1, 5. custody by the officers of the fleet there. 

5. praevaleat, sc. ^ apud le.’ ludibrio. In the case of Vonones 

7. vetere in provincia. The MS. (2. 4, 5), this term is used cf the mochery ■ 

has ‘ uetera ’ with ‘ c * written above " a.* of royal slate kept up in captivity. The 

Jac,, Gron., and others (as Ffitzner, p. 47) allusion here is unknown. 

prefer ‘ Vetera ’ (cp. c. 45, i , etc.). The conflictatus, * was harassed : ’ cp. 6. 
expression ‘ vetus provincia ’ distinguishes, 51,2. 

in such cases as Africa (3. 74, 5) and in tempore, *at the proper lime:’ 
Sicily (Liv. 24. 44, 2 ; 25. 3, 5), the cp. c. 19, 2. This mention must have 
original portion from later acquisitioHS ; been made in some lost part of this work, 

and the German provinces within the It would certainly appear, as Nipp. sug- 

‘ victa ripa ' (c. 59, 6) may possibly be gests, from ii. 16, 1, that the son of 

thus designated, if we the country Arminius was not living at that date, 
which had risen against Varus to be still ii. memorabo. Wblfflin notes (Philol. 
regarded as a province in a stale of re- 25. p. 97) that Tacitus, in referring to his 

volt; which other expressions (e.g. 're- own writings, generally uses a plural verb 

belllo,’ "rcbelles,’ etc.) appear to assume. in the Histories (e.g. 1. 10, 6 ; d.p 3 ; 2. 

8. nomen imperatoris : see on c. 3, i. 63, i ; 4. 3, 3, ctc.b and a singular in the 

The words 'auctore Tiberio' show that it Annals (e.g. 2. 32, 4; 43, i ; i6. 14, 1, 

was conferred by me.nns of a ‘ senalus con- etc.) ; the change being .apparently due to 

sultum,’ as was also the ‘ procoiisulare the growing preference for more unusual 

impcriuin’ (c. 14, 4) : see Mommsen, forms of expression, which is generally 

Staatsr. ii. p. 1098. Germanicus had this traceable in his style. 

title twice (Inscr. Orell. 655, 660, etc.), 1 3. invitis ... erat. On this Graecism, 
and this is thought to be the second lime; cp. Introd. v. § 16. Only ‘volcns’ is 
as a fragment of an inscription seems to elsewhere so used, Agr. 18, 3; H. 3.43, 

give him the title during the life-time of 2 ; Sail. Jug. 84, 3 ; 100, 4 ; Liv. 21. 50, 

Augustus (see Mommsen in Eph. Epig. i. 10; Nipp. 

p. 33)' t «P6 vel dolore, abl. of manner: cj). 

9. virilis sexus stirpem. His name is Introd. v. § 28. 

given by Strabo (7. 1, 4, p. 291) as 14. rapta uxor, etc., 'the thought of 

0 ou^fA.i/c( 5 y. his wife’s seizure, and enslavement of her 

10. Bavennae. This was also the unborn child :* cp. ' an excidit trucidatus 

place of exile of Maroboduus (2, 63, 5). Corbulo ’ II. 2 . 76, 6, etc. 



temperabat : egregium patrem, magnum imperatorem, fortem 
exercitum, quorum tot manus imam mulicrculam avexerint. sibi 4 
tres legiones, totidem legatos procubuisse ; non enim se prodi- 
tione neque adversus fcminas gravidas, sed palam adversus 
5 armatos bellum tractare. ccrni adhuc Germanorum in lucis signa 6 
Romana, quae dis patriis suspenderit. coleret Segestes victam 6 
ripam, rcdderet filio sacerdotium liominum : Gcrnianos numquam 
satis excusaturos, quod inter Albim et Rhenum virgas et secures 
et togam viderint. aliis gcntibus ignorantia imperi Romani 7 
10 incxperta esse supplicia, nescia tributa ; quae quoniam exuerint 
inritusque discesserit ille inter numina dicatus Augustus, ille 
delectus Tiberius, ne inperitum adulescentulum, ne seditiosum 

1. egregium, etc. Tacitus seems here 
to have in mind the passage of Verg. 
Aen. 4. 93, etc. 

2. sibi. On this dative, see Introd. v. 
§ 1 7 : cp. ^ quibus . . . legiones procu- 
buerint ’ II, 4. 1 7, 6. On the three 
legions, see Introd. vii, p. 103. 

3. totidem legatos. Varus was him- 
self the ‘ legatus Augiisti,’ but he is 
separated from the legati in c. 61, 6, and 
the context seems to show here that the 
'legati legionum' are meant. The fate 
of a legatus named Numonius Vala is men- 
tioned in Veil. 2. 119, 5. 

4. palam. His attack, though by w.ay 
of stratagem, is viewed as open war, com- 
pared to the treason of Segestes. 

5. bellum trootore ; cp. 6. 44, 3 ; H. 
4. 73, 4. A phrase formed on the analogy 
of ' negolium tractare,* etc. 

7. sacerdotium hominum. The MS. 
has * sacerdotiu : hominum * with ' e ’ 
written over * u : * and it aiipears to be 
considered that the colon is from the same 
late hand as the ‘ e,’ and inserted to indi- 
cate that ' hominem ' is to be t.'iken with 
the following words, and referred to 
Segestes (see Pfitzner, p. 22). If we 
suppose the priesthood to be to Augustus, 
or to him and Julius (see c. 57, 2), 
‘sacerdotium hominum* may well be 4 
contemptuous expression, like . * inter 
numina dicatus’ below, from a German 
who recognised no such divinities. For 
other conjectures, see Baiter, and Halm, 
Comm. Crit. That of * hostium * (Nipp. 
from Halm, Ed. 1 ), and ‘ hoc unum * 
(Bezzenberger, retaining the colon of the 
MS.), seem the most felicitous. 

Germanos numquam . . . exou- 
saturos, etc. « True Germans could 

never make sufficient apology to them- 
selves, for that they have seen the fasces 
and the toga between the Rhine and 
Elbe.* 'Germanos’ is no doubt used in 
indignant contrast to Segestes, but to 
supply ' Segestem * with ‘ excusaturos ’ 
seems beside the mark. The sentence 
'quod . . . viderint’ describes the insig- 
nia, not of Roman military invasion, but 
rather of Roman rule, as they had seen it 
before the defeat of Varus ; and Segestes 
could hardly t)e regarded as the cause of 
this. The thought is that the Germans 
could never forgive themselves for having 
allowed l^oman dominion to exist at ail 
among them, and would now be doubly 
culpable to sufl'er its restoration. 

9. aliis gentibus, etc., i.e. those who 
knew it not might think it good for 
them ; those who have felt it and cast it 
off, should not now fear enemies less 
formidable than those whom they baffled. 

' Ignorantia ’ is a causal abl. : cp. c. 57, 2. 

ro. uesoia. This is passively used in 
16. 14, 3, and in Plautus: cp. ‘gnarus,* 
' ignarus ’ c. 5, 4, etc. 

1 1, dicatus. ' Dico’ appears to be very 
rarely (as PL Pan. u), ‘ dedico ’ not 
frequently, used, of consecration or deifi- 
cation of persons. 

12. delectus. Nipp. appears rightly to 
see in this an ironical allusion to him as 
professedly the princeps of the state’s 
free choice (c. 7, 10). The explanation 
‘chosen for this war,* like ‘Titus per- 
domanda^Iudaeae delectus’ (H. 5. i, i), 
would have no special significance here. 

adulescentulum. It has been noted 
that the age of Arminius (2. 88, 4) was 
very nearly the same as that of Ger- 

A.D. 15.] 

LIBER /. CAP. 59, 5 o. 


8 exercitum pavescerent, si patriam parentes antiqua malleiit 
quam dominos et colonias novas, Arniinium potius gloriae ac 
libertatis quam Segestem flagitiosae servitutis ducem scque- 

1 60 . Conciti per haec non modo Chcrusci sed conterminae 5 
gcntes, tractusque in partis Inguiomerus Arminii patruus, vetere 

2 apud Romanos auctoritate ; unde maior Cacsari metus. et ne 
bcllum mole una ingrueret, Caecinam cum quadraginta cohortibus 
Romanis distrahendo hosti per Bructeros ad flumen Amisiam 

3 mittit, equitem Pedo praefectus finibus Frisiorum ducit ipse to 
inpositas navibus quattuor legiones per lacus vexit ; simiilque 
pedes eques classis apud praedictum amnem convencre. Chauci 

4 cum auxilia pollicerentur, in commilitium adsciti sunt. Bructeros 
sua urentis expcdita cum manu L. Stcrtinius missu Germanici 
fudit; iiiterque caedem et pracdam repperit undeviccnsimae ^5 

5 legionis aquilam cum Varo amissam. ductum inde agmen ad 

2. colonias novas. The antithesis to the campaif^ns ot Germanicus, of which 

‘antiqua’ would show that ‘novas’ be- M. vScneca (Suns, i, 15) has preserved a 

longs to the general contrast, and docs fragment. See Appendix to Book ii, 
not merely distinguish new colonies from finibus. On this peculiar kind of 
older ones; but a six'cial contrast appears local ablative, see c. 8,4, and Introd. v. 

to be drawn between dw'elling in their § 25; and the further instances collected 
fatherland, and migrating to ‘new settle- here by Nipp. 

ments,’ such as those of many tribes, and Frisiorum. Tins tribe, at present 
now of Segestes and his train, on the subject to Rome (see 4. 72, i), is divided 
‘victa ripa.’ That the Romans, if they by Tacitus (G. 34, 1) into ‘maiores’and 
conquered Germany, would plant Roman * minorcs.’ The Frisii occupied most of 
colonies in it, though probable enough, the coast of Holland, where part of their 
is not here to the point. territory still retains the name of Frics- 

5. sed, without ‘ etiam,’ as c. 81, i, land. They continued to be important 

etc. So ‘ etiam ’ is used without ‘ sed ; ’ after their revolt from Rome, and formed 

see on c. 77, 1. On other variations of part of the English conquerors of Britain, 
this mode of expression, mostly also found n. lacus. See 2. 8, i; G. 34, i. One 
in Livy, see Nipp. here, and on 4. 35, i ; of these is the lake Elevo of Mela 3- 3 , 

Driiger, Synt. und Stil, § 128. 24. Since the great inundations of the 

6. Inguiomerus; mentioned in this and thirteenth century, these lakes have be- 

the next campaign (c. 68, i; 2. 17, 8; come merged in the Zuider Zee. 

21, 2), and as deserting to Maroboduus 12. praedictum. Nipp. takes this to 
(2.45, 2). mean ‘before-mentioned,’ as in Liv. 10, 

8. quadraginta coh. Bomanis. This 14, 7; and often in Velleius. In 2. 6, 

appears, as Nipp. notes, to be merely a 4, etc., it means ‘appointed,* and may 

change of expression for four legions, also be so taken here. 

being those of the lower army (c. 64, 8). Chauci. See c. 38, i. 

9. distrahendo hosti . . . mittit ; on 1 3. in commilitium adsciti, repeated 

this dative, see Introd. v. § 22, 6. It is from H. 3. 5, 2. The word ‘commi- 

similarly joined to ‘mitto* in 2. i, 2. Jitium* appears not to be found earlier 

per Bructeros. Cp. c. 5% 4. His than in Ovid and Velleius, 

route would be across the Lippe, and 14. It. Stertinius; mentioned often 
through Westphalia. during these campaigns, and always as a 

io‘. Pedo; probably Pedo Albinovanus, leader of cavalry and light troops. Cp. 
to whom Ovid addresses an epistle c. 71, i; 2. 8, 4; ti, 4; 17, i; 22, 3. 

(ex P. 4. 10), and who wrote a poem on 15. undevioensimae legionis aqui- 


ultimos Bructerorum, quantumque Amisiam et Lupiam amnes 
inter vastatum, baud procul Teutoburgiensi saitu, in quo reliquiae 
Vari legionumque insepultae dicebantur. 

61. Igitur cupido Caesarem invadit solvendi suprema militibus 1 
5 ducique, permoto ad miserationcm omni qui aderat cxercitu ob 
propinquos, amicos, denique ob casus bellorumctsortemhominum. 
praemisso Caecina, ut occulta saltuum scrutaretur pontesque et 2 
aggeres umido paluduni et fallacibus campis inponeret, inccdunt 
maestos locos visuque ac memoria deformis. prima Vari castra 3 
10 lato ambitu et dimcnsis principiis trium Icgionum manus osten- 

lam. This passage identifies one of the 
Ivgions lost with Varus. See Introd. vii. 
p. 103. Ivcspecting the recovery of other 
eagles see on 2. 25, 2 ; 41, i; 

ductum inde agmen, etc. Pfitzner 
(p. 89) supposes the force of Stertinius 
alone to be here meant, and that Ger- 
manicus with the main body moved up 
the right bank of the Ems, entering the 
Osning district (see next note) from the 
north. But the whole passage seems to 
show that the ^agmen’ is the army, and 
the force of Stertinius only its advanced 
guard. This district between the Ems 
and Lippe, i. e. Westphalia between 
Miinster and Paderborn, will thus appear 
to have been reached by a most circuitous 
route; and the German military criticism, 
cited by Pfitzner, that no adequate stra- 
tegic advantage from the sea-voyage is 
perceptible, seems fully justified. 

2. inter. On the position of the prep, 
cp. Inlrod. v. 77, 6. 

Teutoburgiensi saitu. The name 
is given only here ; and the other accounts 
of the disaster (Veil. 2. 118; Dio. 56. 
20-22) do not help to identify the lo- 
cality, which must have spread over con- 
siderable space, as the final catastrophe 
took place on the fourth day of the re- 
treat. The marshy tract between Bcckum 
and the lappe, preferred by Nipp. on the 
ground of its suitability to the descrip- 
tion, appears to lie too far west, and too 
near to the country known to the Romans. 
The district generally identified with this 
forest is the Osning, extending, near the 
sources of the Ems and Lippe. between 
Paderborn and Osnaburg ; and Varus is 
supposed to have been in retreat from the 
Weser by way of Ilerford or Detmold. 
'Piberius once had a winter camp ‘ ad 
caput Luppiae ’ (Veil, 2. 105, 3). 

7. occulta saltuum, on this genitive, 

and * umido paludiim,’ see In trod. v. 

§ 32. 

pontes et aggeres ; these are coupled 
again in 4. 73, 2. On the former, see 
note on c. 63, 6 ; the latter appear here, 
and in 2. 7, 5, to be roads roughly con- 
structed by embankment. 

8. incedunt. This verb has an accus- 
ative of place only here and J4. 15, 6 ; 
22, 6 . 

9. maestos locos; such an application 
of ‘ maestus ’ is frecjuent in poetry. Taci- 
tus uses another such figure (‘ tacenles 
loci ’) in H. 3. 84, 6. The plural ‘ loci,* 
used rather of distinct spots than of local- 
ities (cp. 13. 36, I), is rare, but in Sail, 
and IJv. as well as in poets. 

visu, * the actual appearance,’ as 
opposed to the associations (‘ memoria *). 

prima . . . castra. It is noticed 
that the order of description follows that 
of the retreat of Varus. This may prob- 
ably have been adopted for pictorial 
effect ; as the advance of German icus 
would naturally be in the reverse direc- 
tion (see note on c. 60, 5), and it is hardly 
possible to suppose, as Nipp. suggests, 
that he altered his route, so as to follow 
the events in their order. Details of the 
march and encampments of Varus are 
given in Dio, 56. 20-23; but some part 
of his narrative, occupying at least a page 
of MS., is lost. 

10. principiis, ‘ the headquarters,* or 
central space, from the measurement of 
which that of the whole camp was taken, 
containing the * praetorium,’ ‘ augurale,* 
etc,, and sufficient space to collect the 
troops for^n address (c. 67, i, etc.). This 
camp, besides having a wide circuit (‘lalo 
ambitu’), had this space regularly markcfl 
out, on a scale suitable to the whole 

trium legionum manus ostenta- 

A.D. 15O 

LIBER /. CAP. 60-62. 


tabant ; dcin semiruto vallo, humili fossa accisae lam reliquiae 
consedisse intellegebantur : medio campi albentia ossa, ut fuger- 
4 ant, ut rcstiterant, disiccta vel aggerata. adiacebant fragmina 
telorum equorumque artus, simul truncis arborum antefixa ora. 

6 lucis propinquis barbarae arac, apud quas tribunos ac primorum 5 
6 ordinum centuriones mactaverant. et cladis cius superstites, 
pugnam aut vincula elapsi, refcrebant hie cecidisse legatos, illic 
raptas aquilas ; primum ubi vulniis Varo adactum, ubi infelici 
dextera ct suo ictu mortem invenerit ; quo tribunali contionatus 
Arminius, quot patibula captivis, quae scrobes, utque signis et 10 
aquilis per superbiam inluserit. 

1 62. Igitur Romanus qui aderat cxercitus sextum post cladis 

bant, *sIiowinjT the work of three legions,’ 
i, c. of the undiminished army. 

f. semiruto, ‘half-levelled:’ cp. 4. 
25, 1. 'i'he word is frequent in Livy, who 
opposes it to ‘integer’ (36. 24, 6). It is 
implied that the first camp was still com- 
paratively perfect, and that this second 
must have been slenderly constructed. 
Dio (56. 22, 2) speaks also of three </>v- 
Xaicrrfpia, not mentioned here. 

accisao, ‘ diminished : ’ cp. ‘ accisae 
res ’ Liv, 6. 5, 2, etc. 

2. consedisso intellegebantur. On 
this inrinitive, cp. Introd, v. § 45. 

ut fugerant . . . aggerata, * scat- 
tered or heaped, according as the men 
had fled or rallied;’ ‘dispersi’ and ‘agge- 
rati ’ are thus opposed in 6. 19, 3. 

3. fragmina. Tacitus prefers this 
chiefly poetical word to the classical 
‘ fragmentum : ’ cp. Introd. v. § 69. 

4. simul. The idea of proximity is sup- 
plied from ‘ adiacebant.’ 

ora. Nipp. rightly maintains that 
this can only mean the skulls of men ; 
though the Oermans are said (see Orelli) 
to have sometimes set up tlie heads of 
horses ofTcred in sacrifice. 

5. barbarao; so called with special 
allusion to the human sacrifices. To 
some of their gods such were regularly 
offered (G. 9, i) ; and sometimes (cp. 13. 
57, 3) the whole conquered army, and 
all belonging to it, was massacred in dis- 
charge of a vow. 

primorum ordinum: cp. f. 29, 2. 
Possibly the term may here include, not 
only the ‘primopilus’ of each legion, but 
the ‘prior pilu-s^of each cohort. 

6 . superstites ; some were rescued by 
the reserve force under Asprenas, others 

subsequently ransomed. Dio, 56. 22, 4. 

7. elapsi, with accus. in 4. 64, 3 ; IL 
3. 59, 4. The usage is apparently pecu- 
liar to Tacitus : cp. Introd. v. § 1 2 c. 

legatos : see on c. 59, 4. 

8. viilnus adactmm, taken api)arently 
from Verg. Aeii. 10, 850. ‘Viilnus adegit’ 
is also found in 6. 35, 4, but the object of 
the verb is more properly the weapon. 

infolici, i. c. that could only help 
him in his despair. 

9. invenerit. Nipp. gives other in- 
stances (c, 76, 6; 6. 45, 5 ; 11. 1. 34, 3) 
where this tense stands, in ‘ oratio indi- 
recta,’ where that of the principal verb 
would naturally require a pluperfect. 
Here there seems to be an especial wish 
to assist the liveliness of the de.scription, 
by a nearer approach to the words of the 

10. patibula. This word api)ears usu- 
.ally to denote a kind of cross; as 4. 72, 
5 ; H. 4. 3, 3 (cp. ‘patibulo eminus adfi- 
gebalur’ Sail. 11 . 4. 40 D, 48 K, 24 G). 
Jn 14, 33, 6, it is di'tinct from ‘crux,’ as 
in a fragment of Plautus, ‘patihulatus 
ferar 2)L‘r urbem, deindc adfigar cruci,’ 
where it appears to be tire same as the 
‘furca,*or yoke, in which the head and 
hands were held as in a pillory. 

scrobes. As it is not prol)al)le that 
they cared to bury the dead, tliis appar- 
ently refers to living burial. The Ger- 
mans are slated (G. 12, i) to have been 
in the practice of burying cowards and 
infamous profligates alive in morasses. 

12. Igitur. This seems to take up the 
relation of what was done, from that of 
the intention, in the corresponding first 
sentence of c. 61. 

qui aderat exercitus. The repeti- 



annum trium legionum ossa, nullo noscente alienas reliquias an 
suorum humo tegeret, omnes ut coniunctos, ut consanguineos, 
aucta in hostem ira, maesti simul et infensi condebant. primum 2 
extruendo tumulo caespitem Caesar posuit, gratissimo munere in 
5 defunctos et praesentibus doloris socius. quod Tiberio baud 3 
probatum, sen cuncta Germanici in detenus trahenti, sive exerci- 
. turn imagine caesorum insepultorumque tardatum ad proelia et 
formidolosiorem hostium credebat ; neque imperatorcm auguratu 
et vetustissimis caerimoniis praeditum adtrectare feralia debuisse. 

10 63* Scd Germanicus cedentem in avia Arminium secutus, ubi 1 

primum copia fuit, evehi equites campumque, quern hostis inse- 
derat, eripi iubet. Arminius colligi suos et propinquare silvis 2 
monitos vertit repente : mox signiim prorumpendi dedit iis quos 
per saltus occultaverat. tunc nova acie turbatus eques, missae- 3 

tion of these words from c. 61, 1 has been sendas caerimonias’ 4. 16, 6. On the 

treated by Ern, as an interpolation, by priesthoods held by Germanicus, see 2. 

Nipp. as a kind of lyrical antistrophe, or 83, 2. 

imitation of the repetitions of sentimental 9. adtrectare feralia. Suetonius (Cal. 
poetry. The contrast of the living with 3) represents him as collecting the re- 

the dead, the victorious with the slaugh- mains with his own hand, which is more 

tered army, is evidently prominent in the likely to have amounted to technical pol- 

mind of the writer, and it seems hardly lution than what is here stated ; though 

possible, where the composition is so elabo- the line drawn is uncertain, and probably 

rate, to siijjpose such an oversight as that varied in different priestly colleges. Gel- 

noted by Driiger, in the repetition of ‘ad liiis (to, 15) says of the flamen Dialis ; 

eas res conficiendas ’ in two successive * mortuum numquam aUingit. Eunns ta- 

sentences of Caesar (Ik G. 1.3, 2,3)- men exsequi non est rcligio/ Tiberius, 

sextum post cladis annum. The then one of the pontiffs, is said by Dio 

use of such an expression for ‘sexto anno (5^. 31, 3) to have received a kind of iii- 

post cladem,’ is noted as rare (Madv. 276, demnity for touching the body of Augiis- 

Obs. 6) ; but several instances from writers tus and escorting it; and afterwards, 

of this nge are collected by Nipp., e. g. when ‘pontifex maximus,* to have inter- 

‘ post decimum mortis annum’ PI. Epp. posed a veil when pronouncing the *laii- 

6. 10, 3 ; ‘ante quintum mensem divortii* datio’ of his son, lest the sight of a corpse 

Suet- Cl. 27; ‘ intra quadragesimum pug- should pollute him (Sen. cons, ad Mar- 

nae diem’ H. 2. 702. ciam 15, 3) : yet Dio rejects this explana- 

6. trahenti, ‘interpreting.’ So used tion (though offering no other), of a 

with ‘ in ’ or ‘ ad,’ after the example of similar action of Augustus at the funeral 

Sail, and Liv., of the judgment formed on of Agrippa (54. 28, 4). Again, holders 

an action (as 4. 64, i, etc.), or the motive of priestly offices constantly commanded 

assigned to it (as 3. 22, 6; H. 2. 20, i, armie.s and seem to have incurred no 

etc.) : cp. * varie trahebant * c. 76, 6. pollution from the carnage of battle. 

8. formidolosiorem, ‘more timorous.’ ii. copia, ‘ opportunity ; ’ usually with 
The word has this sense but rarely ; and genit., as c. 58, 6 ; 2. 7, 2, etc. 

(according to Driiger) here only as a geni- evehi, ‘ to charge : ’ cp. ‘ longius 
tive of the object, on the analogy of ‘pa- evectum * 12 . 14, 4 ; * evectus . . . equo* 
vidus,’ etc. Liv. 4. 33, 7. 

auguratu . . . praeditum, ‘invested 12, eUpi| ‘to be carried by a rush.’ 
with the augurship, and its time-honoured The word is used in the circus of a driver 
ritual.’ ‘ Caerimoniae,’ from denoting the who takes his opponent’s ground (cp. 
duties appertaining to a religious office, ‘aequore erepto’ Sil. 16, 390); but is 
comes, in Tacitus, almost to stand for the here probably a military term, 
office itself: cp. c. 54, i, and *ad capes- 

A.D. 15.1 

LIBER /. CAP. 62 , 63 . 


que subsidiariae cohortes et fugientiiim agminc impulsae aiixer- 
ant consternationem ; trudebanturque in paludem gnaram vinccn- 
tibus, iniquam nesciis, ni Caesar productas legiones instruxisset : 

4 inde hostibus terror, fiduda militi ; et manibus acquis abscessum. 

6 mox reducto ad Amisiam excrcitu legiones dasse, ut advexerat, 5 
reportat ; pars equitiim litore Oceani peterc Rhenum iussa ; 
Caccina, qui suum militem ducebat, monitus, quamquam notis 
itineribus rcgredcrctur, pontes longos quam maturrime supcrarc. 

6 angustus is tramcs vastas inter paludcs et quondam a L. Domitio 
aggeratus ; cetera limosa, tenacia gravi caeno aut rivis inccrta 10 

r. subsidiariae, * of the reserve,’ as 
Cacs. E. C. I. 83, 2; Liv. 9. 27, 9, 

2. gnaram : cp. c. 5, 4. 

4. manibus aequis : so used ]jy favy 
(27. 13, 5), as ‘aeqiia manu’ by Sallust 
(Cat. 39, 4). It is to be noted that the 
Romans certainly retire with loss, and 
that we have thus an admission of failure 
in the only engagement of tlie whole 
army recorded in this campaign, 

5. ad Amisiam. He must have been 
really in the neighbourhood of this river 
during the whole land march, so that 
the point of disembarkation, at or near 
its mouth, appears here to be intended. 

legiones . . . reportat. These 
words, bracketed as an interpolation by 
TsMpp., appear certainly to be both in- 
accurate and out of place, '.rhe legions 
of Caecina have to be excepted ; and, of 
the remaining four, two were to make 
part of their retreat by land ; nor docs 
the narrative of the movements of any 
part of this body I)egin till c. 70. The 
conjecture of Doecl., ^chias legiones,’ 
would stand very awkardly, unaccom- 
panied by any statement about the 

6. pars equitum. The retreat of this 
body may be supposed to have been un- 
accompanied by important incidents. It 
is probable that we have, in c, 71, an 
account of the movements of the other 
portion (sec note there) ; as the narrative 
of Caecina’s retreat mentions no troops 
but the legions. 

litore Oceani: cp. ‘finibiis Frisio- 
rum* (c. 60, 2). 

7. notis itineribus. His retieat was 
evidently not by the same route as his 
advance * per Bructeros ’ (c. 60, 2), for 
the ‘pontes’ are mentioned below as 
having fallen into disuse and decay, but 
his knowledge might date from other 

times of his forty years’ service (c. 
64, 6). 

8. pontes longos. Nipp. notes the prac- 
tice of making such causeways by mere 
timbers laid roughly over marshy ground, 
as probably in c. 61, 2: cp. ‘pontibus 
palude constrat.a ’ (llirt. B. (I. 8. 14, 4) ; 
but the narrative here seems to describe 
more regular, though decayed, structures. 
The locality could only be fixed I )y know- 
ledge of tlie point of departure. If 
Caccina was not detached till after the 
retreat of the whole army described al)Ove 
(‘reducto ad Amisiam excrcitu ’), his line 
of march, from the lower Fms to Vetera, 
would lie across the great Bourlanger 
morass, where (according to Nipp.) re- 
mains of such structures are traceable. 
But this seems far removed from the 
strongholds of Arminius, and from any 
heights deserving the name of mountains 
(c. 64, 7). If wc suj)pose him to have 
been detached at some point nearer the 
Teutoburgian foiest, his line of march 
might have lain by one or other of the 
localities noted as answering the descrip- 
tion, such as Ahlcn, south of Miinsler, or, 
further west, betwecj, Borken and Dul- 
men, near Coesfeld. 

9. Ij, Domitio. The grandfather of 
Nero, whose achievements in Germany are 
mentioned 4. 44, 3; Dio, 55, 10 a. 
His great exploit, the crossing of the 
Elbe, appears from Dio to have taken 
plage in the territoiy of the Marcomaiii 
(perhaps then inhabiting part of Saxony), 
so that we cannot connect his route to it 
with any probable situation of these cause- 

10. gravi, perhaps ‘ foul : ’ cp. * odor 
caeiii gravis’ Verg. G. 4, 49. The word 
‘ caemim * generally carries the idea of 
loathsomeness : cp. ‘ male olere oume 
caenum’ Cic. Tusc. 4. 24, 54. 



erant; drcum silvae paulatim adclives, quas turn Arminius 
inplevit, compendiis viarum et cito agmine onustum sarcinis 
armisque militem cum antevenisset. Caecinae dubitanti, quo- 7 
nam modo ruptos vetustate pontes reponeret simulque propul- 
5 sarct hostem, castra metari in loco placuit, ut opus et alii proelium 

64 . Barbari pcrfringere stationes seque inferre munitoribus 1 
nisi lacessunt, circumgrediuntur, occursant : niiscetur opcrantium 
bdlantiumquc clamor, et cuncta pariter Romanis adversa, locus 2 
10 uligine profunda, idem ad gradum instabilis^ procedentibus 
lubriciis, corpora gravia loricis ; neque librare pila inter undas 
poterant. contra Cheruscis sueta apud paludes proelia, proccra 3 
membra, hastae ingentes ad vulnera facienda quamvis procul. 
nox demum inclinantis iam legiones adversae pugnae excmit. 4 
15 Gcrmani ob prospera indefcssi, ne turn quidcm sumpta quiete, 6 
quantum aquarum circum surgentibus iugis oritur vertere in sub- 
iecta, mcrsaque humo et obruto quod effectum operis duplicatus 
militi labor, quadragensimum id stipendium Caccina parendi ^ 
aut imperitandi habcbat, .sccundarum ambiguarumque rerum 
20 sciens coque interritus. igitur futura volvens non aliud repperit 7 

5. in loco, ‘ where he was/ i.e. wliere 12. sueta. The application of this word 
he had to repair the bridge : cp. 4, 47, 3 ; to things, as in * sueto , . . conliibernio ’ 

13. 41, I. (H. 2. 80, 5), is rare, and chiefly found in 

opus et alii proelium. Such an Appuleius. 
expression is not strictly identical with procera' membra ; cp. the descrip- 
‘alii’ . . . ‘alii/ but rather distinguishes tion of the Germans in 2. 14, 5 ; and 

the action of the smaller from that of the the citation in note there from G. 4, i. 

larger body : cp. * virgis caedi, alii securi 13. hastae ingentes : . cp. ‘ enormes 

siibici ’ Liv. 3. 37, 8 ; ^ navibus iunctis . . , hastas’ 2. 14, 3 ; the ‘ maiores lanceae* 

alii vaclis . . . conati’ Caes. B. G. 1. 8, 4. of (i. 6, i, , 

The novelty in racitus, as Dniger points 14. inclinantis iam. Most editors 

out, lies in the insertion of ‘ct:’ cp. follow Freinsh, in adopting this marginal 

* fictis causis et alii j>er speciem honoris * correction of the MS. text ‘ tarn ; ” for 

12. 41, 5; ‘ libertate et alii pecunia which some others read *tum:’ cp. 

donati ’ 15. 54. 2. Several other in* * acies inclinatas iara * G. 8, i . The verb 

stances are given by Nipp. on c. 17. The is used of troops giving way, in the active 

* opus ’ appears to be that of repairing the in H. 3. 83, i, and in both voices by 

road (cp, ‘ quod effectum operis ’ c. 64, 5). Livy. 

7. munitoribus, ‘ the working party.’ pugnae exemit : cp. c. 48, 2. 

The word is uncommon, but the phrase 16. in subiecta, i. e. ' in loca iugis sub* 

* munire viam ’ familiar and classical. iecta ; * cp. ' subiecta vallium * c. 65, i. 

8. nisi. The inf. is used with this 18. quadragensimum : see note on his 
verb by Sallust (Jug. 25, 9), Nepos, and own speech, 3, 33, i. 

Ovid ; as also, rarely, with ‘ adnilor’ (H. 19. dCit: see above, c, 35, 2. 

5. 8, 2), and 'obnitor ’ (Veil. 1. 9, 6). 20, volvens, ‘pondering ; * for ‘volvens 

10. ad gradum, ‘to take firm stand animo:’ cp. 3. 38, 2, etc. The same 

upon.’ Nipp, compares ‘ grad u immota’ abbreviation is found in Sail., Verg., and 

(14. 37, 1), ‘ stabili gradu ’ (H. 2. 35, 2), Liv. ; cp. the similar use of ‘ volutare ’ c. 

and the frequent phrase ‘ gradu deicere/ 36, 4 (also in Livy). 

A.D. 15.] 

LIBER 1. CAP. 63 - 65 . 

quam ut hostem silvis coerceret, donee saucii quantumque gra- 
vioris agminis anteirent ; nam medio montium et paludum porri- 

8 gebatur planities, quae tenuem aciem pateretur. deliguntur le- 
giones quinta dextro lateri, unetvicensima in laevum, primani 
ducendum ad agmen, vicensimanus adversum secuturos. 5 

1 65 . Nox per diversa inquies, cum barbari festis epulis, lacto 
cantu aut truci sonorc subiecta vallium ac resultantis saltus com- 
plerent, apud Romanos invalidi ignes, interruptae voces, atque 
ipsi passim adiacerent vallo, oberrarent tentoriis, insomiies magis 

2 quam pervigiles. ducemque terruit dira quics : nam Quintilium ro 
Varum sanguine oblitum et paludibus emersum cernere et audire 
visus est velut vocantem, non tamen obsecutus et nianum inten- 

8 dentis rcppulissc. coepta luce missae in latera legiones, metu 
an contumacia, locum deseruere, capto propere campo umentia 

4 ultra, neque tamen Arminius quamquam libero incursu statim 15 
prorupit : sed ut haesere caeno fossisque impedimenta, turbati 

3. medio : cp. Introd. v. § 25. 12, 13, 3 ; i6. i, i), the word can always 

3. tenuem, ‘ a thin line.’ bear its usual meaninj; ; the dream by 

deliguntur legiones, etc. The which the rest is accompanied being in- 
same legions are similarly disposed in c. dicated by the e])ithet or context, but in 
5 - variation of expression, both the twice repeated line of Vergil, ‘ Par 

in the subject forms and in those denoting levibus ventis, volucrique similiiina som- 
the action, is noted by Wdlfflin (Philol. no’ (Acn. 2, 794; 6, 702), ‘ somnus* 

35, p. 1 21) as eminently characteristic of stands for the dream itself, 
the later style of Tacitus, as compared 11. paludibus emersum. On the aid., 
with the Ciceronian symmetry of such see Introd. v. §. 24. Thus Sallust has 
periods as ‘studium . . . inlustrius ' (Dial. * navigia fundo emergunt ’ (II. 4. 22 D, 

5, 2), qwaeponcrc . , . iiumerarc’ (G. 37 K, 17 G), but Livy ‘ ex . . . paludc 

3o» 2). cmersus’ (i. 13, 4). 

6. inquies: cp. c. 68, i, etc. The 12. manum in tendon tis, 
word is first lound in Sail., thence passing ‘ thrust aside his hand a.s he held it out 

to \ ell. and PI. mai. Within these few to him.’ Usually ‘manum intendere* ex- 

lincs four poetical words are noted, presses a hostile gesture, as 4. 3, ?, etc. 

* sonor,' ' resullo,’ ' oberro,’ and ‘ pervigil ; ’ 13. coepta luce. On the use of this verb 

the first of which is one of those in- in Tacitus, see Introd. v. § 42 b. 

trodiiccd into prose by Tacitus (see In- 14. campo urneniia ultra. This would 
trod. V. § 70). appear not to be the ‘ planitie.s ’ (c. 64, 7) 

8. voces. Wolf, comparing ‘ inter- bordering on the wooded heights occu- 

misso signo et vocibus’ (II. 5. 22, 5b pied by the enemy, which they were in- 
takes this of the challenge of the patrol, tended to occupy so as to hold him in 

wanting its usual regidarity and prompt- check; but another solid spot, on the 

ness. On the omission of ‘ essent,* cp. further side of the morass: the occupation 
c. 7 , I. ^ of which left the baggage, struggling 

9. a^acerent yallo. In 4. 48, 5, along by way of the causeways through 

* munitionibus adiacerent’ is used of marshy ground, exposed. 

troops listless from negligence, as here 16. caeno fossisque. Nipp. rightly 
from despondency. ^ takes these as abl., as also ‘ criminibus 

10. dira quies. Taken apparently from haerebant* (4. 19,5). Cp. 'haeret pede 

Lucan 7. 36 ‘dira quies et imagine pes’ (Verg. Acn. 10, 361) ; ‘ currus illuvie 

moesta diurna.* In this and similar uses naerebant’ (Curt. 8, 4) : see note on c. 68, 

of ‘ quies’ in Tacitus (2. 14, i; 11. 4, 3; 3. In earlier prose wc should have ex- 



circum milites, incertus signorum ordo, utque tali in tempore sibi 
quisque properus et lentae adversum imperia aures, inrumpere 
Germanos iubet, clamitans ‘en Varus eodcmque iterum fato 
vinctae legiones! .’ simul haec et cum delectis scindit agmen 6 
5 equisque maxime vulnera ingcrit. illi sanguine suo et lubrico 8 
paludum lapsantes excussis rectoribus disicere obvios, proterere 
iacentes. plurimus circa aquilas labor, quae neque ferri adversum 7 
ingruentia tela neque figi limosa liumo poterant. Caecina dum 8 
sustentat acicm, suffosso equo delapsus circumveniebatur, ni 
JO prima legio sese opposuisset. iuvit hostium aviditas, omissa 9 
caede praedam sectantium ; enisacque legiones vesperascente die 
in aperta et solida. neque is miseriarum finis, struendum vallum, lo 
petendus agger, amissa magna ex parte per quae egeritur humus 

pected 'in cneno,* etc, but such an 
abl. may be regarded as quasi-inslru- 
mentab It seems necessary to suppose 
the * fossae ’ to be natural holes or fis- 
sures; a meaning somewhat supported 
by Ikll. Afr. 50, 4 (where the word 
means a ravine), but hardly so by the 
rustic proverb ' cantherium in fossam ’ 
(Liv, 23, 47, 6), which Nipp. also cites. 

1. utque. \Vc have here, as Nipp, 
fioints out, two concurrent constructions 
with ' ut.’ The ‘ ut ’ before * haescrc,’ in 
the sense of ' when,’ extends its force to 
‘aures;’ and the parenthetical ‘ut tali 
in tempore ’ ( « ‘ ut fieri sole! tali in tem- 
pore;’ cp. 2. 82, i; H. 3. 71, 4; G. 2,4; 
22, i; Agr. II, 1) is interposed. The 
expression 'tali in tempore’ (2. 84, 3; 
16. 26, 8) may be a reminiscence of Lucr. 
I, 94. 

sibi properus. Cp. ‘sibi . . . tendentes’ 

H. 1. 13, 3. 

3. eodemque. The MS. has ‘ et 
eodemque,’ In two similar errors in the 
second MecHcean MS., ‘ argenti et aurique’ 
(I I. 4. 53, 4), ‘Gallias et Germaniasque ’ 
(H. 4. 54, 1), an accidental transjiosition 
appears not improbable, and the 'que* 
may well have belonged originally to 
‘argenti’ and to ‘Gallias.’ Here pos- 
sibly some word after ‘et’ has been lost ; 
possibly, as Ritter suggests, the copyist 
of some earlier MS. overlooked ' que ’ in 
an abbreviation, and added ‘ et.’ 

4. vinctae. In the MS. a dot is placed 
under ‘ n ‘ by a corrector ; whence most 
older editions read ‘ victae,’ which would 
be a natural exaggeration of the success 
described in c. 64, 4. On the other hand, 

‘vinctae* would resemble the language 
of Calgacus, 'vinctos di nobis tradi- 
derimt’ (Agr. 32, 3); and ‘ velut vincti’ 
is used of troops encumbered by baggage 
and sticky ground (H. i. 79, 3). 

simul haec et; a poetical expres- 
sion (Stat Theb. 2, 059), The usual 
formula ‘ simul et . . . et’ is modified to 
'simul . . . et’ in 4. 25, 2; H. 3. 13, 3; 
Sail. Jug. 97, 4. 

6. lapsantes: cp. H. i. 79, 5. In 
Vergil (Aen. 2, 551), and apparently not 
in prose before Tacitus. 

7. ferri adversum. The MS. has 
'“adversu” ferri,’ the double commas 
being added by a later hand in different 
ink (see Pfitzner, p. 15). The trans- 
position taken to be indicated by them is 
now generally adopted. Otherwise ‘ ad- 
versum ferri' must be supposed to take 
an accusative, like such compounds as 
* inrumpere’ (c. 48, 4), etc. 

8. flgi . . . humo : cp. ‘ hacsere 
caeno fossisque,* above, ‘ figere animo* 
Agr. 45, 5, etc. 

9. suffosso equo : so in 2. 11, 4, and 
V. 1 . in Verg. Aen. ii, 671. Cp. 'equis 
. . , ilja subfodere’ Liv. 42, 59, 3. 

11. vesperascente die ; also in 16. 34, 
I ; H. 2. 49, 2. On the variety of ex- 
pressions for this fact used by Tacitus, 
see Introd. v. § 93. 

12. aperta et solida. This again seems 
different from either of the solid spots 
before Aentioned, and to be altogether 
beyond the morass traversed by the 
'pontes.* Cp. c. 68, 4 ‘non hie silvas 
nec paludes.’ 

13* agger, ‘ material for the mound : ’ 

A.D. 15.] LIBER /. CAP. 65 - 67 . 239 

aut exciditiir caespes; non tentoria manipulis, non fomenta 
sauciis ; infectos caeno aut cruore cibos dividcntes funestas tene- 
bras et tot hominum milibus unum iam reliquum diem lamenta- 

1 66. Forte equus abruptis vinculis vagus et clamore territus 5 

2 quosdam occurrentium obturbavit. tanta inde consternatio inru- 
pisse Gcrmanos credentium, ut cuncti ruerent ad portas, quarum 
decumana maxime petebatur, aversa hosti et fugientibus tutior. 

3 Caecina comperto vanam esse formidinem, cum tamen iieque 
auctoritate neque precibus, ne manu quidem obsistere aut re- 10 
tinere militem quiret, proiectus in limine portae miseratione 
demum, quia per corpus legati eundum erat, clausit viam : simul 
tribuni et ceiituriones falsum pavorem esse docucrunt. 

1 67 . Tunc contractos in principia iussosque dicta cum silentio 
accipcre temporis ac necessitatis monet unam in armis salutcm, 15 
sed ea consilio temperanda manendumque intra vallum, donee 
expugnandi hostes spe propius succedcrent ; mox undique erum- 

2 pendum : ilia eruptionc ad Rhenum perveniri* quod si fugerent, 
pluris silvas, profundas niagis paludes, saevitiam hostium super- 

3 esse ; at victoribus decus gloriam. quae domi cara, quae in 20 

cp. * aggeris peteiicU causa * (Caes. U. G. 
2. 20, i), Mongius agger petenclns’ (Id. 
13 . C. I. 42, i). See note on 2. 81, 2. 
The mound is here distinguished from 
the palisade (vallum^ surmounting it. 

amissa, etc. Nipp. notes the cir- 
cumlocution used to avoid * calling a 
spade a spade,* 

1. fomenta, ‘appliances:’ cp. c. 69, 2, 

2. funestas. The darkness was ‘ that 
of the grave,’ i.e. ominous of their fate. 
Cp. ‘feralibus . . . tenebris’ 2. 31, 2. 

5. equus abruptis vinculis. Ap 
patently a reminiscence of Verg, Aen. ii, 

8. decumana. The ‘ porta praetoria,’ 
to which this was opposite, always faced 
the enemy, or the direction of march, or, 
in stationary camps, the east. Veget. 
I. 23. 

aversa hosti. In no other place is 
‘ aversus * certainly used with the dat. ; 
but possibly so in ‘aversus m^caturis’ 
(Hor. Sat. 2. 3, 107), ‘ aversum prae- 
liantibus’ (Sail. Jug. 93, 2), ‘aversus con- 
tubernio’ (Col. 2. 1. 4). 

9. comperto. On this abl. abs., see 

Introd. v. § 31 a. ‘ Comperto * is so used 
4. 36, 4, etc., also in Sail, and Liv. 

II. proiectus in limine portae. A 
similar action is recorded of Cn, Pom- 
peius as a young man, at a time of treason 
in the camp (l^lut. Pomp. 3, 2, 620). 

14. in principia; sec on c. 61, 3. 

15. temporis ao necessitatis, ‘ of the 
crisis and urgency.’ The words are ne-irly 
a hendiadys, and are taken by Roth as such, 

monet. The construction is analo- 
gous to that of ‘ adm.jnco.’ The siinj)le 
verb is nowhere else used with a genitive, 
unless in 2, 43, 5, where the reading is 

17. expugnandi hostes spe. Nipp, 
explains this inversion as an affectation 
of style, indulged in where no misunder- 
standing could result. Several instances 
are cited by him, llie most striking being 
‘ardore retinendae Agrippinam potentiae 
eo usque provectam ’ 14. 2. i. 

iS.perveniri. Mr. Frost appears rightly 
to understand the present tense as a 
stroke of rhetoric : ‘ This sally carries you 
to the Rhine.* 

20. quae domi cara, quae in castris 
honeata, ‘all that was dear to them at 


castris honesta, memorat; reticuit de adversis. equos dehinc, 4 
orsus a suis, legatorum tribunorumque nulla ambitione fortissimo 
cuique bellatori tradit, ut hi, mox pedes in hostem invadcrent. 

68 . Haud minus inquies Gcrmanus spe, cupidine diversis 1 
5 ducum sententiis agebat, Arminio sinercnt egredi egressosquc 
rursum per umida et inpedita circumvenirent suadente, atrociora 
Inguiomero et laeta barbaris^ ut vallum armis ambirent : promp- 
tam expugnationem, plures captivos, incorruptam praedam fore, 
igitur orta die proruunt fossas, iniciunt crates, summa valli pren- 2 
10 sant, raro super milite et quasi ob metum defixo. postquam 3 
haescre munimentis. datur cohortibus signum cornuaque ac tubae 
concinucre. exim clamore et impetu tergis Germanorum cir- 4 
cumfunduntur, exprobrantes non hie silvas nec paludes, sed 
aequis locis aequos decs, hosti facile cxcidium et paucos ac 6 
15 semermos cogitanti sonus tubarum, fulgor armorum, quanto 
inopina, tanto maiora offunduntur, cadebantque, ut rebus secundis 

home, all that had been honourable to 
them in camp ; ’ i. e. their past victories. 
Nipp. takes it of militar)' honour in 

1. adversis, ‘ disasters ’ (cp. 14. 38, 
5 ; 15. 26, 3, etc.\ e. g. those of the pre- 
vious days, in contrast to ^honesta.’ 

2. orsus a suis, ‘first his own, then 
those of the legati and tribunes.* Officers 
may have had more than one horse each 
ill caniji, and even the addition of a few 
to their mounted troops would be im- 
portant, if we suppose that he had only 
his ‘equites legionum’ (see note on c. 
63, 5), who would be less than 500 in all 
(see Introd. vii. p. 104) ; and that many 
horses had been killed the day before (c. 
65, 5 ). 

nulla ambitione, ‘without respect 
of persons ; * i. e, to the brav^est, whoever 
they might be, and irrespective of any 
solicitation on their part : cp. ‘ sine am- 
bitione * 4. 64, 2. 

5. agebat, absol. as 3. 19, 2 ; 38, 4, 
etc. : cp. ‘agito * c. 50, i. 

6. atrociora, ‘ more spirited : ’ cp. 
‘pugna atrocior’ Liv. i. ^7, 17, ‘atrox 
animus ’ Ilor. Od. 2.1, 24 ; and the simi- 
lar sense of ‘ ferox ’ and ‘ ferocia ’ c. 2, i ; 
1 2, 6, etc. 

7. promptam, ‘easy:* cp. ‘promptam 
> . . possessionem* 2. 5, 4, etc. 

9. proruunt fossas. The full expres- 
sion, as u>ed by Livy (9. 14, 9), ‘cum 
pars fossas explereiit, pars vellerent val- 

lum atque in fossas proruerent ; ’ is here 
condensed into a pregnant construction. 
On other such in Tacitus, cp. c. 39, 8, and 
Introd. V. § 84. 

iniciunt crates. Caesar describes 
the use of such temporary bridges at 
Alesia (B. G. 7. 79, 4) ‘ fossam cratibus 
integunt, atque aggere explent.* 

prensant ; cp. ‘ prensant fastigia dextris * 
Verg. Aen. 2, 444. 

lo. super : cp. * incensa super villa ’ 3. 
46, 7 ; a rare use, but in Caes., Verg., etc. 

deUxo, ‘ rooted to the spot : ’ cp. 
‘pavore defixis ’ 13. 5 > 3 ; also 14. 10, i; 
Agr. 34, 3. 

II.. haesero munimentis. This is 
taken by Nipp. as a dative, but seems 
very similar to ‘ inaequalibiis locis haerc- 
bant ’ (Agr. 36, 3), which is generally ex- 
plained to be an ablative, whether of 
place, or of instniment (cp. c. 65, 4). 
Thus it would here mean ‘ were impeded 
by * (i.e. ‘ were trying to surmount ’) ‘ the 
outworks.* As a dative, it would mean 
‘ were clinging to.* 

12. impetu, abl. of manner: cp. c. 59, 
I, etc., and Introd. v. 28. 

tergis . . . circumfunduntur, i. c. 
by a sally from the gates. 

13* exprobrantes, ‘with the taunt;* 
used alipl. in 14. 62, 3 ; also with accus. 
of the tMbg, as c. 18, i, etc. 

15. quanto inopina: cp, c. 57, i; 
Introd. v. § 64, 2 ; and the full illustra- 
tion of this usage in Nipp.’s note here. 

A.D. 15.] 



0 avidi, ita adversis incauti. Armiiiius integer, Ingulomerus post 
grave vulniis pugnam dcserucrc: vulgus trucidatum cst, donee 

7 ira et dies pcrmansit. noctc demum reversae legiones, quamvis 
plus vulnerum, eadem ciborum egestas fatigarct, vim sanitatem 
copias, cuncta in victoria habuere. 5 

1 69. Pervaserat interim circumventi exercitus fania ct infesto 
Germanorum agminc Gallias peti, ac ni Agrippina inpositum 
Rheno pontem solvi prohibuisset, crant qui id flagitium formidine 

2 auderent. sed femina ingens animi munia ducis per cos dies 
induit, militibusque, ut quis inops aut saiicius, vestem et fomenta 

3 dilargita est. tradit C. Plinius, Gcnnanicorum bcllorum scriptor, 
stetisse apud principium pontis, laudes ct grates reversis Icgioni- 

4 bus liabcntem. id Tiberii animum ultius penctravit : non cnim 
simpliccs eas curas, nec adversus externos stiulia militum qiiaeri. 

1. avidi. Thi^i i.s taken absol. as in c. 'exuere;’ e. g, c. 2, i ; 4, i ; 59, 7»' 75^ 

51, 1, etc., as is also 'incauti;’ ‘rebus sc* 4; 2. 72, 1 ; 3. n, 4; 4. 72, 1 ; 6. 8, i, 

cundis ' and ‘adversis’ being abl. abs. etc. See Introd. v. § 74. 

The dative can be used with either word vestem et fomenta; i.e. ‘clothes to 
(11. 26, 4; 11 . I. 7, 4); but would not the former, medicaments to the latter.' 

suit the sense here. Of the instances cited by Nipp. of this use 

post . . . vulnus; a condensed or of ‘ct,’ the most apposite is ‘Iriinca . . . 

pregnant construction reejuiring a parti- mami ct professoria lingua ’ (of Burrus 
ciple or ecjuivalcnt e.xpression to complete and Seneca) 13. 14, 5. 
it: cp. ‘post Creinonani ’ II. 3. 49, i. Plinius. On his historical works. 

Probably it is to be derived from such .sec Introd. iii. p. 12. 

Iloratian u.sages as ‘post vina’ (Od. i. 12. laudes et grates habentem. The 
iS, 5); ‘ te’ (Od. 3. 21, 19), etc. nearest aj>proach to this new expression 

Other instances arc given by Wdlfllin for ‘gratias,’ or ‘ grates,’ or ‘laudes gra- 

(Philol. 26, p. 133). Usque agtre’ (see the instances cited by 

3. quamvis. On the subjunct. of facts Nipp.), is ‘landibus . . . <juas . . . de nobis 

with this word, cp. Introd. v. § 53. haberi . . . renimciaverunt ’ Cic. Att. 13. 

4. egestas. This has a genii, obj. in 38, i. 

6. 23, I ; Sail. Jug. 44. 4, etc. J3. penetravit : ‘penelrarc aliquid’(4. 

8. pontem ; probably that mentioned c. 44, 3; 15. 27, i, etc.) is poetical and 

49, b. post- Augustan. 

prohibuisset. This verb is used with non enim. The verb of ‘thinking’ 
accus. and inf. pass, in 4. 37, 4 ; II. i. 62, is supplied from ‘ id animum ])cnelravit.’ 

4 ; also in Cacs. ( 13 . G. 6. 29, 5, etc.) and 14. simplices, ‘without ulterior pur- 
Liv. (4. 2, 13, etc.). pose.’ Thus ‘simplicius ’ (4. 40, 3; II. 3. 

9. auderent. The accus. with this 53, 6), ‘simplicissime ’ (H. i. 15, 8), and 

verb is more common in Tacitus than in ‘ simplicitas ’ (<). 5, 2, etc.), are used to 

any other prose author ; nearly fifty in- express sincerity or frankness. 

stances being found in his works. studia militum quaeri. Only the 

iugens animi : cp. c. 32, 5. two latter wprds are found in the MS., 

10. induit. The metaphorical uses of with a later correction ‘militem ; ’ which 

this word, as ‘induere seditioncm ' (2. 15, the older editors and also Nipp. and 

2); ‘habitum ac voces’ (4. 1 2, iri *diem' OrelH adopt; and which might bear a. 

(6. 20, i) ; ‘diversa’ (6. 33, 3)^ ‘adula- sense somewhat like that of ‘cunctos . . . 

tlonem’ (6. 42, i); ‘hostilia’ (12. 40, 3); sibi . . . firmabat’ c. 71, 5. The alter- 

‘proditorem et hostem ' (16. 28, 3), etc. ; native of supposing, that a w'ord has drop- 

are among those most characteristic of ped, has led to the inseilion, before or 

Tacitus: still more frequent are those of after ‘militum,’ of ‘gratiam* (Hftase), 



nihil relictum imperatoribus, ubi femina manipulos intervisat, 6 
signa adeat, largitionem temptet, tamquam paruni ambitiose 
filium duels gregali habitu circumferat Gaesaremque Caligulam 
appellari velit. potiorem iam apud exercitus Agri^pinam quam 6 
5 legates, quam duces ; conpressam a muliere seditionem, cui no- 
men principis obsistere non quiverit. accendebat haec onerabat- 7 
que Seianus, peritia morum Tiberii odia in longuni iaciens, quae 
reconderet auctaque promeret. 

70 . At Germanicus legionum, qiias navibus vexerat, sccundam 1 
lo et quartam decumam itinere terrestri P. Vitellio ducendas tradit, 
quo levior classis vadoso mari innaret vel reciproco sideret 
Vitellius primum iter sicca hunio aut modice adlabente acstu 2 
quietum habuit : mox inpulsu aquilonis, simul sidere aequinoctii, 
quo maxinic tumescit Oceanus, rapi agique agmen. et opple- 3 
15 bantur terrac: eadem freto litori campis facies, neque discerni 
poterant incerta ab solidis, brevia a profundis. sternuntur flucti- 4 

or ‘ favorem ’ (Ritter), as well as that of 
the text (adopted by Halm from Doe- 
derlein, and, alter ‘militum,’ by lleraeus'): 
all can be supported by refcn'iiccs to Ta- 
citus, the latter by the most numerous: 
cp. 2. 5, 2 ; 3. 12, 6; II. 1. 23, 1 ; 64, 4. 

2. tamquam parum ambitiose = 
‘tamquam non satis ambitiose,' ‘as if she 
did not court them enough by ’ etc. On 
the ‘gregalis habitus,’ cp. c. 41, 3. 

5. conpressam seditionem, an in- 
vidious exaggeration of the facts men- 
tioned c. 40, 41. 

nomen principis, probably alluding 
to their treatment of the letters writ- 
ten ‘nomine principis’ c. 36, 4. 

6. accendebat haec: cp. ‘incendebat 
haec ’ c. 23, i. 

onerabat : cp. c. 19, 2, etc. 

7. odia in longum iaciens, ‘sowing 
seeds of jealousy for a distant future.’ A 
similar metaphor, less boldly expressed, is 
‘ futuris . . . caedibus semina iaciebantur * 
6. 47, I. 

quae reconderet, etc., ‘ for him to bury 
and bring to liglit with increase.’ These 
words explain ‘in longum,’ and describe 
the same trait in Tiberius which is men- 
tioned in c. 7, II ; 3. 64, 2 ; 4. 71, 5. 

9. At Germanious, etc. This narra- 
tive is taken up from the end of the move- 
ment described by ‘ rcducto ad Amisiam 
exercitu (c. 63, ^), and the tense of ‘ vex- 
erat ’ (used for ‘ ad vexerat,’ as ‘ vectum ’ 
for ‘ advectum ’ ii. 14, 2) is referred to 

the time mentioned in c. 60, 3. 

10. P. Vitellio, an uncle of the subse- 
quent emperor, who is often mentioned as 
with Germanicus, and as an accuser of 
Cn. Piso (see 2. 6, i ; 74, 2 ; 3. 10. 2 ; 13, 
3; 17, 4; 19, i). He is thought (see 
TSiipp. on 2. 74I to have been procos. of 
Bilhynia in 771, A. D, 18: on his death, 
see 5. 8. 

11. vadoso mari; that off the coast 
near the mouth of the Ems. 

reciproco sideret, ‘ ground less 
heavily at ebb-tide,’ i.c. sooner get afloat 
again after grounding. ‘ Keciprocus ’ has 
this sense frequently in PI. N. H. ; and 
‘ sido ’ is thus used in 2. 6, 2, and in Livy 
and poets 

13. inpulsu. This abl. might be instru- 
mental, but being here coordinate with 
‘ sidere,’ is probably to be taken as causal. 

sidere aequinoctii ; ‘ sidus ’ is used 
of the season of the year by Vergil, ‘hi- 
berno moliris sidere classem ’ (Aen. 4, 
309). The autumnal equinox is of course 
meant, and a date of the conclusion of 
this campaign thus supplied. 

14. rapi agique, ‘lose footing and are 
swept away.’ Walther thus distinguishes 
these nearly synonymous words. 

16. brevia. This poetical term (Verg. 
Aen. I, I ; Luc. 9, 338), taken apparently 
from the Greek /Jpax^a (Hdt., Thuc. etc.), 
is used in prose by Tacitus alone. Cp. 6. 
33, 5 5 also ‘ breve et iiicertum ’ 14. 29, 3. 

sternuntur ; sc. ‘ homines,* supplied 

A.D. 15.] 

LIBER /. CAP. 69, 70* 

bus, hauriuntur gurgitibus ; iumenta, sarcinae, corpora exanima 
interfluunt, occursant. permiscentur inter se manipuli, modo 
pectore modo ore tenus exstantes, aliquando subtracto solo 

6 disiecti aut obmti. non vox et mutui hortatus iuvabant adversante 
unda ; nihil streniius ab ignavo, sapiens ab inprudenti, consilia a 5 

0 casu differre : cuncta pari violentia involvebantur. tandem 
Vitellius in editiora enisus eodem agmen subduxit. pernoctavere 
sine utensilibus, sine igni, magna pars nudo aut mulcato corpore, 
baud minus miserabiles quam quos hostis circumsidet : quippe 

7 illic etiam honestae mortis usus, his inglorium exitium. lux 10 
reddidit terram, penetrat unique ad amnem [Visurgiii], quo 

8 Caesar classe contenderat. inpositae dein legiones, vagante fama 
submersas ; nec fides salutis, antequam Caesarem exercitumque 
reducem vidcrc. 

from ^ agmen.’ Individuals are spoken 
of here* and whole ‘ manipuli ’ further on. 

3, subtract-o solo, * out of depth.’ 
Tacitus appears to take the words, but 
not the meaning, from Vergil (Aen. 5. 

4, VOX et mutui bortatus. The 
words .are here joined closely in a hendi- 
adys — ‘ the voice of mutual encourage- 
ment ; ’ whereas * nec’ would distinguish 
the former, as the word of command, 
from the latter, as the encouragement of 
comrades. See note on c. 4, i. 

5. ab inprudenti. I'his correction of 
Idps. for the MS. ^ aprudenti’ is supported 
by the occurrence of a similar error (‘ non 
prudentcra,’ for * non inprudentem ’) in 
4. 70, 6. Some have here followed Wolf 
in reading ^ ab nidi : ’ but ^ sapientes ’ is 
opposed to ‘ inprudentissimi ’ by Seneca 
(Epp. 1 4, 2 ; 90, 33) ; also ‘ sapientes ’ has 
the force of ‘prudentes* in Agr. 27, 2, 
and here corresponds to 'prudentes’ in a 
similar passage (2. 23, 2). The two 
terms arc here explained by ' consilia ’ 
and 'casu,’ denoting the mode of action 
of persons of each class. 

6. involvebantur, sc. ' fluctibus ; ’ so 
' auster aqua involvens navemque virum- 
que’ Verg. Aen. 6, 336, In 14. 30, 3, 
and in Verg, G. 3, 208, it expresses a 
similar envelopement in flames. Cp. also 
‘fraudibns involutes ’ 16. 32, 3. 

8. utensilibus, ‘ necessarie^’ The 
■word is used specially of food in^. 60, 5 ; 

15. .19, 2 ; and in 3. 53, 3, even of luxuries 
of diet. 

10. illio = ‘ apud illos ; ’ so H. 2. 47, 3 ; 
5.4, i; and 'hinc* Ann. 3. 10, 6, etc. 

R H 

‘ Ilic ’ and ' ille ’ are referred here to the 
nearer and more remote objects of thought, 
irrespective of the order of mention ; as 
in 6. 37, 2; H. 2. 77, 4; 4. 27, 3; cp. 
' huic’ Ann. 2. 77, 1 ; ' illi ’ 2. 82, 7 ; and 
note on c. 42, 6. 

honestae mortis usus, ‘ have the 
resource of even honourable death.’ Cp. 
bene morte usum ’ 6. 48, 5. 

lux, personified, as in Liv. 9. 30, 10, 
‘ lux , , . oppressit.’ See Introd. v. § 75. 

II. reddidit, ' showed again ; ’ the tide 
and flood having receded. 

amnem [Visurgin]. The proper 
substitute for this plainly wrong name is 
uncertain. The reading of Ritter (‘ ad 
Amisiam’) 5upi)oscs this chapter to de- 
scribe part of the movement mentioned in 
c- 5 C reducto ad Amisiam exercitu’). 
But we have here a movement not from 
the interior, but along the coast, and 
apparently occupying only two d.ays and 
a night. To make the ships more 
ageable at sea. these tw^o legions must 
have been sent on from the naval rendez- 
vous, at or near the mouth of the Ems, by 
much the same route as the 'pars equitum* 
(c. 63, 5) ; and must have been taken on 
board at the mouth of another river 
further on, perhaps left unnamed. The 
conjecture ‘ Vidrum ’ (I dps.) is taken from 
the OviBpos of Ptol. 2, 1 1, § i (.supposed 
to be the Vechl, now falling into the 
Zuider ‘ Unsingim ’ is imagined by 

Alting as a Latin name for the Hunse, 
which suits the geography best. 

14. reducem, sing. ; the principal object 
of thought being Caesar: cp. 12, 13, 3. 



71* lam Stfertinius, ad accipiendum in deditionem Segimerum i 
fratrem Segcstis praemissus, ipsum et filium eius in dvitatem 
Ubiorum pcrduxerat. data utrique venia, facile Segimero, cunc- 2 
tantius filio, quia Ouintilii Vari corpus inlusisse dicebatur ce- 3 
5 terum ad supplenda exercitus damna certavere Galliae Hispaniae 
Italia, quod cuique promptum, arma equos aurum offerentes. 
quorum laudato studio Gernianicus, armis modo et equis ad 4 
bellum sumptis, propria pecunia militem iuvit. utque cladis 5 
memoriam etiam comitate leniret, circumire saucios^ facta singu- 
10 lorum extollere ; vulnera intuens alium spe, alium gloria, cunctos 
adloquio et cura sibique et proelio firmabat. 

72. Decreta eo anno triumphalia insignia A. Caccinae, L. 1 
Apronio, C. Silio ob res cum Germanico gcstas. nomen patris 2 

1. lam Stertinius, etc. It is sug- 
gested by Nipp. that, as this officer usually 
commands cavalry and light troops (see 
on c. 60, 4), the ' pars equitum,’ mentioned 
in c. 63, 5, were led by him, and after 
their retreat execute this service, advanc- 
ing from, and returning to Kdln. It is 
perhaps more likely that we have here 
some account of the other * pars equitum,* 
who are otherwise unnoticed. 

Segimerum. Veil, (2. 118, 2) gives 
this name also to the father of Arminius. 
On the family, sec notes on c. 55, 57. 

2. filium. Str.ibo(7. 1,4, p. 292) gives 
his name as 'Zf(riOa/co?, and that of his 
wife as 'Pa/xtSf OvKpofiipov Ovydrrjpf 
fiovos XaTTwv. * KKTovfiipov has been sug- 
gested as a correction (see ii. 16, 2). 

9. circumire saueios: charge of the 
wounded probably still devolved on the 
chief officers abroad, as on the nobility in 
old times at Rome (see on 4. 63, 3). 
Military' hospitals, or * valetudinaria ’ arc 
mentioned (Veg. 2. to , etc.), and legions 
had their * medici * (cp. Inscr. Orell. 448, 
3508) ; but from what date appears un- 

1 1 . sibique et proelio firmabat ; ‘ sibi 
firmare * (‘to secure to oneself’) is used 
in 3. 60 ; II. 5. 4, I. Here, the double 
application involves a zeugma. 

1 2. triumphalia insignia. The regular 
phrase in inscriptions (e.g. Henzen, Index, 
p. 1 50 ; Wilmanns, Index, p. 609) is ‘ trium- 
phalia oinamenta ; ’ and the term is thus 
analogous to that of ‘ consularia oma- 
menta ’ (bestowed from the time of the 
dictator Caesar ; cp. Suet. Jul. 76), and 
others, signifying that the dignity and in- 

signia of an office were given without the 
office itself. Thus, without an actual 
triumph, persons were entitled to be 
called ‘ triumphalcs’ (3. 30, 4, etc.\ .and 
to ennoble their family by * laureatae 
staluae ’ (4. 23, i). Some suppose this 
minor honour to have been first given to 
Tiberius (Suet. Tib. 9). The full honour 
of the ‘iustiis Iriumphus,’ though freely 
given during at least the earlier part of 
the rule of Augustus (Suet. Aug. 38), is 
ever afterwards, probably from 740, B c. 
14 (see Dio, 54. 24, 8), reserved for the 
imperial family: see c. 55, i, etc. 

A. Caecinae, L. Apronio, O. Silio. 
The selection appears to be grounded 
on rank (these three legati alone being 
consulars) ; for the personal service of 
Silius is unmentioned, and that rccorderl 
of Apronius (c. 56, 1) trivial. The award, 
as that in c. 55, i, shows that the success 
of the army was exaggerated at Rome. 

13. nomen patris patriae. This title, 
already given by acclamation to Cicero 
(Juv. 8, 243), and in 709, B. c. 45, to 
Julius Caesar (App. B. C. 2. ic6), was 
formally accepted by Augustus, from the 
united voice of senate, knights, and people, 
on Feb. 5, 752, B.c, 2 (see Mon. Anc. vi. 
34, and Mommsen, ad loc.); but had 
probably been informally used much 
earlier (cp. Hor. Od. i. 2, 50). The 
case of Cicero negatives the supposition 
of Dio ^53. 18, 3), that some recognition 
of a gSieral ‘patria potestas ’ was im- 
plied in it. Tiberius persisted in his re- 
fusal (2. 87, 2 ; Dio, 58. 12, 8) ; and the 
title is absent from his coins and inscrip- 

A.d. 15.] LIBER /. CAP. 7r, 1^45 

patriae Tiberius, a popiilo saepius ingestum, repudiavit ; neque 
in acta sua iurari quamqiiam censente senatu perinisit, cuncta 
mortalium incerta, quantoquc plus adeptus foret, tanto sc magis 

3 in lubrico dictitans. non tamen idco faciebat fidcm civilis animi ; 
nam legem maiestatis reduxcra t, cui nomen apud vetcrcs idem, 5 
sed alia in iudicium venicbant, si quis proditione cxercitum aut 
plebcm seditionibus, denique male gcsta re publica maiestatem 
populi Romani minuissct : facta argucbantur, dicta inpiine erant. 

4 primus Augustus cognitionem de famosis libellis specie legis eius 
tractavit, commotus Cassii Severi libidine, qua viros feminasque 10 
inlustres procacibus scriptis diffamaverat : mox Tiberius, consul- 

1. ingestum, imposed by acclama- 
tion ; ’ more usually of reproaches, etc., 
as 4. 42, I, etc. 

2. in acta sna iurari. This oath, ah 
outgrowth of that taken in res])ect of the 
law^s by the old magistrates (Mommsen, 
Staatsr. i. p. 600), is found in 709, n.c. 
45; the formula being " se nihil contra 
acta Caesaris factumm ’ (App. B. C. 2. 
106) ; and wms enforced more stringently, 
in respect of the * acta ’ of the late dicta- 
tor, hy the triumvirs on Jan. i, 712, H.c. 
42 (Dio, 47. 18, 3) : in respect of the 
acta of Augustus, it is first mentioned 
as taken in 729, B.c. 29 (Id. 51. 20, r). 
Tiberius himself took the oath to the 
acta of Augustus (Id. 57. 8, 5), and en- 
forced it strictly (see 4. 42, 3); and the 
oath, as time w'cnt on, upheld the ‘ acta’ 
of all princes not specially passed over, as 
became the case with Tiberius himself 
(Dio, 59. 9, i). It was taken on Jan. i, 
first by magistrates, then by all senators 
(sec 13. II, I ; 16. 22, I ; Dio, 53. 28, i ; 
58. 17, 2); and must not be confounded 
with the ‘ sacramentum in nomen prin- 
cipis ’ (see c. 7, 3). 

permisit. The use of this verb with 
accus. and inf. pass., as in 14. 12, 7, 
etc., and Livy, as also that of* oro’ (ii. 
10, 8), and other verbs denoting permis- 
sion, request, or direction, is noted by 
Madvig (396, Obs. i) as contrary to the 
usage of the best writers : see also 
Driiger, Synt. und Stil, § 146, and notes 
on c. 74, 7 ; 79, 3. 

4. in lubrico: cp. 6. 51, 3. Other 

metaphorical uses of the word occur in 
2. 87, 2 ; 6. 49, 3, etc. M 

5. legem maiestatis reduxorat. On 
the history of this law and its application 
under the Republic, see Tntrod. viii. p. 
1 21. The same expression is used in 
l^liny, Pan, ii 'dicavit caelo Tiberius 

Augustiim, sed ut maieslatis legem re- 
diicerel ; ’ but the implied assertion that 
it had become obsolete must be qualified 
by the fact of its extension and recent en- 
forcement by Augustus : see below. 

6. si quis . . . seditionibus. These 
two instances seem cited from Cicero, 
who specifies them as cases fallingunder 
the law (de Oral. 2. 39, 164 ; Partitt. 30, 
103). The idea of some such verb as 
* laesisset ’ is supjilicd by zeugma from 

8. populi Komani. These w’ords seem 
intended to stand in contrast to its aiqili- 
cation in later time to the ‘ maicstas ’ of 
the princeps only. 

dicta inpune erant. "I1iat pas- 
quinades were capitally punishable, even 
by the laws of the Twelve Tables, is 
affirmed in Cic. de Rep. 4. to, 12 ; cp. 
Hor. Ep, 2. r, 150, etc. On the applica- 
bility of the law of ‘ maic.stas’ to them, 
see next note. * Inpune esse ’ is found 
again, 2. 52, 9; 3. 28, 2 ; 13. 54, i ; G. 
25, 2 ; * impune habendum ’ 3. 70, 3. 

9. primus Augustus : cp. Suet. Aug. 
55. Seneca says (de Ben. 3. 27, i) *sub 
divo Augusto nonduiU honiinibus verba 
sua periculosa erant, iam molesla.’ Yet 
the *Lex Cornelia,’ even if allowed to 
slumber, appears definitely to have brought 
spoken libels under this offence. * Est 
maiestas, et sic Sulla voliiit, ne in quem- 
vis impune declamari liceret ’ (Cic. ad 
P’am. 3. II, 2). 

10. Cassii Severi. On his character, 
see 4. 21, 5. He was probably banished 
in 765, A.D. J2, when Dio (56. 27, 1) 
mentions proceedings taken against libel- 
lers, but does not give their names. The 
chronology of Jerome (see on 4. 21, 5) 
would give a date four years earlier. 

1 1 . diifamaverat. Th is verb, first found 
in Ovid, is used of a personal object also 



tante Pompeio Macro praetore, an indicia maiestatis redderentur, 
exercendas leges esse respondit. hunc quoque asperavere carmina 6 
incertis auctoribus vulgata in sacvitiam superbiamque eius et dis- 
cordem cum matre animum. 

5 73 . Haud pigebit refcrre in Falanio et Rubric, modicis equiti- 1 

, bus Romanis, praetcmptata crimina, ut quibus initiis, quanta 
Tiberii arte gravissimum exitium inrepserit, dcin repressum sit, 
postremo arserit cunctaque corripuerit, noscatur. Falanio obicie- 2 
bat accusator, quod inter cultorcs August i, qui per omnes domos 
10 in modum collegiorum habebantur, Cassium quendam mimum 
corpore infamem adscivisset, quodque venditis hortis statuam 
Augusti simul mancipasset. Rubric crimini dabatur violatum 

in T5, 49, 6, and with accus. of the report See Introd, viii. p. 122, etc. Or we may, 

spread in 14. 22, 5: cp. the similar uses with Nipperdey, limit *dibeiii arte’ to 

of ‘ differre ’ c. 4. 3. ‘ inrepserit/ and find the period of repres- 

1 . Pompeio Maoro. On his parentage sioii in the interval before its revival noted 

and death, see on 6. 18, 4. in S15, a.d. 62 (14. 48, 3). Lipsius imdcr- 

iudicia . . . redderentur. This is stands it of the reaction under Vespasian 

not strictly equivalent to ‘ ius reddere* and Titus; but the words of 'J'aciLus seem 

(‘ to give sentence/ e. g. 6. 1 1, i ; 13. 51, to confine the periods at least within the 

1, etc.), but rather to ' indices dare,* i.e. limits of this work. The subsequent out- 

to receive a case and assign jurors to try burst postremo arserit ’ etc.) might, no 

it : cp. * indicium redditiir an reus sit doubt, equally suit the history of the 

causa mortis ’ (Juint. 7. 4, 43. years of 'riberius, or of Nero, or of Domi- 

2. exercondas leges. From this an- tian, 

swer to the praetor it is to be gathered 9. cultores Augusti. Similar titles 
that, besides the numerous trials for arc found in inscriptions, e.g. *imaginiun 

‘maiestas’ held before the senate, which domus Aug. cultores’ (Orcll. 738); ‘cul- 

alone are reported by Tacitus, other per- tores domus divinac et fortunac Aug.’ (Id. 

sons, apparently of lower rank, must have 1662). The ‘cultus’ of Augustus and 

been tried under this law before the his family in private houses is illustrated 

courts. by the description in Ovid (ex P. 4. 9, 

carmina. Some such pasquinades are 105-110) of a shrine in his own house 

quoted by Suetonius (Tib. 59). Pa- with images of Augustus, Augusta, Tibe- 

conianus was charged later with a similar rius, and the two grandsons. The present 

offence (6. 39, 1)^ passage shows that such private ^cultus* 

3. disoordem cum matre animum : had existed while Augustus was living, in 

cp. 3. 64, 1 ; 4. 57, 4. a form probably analogous to the muni- 

5. modicis equitibus. Those are cipal worship (see one. 10, 5): also that 

meant who had little or no more than the greater houses ('domus ’) kept up for 

the bare equestrian census, as distinct it, each for themselves or in combination, 

from the * illustres equites; ’ on whom see a body or bodies of persons of low rank, 

2. 59, 4. Cp. ' modicos senatores * 11. 7, 7. who were constituted, as it were, in * col- 

6. praetemptata, ‘essayed ; ’ a poetical Icgia,’ i.e. were analogous to the ‘collegia 

word, found in prose from PI. mai. cultorum * of a less private character. On 

7. dein repressum sit, etc. • It is the general subject of this 'cultus,* see 

possible, with Walther, to extend 'Tiberii Marquardt, Staatsv. iii. p. 443, etc. 
arte* to these words, as denoting, not any 10. habebantur, ‘were kept up: * cp. 
special period of repression during his ‘mos habebatur* (13, 16, i), and many 

time (for the reference to 3. 56, i is irre- instances,^ collected here by Nipp., of 

levant to this law), but his general tend- more or less kindred uses of this verb in 

ency, during all the years immediately Tacitus and Sallust. 

succeeding this revival of the law, to 11. statuam Augusti . . . manoipas- 
moderate the zeal of accusers under it. set. Lipsius quotes the ma,\im of jurists 

A.D. 15.] 

LIB, I. CAP. 72^74. 


3 periurio numen August!, quae ubi Tiberio notuere, scnpsit con- 
sulibus non ideo decrctum patri suo caelum, ut in perniciem 

4 civium is honor verterctur. Cassium histrionem solitum inter 
alios eiusdem artis interesse ludis, qiios mater sua in momoriam 
Augusti sacrasset ; ncc contra religiones fieri, quod effigies eius, 5 
ut alia numinum simulacra, venditionibus hortorum ct domum 

e accedant ius iurandum perinde aestimandum quam si lovcm 
fefellisset : deorum iniurias dis curac. 

1 74 . Nec multo post Granium Marccllum praetorem Bithyniae 

quaestor ipsius Caepio Crispinus maiestatis postulavit, subscri- 10 
bente Romano Hispone : qui formam vitae iniit quani postea 

' non vidcri contra niaieslalein fieri ob 
imagines Caesaris nonduin consecratas,’ 
iinplyinji^ that consecrated statues might 
not be sold. 

violatum periurio nuraen. A charge 
apparently of this character (‘ violaliini 
Augusti numen ’) is afterwards more 
seriously taken up (3. 66, 2). That men 
swore by the ‘numen Augusti’ in his 
lifetime, ap})ears from Her. Epp. 2. i, 16. 
Speciinons of such oaths are given by 
Marqnardt (Staatsv. iii. ]). 443) from C. 1 . 
L. ii. 172, and C. 1 . G. 1983. 

I. notuere. This verb, frequent in the 
Annals (e. g. 4, 7, 2 ; 6. 8, 10; 12. 8, 3^ 
etc.), is one of those found in no earlier 
prose (Inlrod. v. § 70). 

consulibus. As the praetor presided 
in the law courts, so the consuls preside 
at all judicial proceedings in the senate; 
on which see Introd. vi. p. 78. 

4. ludis, etc. Dio (56. 46, 5) describes 
this three days’ festival held by lavia in 
the Palatiiim, as one of the institutions at 
the time of apotheosis ; but the words of 
Tacitus a]^pear to imply its earlier exist- 
ence. It is generally identified with the 
scenic ‘ ludi Palatini ’ (Suet. Cal. 56) de- 
scribed by Josephus (Ant. 19. i, 13), in 
his account of the assassination of Gaius 
during them. 

7. perinde , . . quam si: cp. f3. 49, 3. 
The expression is peculiar to Tacitus, who 
has also * perinde quam ’ (6. 30, 4, etc.). 
* Perinde ’ and ‘ proinde ’ are often con- 
fused in the MS. through abbreviations 
(cp. 3. 17, 5; and note there). 

8. deorum iniurias dis curae. This 
is an old maxim of Roman Law, which 
therefore refrained from imposing legal 
penalties for perjury (Mommsen, Staalsr, 
ii. 784). It is also laid down by later 
jurists, * lurisiurandi contempta religio 

satis deiim ultorem habet ' Cod. 4. 1, 2 
(cited ])y Lips.). 

9. praetorem. Pithynia was governed 
by serial orial proconsuls of |)ractoriaii 
rank, lienee, though its governor is 
pro|;)erly styled ‘ j)roconsul ’ (cj). 16. 18, 
3), he may be .spoken of as ‘ jjropraelor ’ 
or even ‘ praetor’ (cp. ‘ praetorem .Xcliaiae ’ 
4 - 4.1* .*>)♦ independently of the constant 
use of* praetorius ’ (as ‘ eohors ]iractoria,’ 
^ jiractoriiun,’ etc.) for what appertaim.d 
to a provincinl governor in general. See 
Manpiartlt, Staatsv. i. p. 381, and note 
on 4. 15, 3. 

Bithyniae. This province included 
not only the country generally known by 
that name, separated from Mysia and 
Phrygia by the Rhyndacus and Olvmpus, 
and extemling eastward to the Parthenius; 
but also the western jiart of the Pontic 
kingdom, added to it by Cn. Pompeius, 
and extending along the I’aphlagonian 
coast to the llalys. The chief towns of 
Bithynia jirojier are Nicomedeia and 
Nicaea, and in the identic portion Amas- 
tris and Sinope (the latter a colony of 
Julius Caesar), d’ht province was subse- 
quently Caesarian, and much of our know- 
ledge of it is derived from the corre.spond- 
ence of the younger Pliny (Epp. 10), as its 
governor, with 'J'rajan. See Marqnardt, 
Staatsv. i. p. 191, etc. 

10. quaestor ipsius. This was con- 
trary to Roman sentiment. See Cic. Div. 
in Caec. 11, 18. 

postulavit. The genitive with this 
verb, on the analogy of 'accuso,’ etc. is 
confined to Tacitus (3. 66, 2 ; 70, 2 ;etc.) 
and Suetonius. 

Bubscribente. This term, in the 
sense of ‘signing the accusation,* might 
be used of the principal or sole accuser ; 
but evidently here, as in many other places, 



celebrem miseriae temporum ct audaciae hominum fecerunt. nam 2 
egens, ignotus, inquies, dum occultis Ubellis saevitiae principis 
adrepit, moxclarissimo cuique periculum facessit, potentiam apud 
unum, odium apud omnis adeptus dedit excmplum, quod secuti 
5 ex pauperibus divites, ex contemptis metuendi perniciem aliis ac 
postremum sibi invenere. sed Marcellum insimulabat sinistros 3 
de Tiberiosermones habuisse, inevitabile crimen, cum ex moribus 
principis focdissima quacquc deligcret accusator obiectaretquc 
rco. nam quia vera erant, ctiani dicta credebantur. addidit 4 
10 Hispo statuani Marcelli altius quam Caesarum sitam, et alia in 
statua amputate capite Augusti effigiem Tiberii inditam. ad 6 
quod exarsit adeo, ut rupta tadturnitatc proclamarct se quoque 
in ea causa laturum se nt ent iam palam^et im^^ quo ceteris 
eadem necessitas fieret. manebant etiam turn vestigia morientis 6 
15 libertatis. igitur Cn. Piso ‘quo’ inquit ‘loco censebis, Caesar? 

(cp. Cic. acl Q. F. 3. 3, 2 ; Veil. 2. 69, 5 ; 9. quia vera, etc., ‘ their truth would 

.and ‘ subscriplor,’ * subscriptio ’ Cic. Div. stand for evidence of their utterance.’ 

ill Caec. 15. 47, 49), denotes that he ap- JO. sitam ■-= ‘positam : ’ cp. c. 39, 4. 
peared as subordinate to Crispinus. ii. amputate, etc. The destruction of 

Bomano Hispone. hi. Seneca, who a statue was a significant act (cp. 3. 14, 6 ; 

gives his name as Mlispo Komanius,* Juv. 10,58); but adaptation of new heads 

mentions him often, and in one place common in Pliny’s time, who says 

(Contr. 2(5, 17) .says of him ‘ erat na- (N. 11 . 35. 2, 4) ‘ siirdo figuranim cliscri- 

tiira qui asperiorem diceiidi viam seque- mine statuarum cajiita permutantur.’ 
retur.’ inditam. This ^erb, generally used 

qui formam, etc. This probably re* with dat., or ^ in ’ and acc., here alone has 
fens to Hispo, who, besides being nearest an abl, with ‘in.’ 

in order of mention, is known, if not as a 13. palam et iuratum. The former 

professional informer, at least as a pro* w'ord is in contrast to voting ‘ per disccs- 

fei-sional rhetorician (see .above) ; and sionem,’ the latter implies such a formula 

who is more likely to he ‘ egens ’ and ‘ ig- as that in 4. 31,5* ut iureiurando obstrin- 

nolus,’ than a quaestor, w'ho was presum- geret, e republica id esse.’ Cp. c. 14, 6, 

ably a senator. But it is difficult, after so and Hudicio iurati sehatus’ 4. 21, 5 ; also 

long a parenthesis, to take ‘ Crispinus * to lAv. 30. 40, 1 2. 

be the subject of ‘ insimulabat ; ’ and also quo . . . fieret. The explanation is 
difficult to refer this verb to Hispo, whose that of the historian, and the ‘ necessitas ’ 

separate charge is specified below. There meant is that of also voting openly and 

is therefore much to be said for Nipp.’s on oath. 

reading ‘ insimulabant,’ w'hich makes this 14. vestigia morientis libertatis. On 

part their joint charge. the pe^nifications in Tacitus, see on c. 

I. miseriae . . . audaciae. On such 70, 7. Tor the figure ‘ manent vestigia,’ 

plurals of abstract nouns in Tacitus, see cp. 15. 42, 4 ; PI. 5. 7, 1 ; and ‘ manebat 

Introd. V. § I ; and a fuller list in Driiger imago ’ 13. 28, i. The figura- 

Synt. und Stil, § 2. tive use of ‘ morior ’ is Ciceronian, but 

3. adrepit. The dative with this verb hardly appropriate to the metaphor here, 

(cp. 3. 50, 5) is otherwise only used by 15. On. Piso: see on c. 13, 3, etc. 

VI. mai. quo , ^loco. On the usual custom of the 

6. postremum sibi : see 4. 71, t, etc. princeps;\o vole first or last, see Introd. 

sed, used to mark a return from a vi. p. 71. Dio (57. 7, 4) describes Tiberius 

digression, as in 3. 62, 3 ; 63, 5, etc. as interposing his ‘sen tentia,’ also at other 

8. obiectaretque reo, 'and charged stages, or sometimes informally intimat- 

the accused with mentioning them.’ ing his opinion. 

A-D. 15.] 

LIBER /. CAP, 74, 75- 


si primus, habebo quod sequar : si post omnis, vereor ne inpru- 
7 dens dissentiam.’ permotus his, quantoque incautius effervcrat, 
paenitentia patiens tulit absolvi reum criminibus maiestatis : de 
pccuniis rcpetimdis ad reciperatorcs itum est. 

1 75 . Ncc patrum co^mtionibus satiatus iudiciis adsidcbat in 5 
cornu tribunalis, ne praetorcm curuli depcllcret ; multaquc co 

2 coram advcrsus ambitum et potentium preces constituta. set 
9 duni veritati consulitur, libertas corrumpebatur. inter quae Pius 

Aurelius senator questus mole publicae viae ductuque aquarum 

2. quantoque, etc., ‘ with a repentant 
submission pioportiotied to the indiscre- 
tion of his outburst.’ On the use of the 
positive, see c. 6S, 5. 

3. tulit. This may only mean ‘per- 
mitted ; * but Nipp. is probably rij.^ht in 
interpretinq; it by Oaturum sententiam’ 
abov e, as meaniii" that he gave the fust 
vote for acquittal. On the acc. and iiif. 
cp. 0. 72, 2. 

absolvi. Suetonius (Tib. 58), if he 
is telling the same story, ai)pcars to speak 
inaccurately. ‘Statuae (luidain Augusti 
caput demserat, ut alterum imponeret : 
acta res in senatu est, et, quia ainl>igeba- 
tur, per lormenla quaesila est. Damnalo 
rco,’ etc. 

4. reciperatores. Frequent mention 
is made of .such a judicial board, one of 
their chief functions being the assessment 
of claims preferred by provincials against 
Romans, Thus in Liv. 43. 2, 3, five sena^ 
tors, under this title, are ajipointed by 
the praetor at the instance of the senate, 
to adjudicate on the complaint of Spain. 
See also l.iv. 26. 48, 8 ; and Weisseiiborn 
ad loc. It is here implied that the trial 
of Marcellus became a mere civil question 
of damages, the criminal charges I e ng 
dropped. Pliny (Epp. 2. ir, 2) protests 
against an attempt to give a similar turn 
to the trial of Marius Priscus, ‘ excessisse 
Priscum immanitate et saevitia crimina 
quibus indices dari possent, cum ob inno- 
centes condemnandos, interficiendosetiam, 
pecimias accepisset.’ Cp. also Id. 4. 9, 16 ; 

6. 29, 10. 

5. in cornu tribunalis. The state- 

ment of .Suetonius (Tib. 33 ; cp. Dio, 57. 7, 
6), that he sat ‘ iiixtim vel ex adverse in 
parte ]:»rimori,’ appears to impl|^ that the 
basilica was one with a tribunai at each 
end, and that he either sat beside the 
praetor or in the corresponding place 
opposite to him. ' 

6. curuli. The use of this word with- 

out ‘sella’ is peculiar to writers of the 
silver age. 

7. potentium preces, i. e. tliosc of in- 
fluential ‘advocati’ present in court. 
'J’his would he thus a j)articular form of 
* ambitus,’ rather than a synonym for it. 
Suetonius ( 1 . 1 .) gi\(S a more detailc<l 
description, ‘ si quern reorum elabi gratia 
rumor csset, subiius aderat, iudicescpie aut 
e piano aut e quaesitoris tribunal i legum 
et religionis et iioxac, dc quo cognosce rent, 
admonc‘bat.' Cp. ‘accessit . . . iudiciis gra- 
vitas’ Veil. 2. 126, 2. 

8. veritati. This w^ord is here nearly 
equivalent to ‘ aequitas ; ’ cp. ‘ veritas 
mca’ 3. 16, 5 ; ‘ex vero staluisse ’ 4.43, 
4 ; also ‘ verum’ llor. E^rp. I. 7, 98 ; i 2, 
23 ; Eiv. 2. 48, 2 ; 3. 40, n ; and * iudi- 
cem a veritate depelli ’ Quint. 5, Proem. 


libertas, ‘the independence of judges.’ 
Tacitus, though he has been blamed 
for this sentiment, is plainly no de- 
fender of judicial corruptioji, but may 
have rightly held the coercion of judges 
l)y the princeps to be liable to result in 
still more fl.agrant injustice than tJiat 
which it might prevent. 

inter quae. These words appear only 
to connect this case w'ith his general 
interest in questions of justice ; for the 
context, ‘auxilium patrum invocabat,’ 
shows that this is not an action at law, 
but a petition to the senate. 

9. senator. The apparently super- 

fluous use of this word liei e and in 3. 36, 
2 is generally taken to imply the per- 
sons are ‘ pedarii senalores ’ (cp. 3. 65, 2) 
only. Where it is used (e. g 4. 31, 7 ; 
1 7) of ‘ praetorii,’ it is to distinguish 

them from thenon-senatorial persons men- 
tioned in the passage. 

mole. Nipp. argues that, as ‘duc- 
tus ’ means ‘ the operation of conducting ’ 
of water, ‘ moles ’ is ‘ the construction * of 
the road, as in * machinas molemque 



' labefactas aedis suas, auxilium patrum invocabat. resistentibus 4 
aerarii praetoribus subvenit Caesar pretiumque aedium Aurelio 
tribuit, erogandae per honcsta pecuniae cupiens, quam virtutem 
diu retinuit, cum ceteras exueret. Propertio Celeri praetorio, 6 
5 veniam ordinis ob paupertatem petenti, deciens sestertium largitus 
est, satis conperto paternas ei angustias esse, temptantis eadem 6 
alios probare causas senatui iussit, cupidine severitatis in iis ctiam 
quae rite faccrct acerbus. unde ceteri silentium et paupertatem 7 
confession! et beneficio praeposuere. 

10 76- Eiodeiii anno continuis imbribus auctus Tiberis plana urbis 1 

stagnaverat ; relabcntcm secuta est aedificiorum et hominum 
stracfes. icritur censuit Asinius Callus ut libri Sibullini adirentur. 2 

operum Batavis rlele^at’ (IT. 4. 28, 5); 
but it seems doubtful whether * ductus 
aciuarum’ may not have acquired the 
meaning, which it appears to have later, 
of the actual conduit or aqueduct itself. 

2. aerarii praetoribus. Augustus 
transferred charge of the * aerarium ’ from 
quaestors to praetors in 726, n. c. 28 (Suet. 
Aug. 36; Dio, 53. 2, i); and the reversal 
of this change by Claudius was again 
reversed by Nero (13 29, 2 ; 11. 4. 9, 1). 

3. tribuit, as a gift from the * fiscus.' 

erogandae . . . cupiens. Many in- 
stances are recorded of his liberality to 
individuals (2. 37, i ; 48, i ; 86, 2 ; 4. 
64, t ; 6. 17, 4; 45, I ) and to provincial 
states (2. 47, 3; 4. 73, i). iSuetonius 
(Tib. 47, 48) speaks depreciatingly of 
these acts. The genitive with ‘ cupiens,* 
used by Tacitus in the Annals only (6. 46, 
2; 14. 14,4; 15. 46,1 ; 72,4; 16.6,1), 
seems to be an instance in which he has 
gone back to a Plautine usage. 

4. diu. Even the absence of criminal 
covetousness (3. iS, 2) is re^^resented as 
afterwards no longer characterising him : 
see 4. 20, 2 ; 6. J9, i ; and several stories 
collected in Suet. Tib. 49. As regards 
his munificence, we must set against these 
insinuations the fact that one, at least, of 
its chief instances (see above) is among 
the last acts of his life. 

5. veniam ordinis, 'leave to resign 
senatorial rank.’ Frost notes the special 
application of ‘ ordo * to the senate (e. g. 
13- 11, 2; 33, 2), and to its municipal 
counterpart (13. 48, 1 ; H. 2. 52, 3). 

dociens sestertium. This sumhad been 
fixed as the senatorial census by Au- 
gustus (Dio, 54. 17, 3), who had be- 
stowed a similar gift on Hortalus (2.37, 2), 

6. patornas, ‘ inherited,’ i. e. not due 
to his own extravagance. So again 3. 
3 -*. 3 . 

7. alios : Seneca (de Ben. 2. 7, 2) men- 
tions Marius Nepos, on whom see 2. 48, 3. 

8. acerbus. The demand for prool 
Avas 'rite factum ; ’ the piddicity imposed 
on it is here called harshness. Dio (57. 
10, 4) says that he also paid over his gifts 
openly ; finding that those privately given 
by Augustus had often been filched in 

10. Tiberis, etc. The frequency of 
these inundations is noted throughout 
Roman History (cp. ( libbon, ch. 71 ; Me- 
rivale, ch. xli.; Friedhinder, i. p. 27, etc.); 
and, notwithstanding the rise of the soil 
by accumulations, still requires a remedy. 

11. stagnaverat, ‘ had flooded.’ The 
verb is mostly poetical and post- Augustan, 
and the transitive sense very rare. Cp. 
(Moca) stagnata paluclibus’ Ov. Met. 15, 

relabentem . . . sir ages. Probably 
‘ relabentem ’ is aoristic (see Introd. v. 
§ 54 a), and ‘strages’ is to be taken in 
two senses, of the fall of buildings, and 
of mortality among human beings; the 
probability being that the stagnant water 
may have bred a pestilence, which was the 
most usual occasion for consulting the 
Sibylline books. In the account of a 
similar flood in H. i. 86, 2, the river 
is described as 'strage obstantis molis 
refuses, ’ 'strages* having its more proper 
meaningtof a confused heap. To make 
the passage here mean that such a 
mingled mass of building material and 
human bodies was carried along with the 
retiring waters, we should require ' seque- 
batur:° but it may possibly be meant 

A.D. 15.] LIBER /. CAP. 75, 75. 2/51 

3 renuit Tiberius, perinde divina humanaque obtegens ; sed re- 
medium coercendi fluminis Ateio Capitoni et L. Arruntio manda- 

4 turn. Achaiain ac Macedoniam onera deprecantis levari in 

6 pracsens proconsulari imperiq tradique Caes^^^ cdendis 

gladiatoribiis, quos Germanici fratris ac suo nomine obtulerat, 5 
Drusus praesedit, quamquam vili sanguine nimis gaudens ; quod 
6 in vulgus formidolosum et pater arguisse dicebatur. cur absti- 

that such a mass ‘ ensued,’ i. c. was the 
spectacle presented to view. 

libri Sibulliui. The new collection 
of these prophecies, formed after the de- 
struction of the old books with the 
Capitolinc temple in 671, li.c. 83 (Dion. 
Ilal. 4, 62), had been revised by order of 
Augustus (see on 6. 12, 3), who placed 
those approved in gilded caskets kept in 
the pedestal of the statue of Apollo in 
the I'alatine temple (Suet. Aug. 31). 
Tiberius also, annoyed at the circulation 
of a professed proj>hccy, is said to have 
ordered a further revision and the destruc- 
tion of the spurious (Dio, 57. 18, 4). On 
the whole subject of these books, see 
^Tarquardt, Slaatsv. iii. p. 336, etc. 

1. perinde. The combination of this 
word with *et’ or ‘tjue’ is 'J'acilcan 
(2. 2, 6; II. s- 6, 5). Cp. c. 73, 5. 

divina . . . obtegens. It is an 
o})vious explanation, that he considered 
this a case for the engineer rather '^han 
the prophet, llis fatalism (see 6. 20, 3 ; 
Suet. Tib. 69) may also have inllnericcd 
his refusal. That he did, however, con- 
sider the suppression of prophecy poli- 
tically desirable, would apj)car from his 
action (.see above) respecting the Sibyl- 
line prophecies in circulation, and also 
from his attempt (see Suet. Tib, 63) to 
restrict the consultation of * harusxnces,’ 
and to abolish all the oracles in the 
vicinity of Rome. 

remedium coercendi, defining ge- 
nitive : cp. * effiigium . . . prorum- 
pendi' 2. 47, 2, etc. See Madv. § 286. 

2. Ateio Capitoni. This great jurist 
(see 3. 70, 2; 75, I ) was ‘curator aqua- 
rum,* in succession to Messala, from 
766 776, A.D. 13-23. Frontinus de 
Aquaed. c. I02. 

Ij. Arruntio : cp. c. 13, i, etc. 
Their recommendations are discus.sed 
below (c. 79). It is probable fhat Dio 
( 57 * *4» 7) is right in assigning to this 
time the institution of a permanent 
board of five * curatores alvei Tiberis,* 
ascribed by Suetonius (Aug. 37) to an 

earlier date. See Mommsen, Staatsr. ii. 
p. 1001. 

3. Acbaiarn. Achaia, governed before 
with Macedoni.a, appears not to have 
been formed into a separate senalorial 
province till 727, ikC. 27. It included 
Thessaly and Kpirus (cj). 2. 53, i), be- 
sides Greece pro[)er. Of its many famous 
cities, the metropolis, and seat of govern- 
ment, was the great Julian colony of 
Corinth. See Marquardt, Staatsv. i. 
p. 173, etc. 

Macedoniam. This country was for- 
mally reduced to a ]>rovincc in 608, 
B.C. 146, some twenty years after its 
submission. It was separated by the 
Driloand Ml. Scordus from Delinatia and 
Moc.sia, and by the Ncstus from 'bhrace ; 
its southern limits being the northern 
boundaries of Achaia. Its chief cities at 
this time were Thessalonica and the 
colonies of Dynhachium and Thilipj^i. 
See Manjuardt, i. p. 163. 

levari . . . proconsulari imperio. 
It is inqdicd that the Caesarian govern- 
ment was less costly. See Introd. vii, 

р. 10 1. Cue explanation is suggested by 

с. 80, I, that the expense of sejiarate 
staffs was often saved by giving one 
‘legatus* charge of two or more pro- 
vijices. Macedonia and Achaia were 
restored to the .senate by Claudius in 
797, A.D. 44 (Dio, 60. 24, i; Suet. 
CL 25). 

6. quamquam vili, * true, that it 
was but worthless blood ; ’ cp. ‘ quam- 
quain fas sit* c. 10, 2. The extenuation 
is characteristic of Roman sentiment. On 
the character of Drusus, see on c. 29, 4. 

quod in vulgus formidolosum, 
etc. Most editors insert ‘ in,* though 
only a marginal addition to the MS. 
Cp. On vulgus’ 3. 59, 2; Liv. 2. 8, 2 ; 
‘in vulgum* 6. 45, 2; and other j)as- 
sages cited in Introd. v. § 60 b, in which 
this construction has much the force of a 
simple dative. With ‘ formidolosum,* 
* erat ’ might be suj^plied, or it might be 
in apposition with ‘quod,* and ‘et’ might 

25 % 


nuerit spectaculo ipse, varie trahebant ; alii taedio coetus, quidani 
tristitia ingenii et metu conparationis, quia Augustus comitcr 
interfuisset, non crediderim ad ostcntandam saevitiam moven- 7 
dasque populi offensioncs conccssam filio materiem, quamquam 
5 id quoque dictum est. 

77. At theatri licentia, proximo priore anno coepta, gravius 1 
turn erupit, occisis non mode e plebe set militibus et centurione, 
vLilncrato tribuno praetoriae cohortis, dum probra in magistratus 
et dissensionem viilgi prohibent. actum de ea seditione apud 2 
10 patres dicebanturque sententiae, ut praetoribus ius virgarum in 
histriones esset. intercessit' Haterius Agrippa tribunus pJebei 3 
increpitusque est Asinii Galli oratione, silente Tiberio, qui ea 
simulacra libertatis senatui praebebat. valuit tamen intercessio, 4 
quia divus Augustus immunes verberum histriones quondam 
15 responderat, neque fas Tiberio infringere dicta eius. de mode 5 

have the force of ^etiam:’ ‘ which even cohorts was usually present, and an at- 

his father was said to have censured, as tempt afterwards to dispense with it only 

alarming to the people’ (the ‘vilis san- resulted in riot: see 15. 24, i ; 2,^,4. 

guis’ of Rome). 11. intercessit. On the position of 

abstinuerit. On the tense, see on tribunes, aiid permissive exercise of their 
c. 61, 6. veto at this time, see Introd. vi. p. 76. 

1. varie trahebant. On this sense of Haterius Agrippa. lie is mentioned 

' tnahere/ cp. c. 62, 3. as a relation of Germanicus and as 

alii . . . quidam, ^abslinuisse dice- praetor (2. 51, 2,wherescenote),ascon“ 

bant ’ is to be supplied. sul (3. 49, 4; 52, i), and as a man of 

2. tristitia. On his character, and proltigate character (6. 4, 5). 

the contrast in this respect with Augustus, 13. simulacra : cp. ‘ durat simulacrum’ 
see c. 54, 4, Suet. Aug. 45; Introd. viii. 6. 11, 2. A similar dispute between prae- 
p. 117, etc. tor and tribune is called ‘imago reipub- 

3. non crediderim, etc. On the re- licae’ in 13. 28, i. Cp. ‘imago liberla- 

jection of scandals by Tacitus, and on his lis ’ c. 81, 4 ; ‘ antiquitatis ’ 3. 60, i. 

reference to tradition as an authority for 14. immunes verberum. Aug\istus 

motives, see Inlrod iv, p. 2^, 26. appears from Suetonius (Aug. 45) to have 

6 . proximo priore anno : see c. 54, 3. allowed the magistrates some power of 

‘Proximo’ could have well stood alone, chastising actors (‘coercitio’) at the actual 

as in c. 22, I ; 78. 3, etc . ; but ‘proximus time and place (‘ludis et scena’) ; and to 

superior ’ and ‘ inferior ’ are used with have himself ordered some to be scourged 

apparently equal redundancy by Cicero (see on c. 54, 3). But this resolution ap- 

(Orat. 64, 1 1 6; de N. D. 2. 20, 52). pears to have contemplated the restora- 

7. occisis, aoristic perfect ; cp. Introd. tion of the general power as existing 

V. § 54 b. ‘ omni loco ct tempore, lege vetcre ’ (Suet. 

sob. The MS. has ‘et,’ which, as 1 . 1 .). See Marquardt, Staatsv. iii. p. 518. 

closely followed by another ‘ et,* can The penally substituted seems usually to 

hardly stand. ‘Set’ is suggested by the be banishment from Italy (4. 14, 4; 13. 

marginal ‘sed,’ and can stand without 25, 4); which had also been indicted 

‘etiam,’ as c. 60, 1. Nipp. and Pfitzner under Augustus : see Suet. 1 . 1 . 

read ‘etiam,' which, followed by ‘militi- 15. i{,equ© fas, etc. This obligation is 
bus,’ could have been easily corrupted stated, professedly in his own words, 4. 

into ‘ct,’ and is used thus without ‘sed* 37, 4. Cp. Agr. 13, 3 (‘consilium id Au- 

4- 3,‘>» 1. where similar stress is laid on gustus vocabat, Tiberius praeceptum’) ; 

the second clause. and Introd. viii. p. 135. 

8. praetoriae cohortis. One of these de modo luoaris. These words, 

A.D. IS-] LIBER I. CAP. 76-78. 253 

lucaris et advefsus lasciviam fautorum multa deccrnuntur; ex 
quis maxime insignia, ne domes pantomimorum senator introiret, 
ne egredientes in publicum cquites Romani cingerent aut alibi 
quam in theatre sectarentur, ct spectantium immodestiam exilio 
multandi potestas praetoribus ficret. 

1 78 . Tcmplum ut in colonia Tarraconensi strueretur Augusto 
petentibus Hispanis permissum, datumque in omnes provincias 

2 exemplum. centesimam rcrum yenalium post bella civilia insti- 
tutam deprecante populo edixit Tiberius militare acrarium eo 

and ‘mercedibus scenicornm recisis* 
(Suet. Tib. 34), show that the hij^h pay 
at first demanded at the ‘Augtistalia* 
(see on c. 54, 3) was not kept up. ‘ Lu- 
car ’ is elsewhere found only in juristic 
writers or inscriptions. 

1. fautorum. The context shows that 
all patrons are meant, not merely the 
‘ theatrales operae* (c. 16, 4). 

2. ne domo.s, etc. The laxity here 
condemned probably dated from the pa- 
tronage of Augustus and Maecenas (see 
on c. 54, 3), and these prohibitions ap- 
pear to have been wholly ineffectual. Se- 
neca says (Ep. 47, 17) ‘ostendam nobi- 
lissimos iuvoncsniancipiapanlomimornm 
and (Quaest, Nat. 7. 32, 3) ‘ mares inter 
se uxoresque contendunt uter det latus 
ibis’ (bsiiccessoribus Pyladis et Bathylli’). 
Pliny (N. 11 . 29. i, 5, § 9) says of Thes- 
salus, a physician of Nero, ‘nullius his- 
Irionum . . . comitatior egressus in publico 
erat;’ and Juvenal (7. 88) Spiod non 
dant proceres, dabit hislrio,’ etc. 

4. sectarentur. This conjecture of 
Wblfflin, adopted by Halm, is recom- 
mended by its avoidance of the awkward 
introduction, by 'aut,’ of a change of sub- 
ject, and by the probability that ' specta- 
rentur ’ may have arisen out of ' spectan- 
tium ’ following. The MS. text w'ould 
make the prohibition that of perform- 
ances in private houses, where no control 
could be maintained. There is evidence 
that rich persons kept actors for their pri- 
vate use, as Ummidia Quadratilla (PI. 
Epp. 7. 24, 4) ; or hired them out. See 
Marquardt, Staatsv. iii. p. 518. 

et. Wdth this ‘ ut * is supplied from 
'ne.* Nipp. notes 3. 51, 3 'idque . . . 
s])atium prorogaretur ; ’ and 3. 69, i ' id- 
que princeps diiudicaret.’ In c. 79, i ‘ id- 
que ’ stands for < et ne id.* 

exilio. This w’ould imply power to 
inflict a lesser penalty, as imprisonment 
(see 13, 28, I). Lipsius refers to a ‘lex 

de poenis* (Pandect. Lib. 28) arising out 
of this decree. 

6. colonia Tarraconensi. The mod- 
ern Tarragona, a colony of Julius Caesar, 
further dignified with the title ‘Colonia 
lulia Victrix Tiiiimphalis Tarraco’ (Mar- 
qiiardt, Staatsv. i. p. 104, n. 3) ; the chief 
city of the great province Ilispania Tar- 
raconensis (on which sec 4. 5, 2). That 
it alre.ady had an altar to Augustus is 
shown by an anecdote in Quint, 6. 3, 77 
' Augustus iiunciantibus Tarraconensibus 
palmam in ara eius enalam, apparet, in- 
quit, quam saepe accendatis.’ b'he temple 
is represented on coins, and appears to 
have been inscribed ‘] )eo’ (not ‘ Divo *) 
‘Augusto’ (Eckh. i. p. 57, 58). It was 
no doubt the centre of this worship for 
the whole province, 

7. datum . . . exemplum. Soon after 
the victory of Aclium, Augustus had al- 
lowed temples, to himself and Roma, at 
Pergamum in Asia, Nicornedeia in Bithy- 
nia, Ancyra in Calatla, and elsewhere 
(see 4. 37, 4; Dio, 51. 20, 7), besides 
altars (sec above, also c. 39, i); but the 
example now set may well have consisted, 
as Nipj). thinks, in its being the first 
national temple to ‘divus Augustus’ alone, 
and in the necessity imposed on other 
provinces to act 

8. centesimam rcrum venalium. It 
is thought that the idea of this tax was 
suggested by its use in Egypt : see Mar- 
quardt, Staatsv. ii. p, 269, On its further 
history, see 2. 42, 6. 

9. militare aerarium. Augustus thus 
describes the institution of this treasury 
(Mon, Anc. iii. 35), * M. Lepido ct L. Ar- 
runtio cos (759, A.D. 6), in aerarium mili- 
tare, quod ex meo coiisilio constitutuin 
est, ex quo praemia darentur militibus, 
qui vicena plurave stipend ia cmcruissent. 
M. S. milliens et septingentiens Ti. Cae- 
saris nomine et meo detuli.’ This trcasuiy 
was placed under three 'praefecti* (Inscr. 



subsidio niti ; simul imparem oneri rem publicam, nisi vicensimo 
militiae anno veterani dimittercntur. ita proximae seditionis 
male consulta, quibus sedccim stipcndiorum finem expresserant, 
abolita in posterum. 

5 79. Actum deinde in senatu ab Arruntio et Ateio, an ob 1 

modcrandas Tiberis exundationes verterentur flumina et lacus, 
per quos augcscit ; auditaeque municipiorum et coloniarum 
legationes, orantibus Florentinis, ne Clanis solito alveo demotus 
in amnem Arnum transferretur idquc ipsis perniciem adferret. 

10 congruentia his Interamnates disseruere : pessum ituros fecun- 2 
dissimos Italiae campos, si amnis Nar (id enim parabatur) in 
rivos diductus superstagnavissct. nec Reatini silebant, Vclinum 3 
lacum, qua in Narem effunditur, obstrui recusantes, quippe in 

Orell. 946, etc.) of praetorian rank, chosen 
at first by lot, afterwards by selection; 
and, as funds fell short, received other 
taxes, as the ‘ vicesima hereditatum* (Dio, 
55. 25, 5); some confiscated property, as 
that of Agrippa Postumu.s (Dio, 55. 32, 
2) ; and some foreign revenues (2. 42, 6). 
Probably a deficiency in its funds caused 
the substitution of land gifts for money, 
complained of by the veterans (c. 17, 5). 
I. simul, ‘even with its help.’ 
nisi vicensimo, i. e. unless the con- 
cession lowering the time of their ‘mis- 
sio’ from the twentieth to the sixteenth 
year of service (see c. 36, 4) were revoked. 
As the discharge then given after sixteen 
years, was only ‘missio sub vexillo,’ it 
would here seem that some gratuity was 
payable at that stage. The praemium 
given by Augustus on full discharge was 
12,000 H. S. to the legions (Dio, 25. 23, 
i); but Tiberius is said to have avoided 
* missiones ’ as much as possible (Suet. 
Tib. 48 ) ; and Gains to have reduced the 
gratuity by one half (Suet. Cal. 44). 

3. sedecim stipendiorum flnem. 
Nipp. follows Walther in explaining this 
as a genitive of quality, 

expresserant: cp. c. 19, 5. 

5. Actum . . . an, ‘ the question w^as 
raised, whether,’ etc. Their appointment 
was mentioned in c. 76, 3. 

7. augescit ; ind. pres, because this 
fact is no part of the question. 

municipiorum et coloniarum. These 
terms are constantly used together by 
Tacitus (cp. 3. 55, 4; 4 67, l; 15. 3.3, 
3 ; H. 2. 20, 1 ; 56, i ; 62, 4, etc.) to de- 
signate the towns of Italy; the term *prae- 
fectura’ being obsolete, and ‘colonia* 

taken to include both Roman and Latin 
colonies. The old distinction between 
* municipia * and * coloniae ’ (see Watson, 
Select Letters of Cicero. Appendix xii) 
had become obsolete, and Tacitus ap- 
pears, below in this chapter, and perhaps 
in 3. 2, 2, to use 'coloniae’ as a common 
term for both ; but to attain colonial rank 
was still an honour to an Italian town 
(14. 27, 2). Of the towns here mention- 
ed, Florentia alone was a colony, and 
that from recent date. 

8. ne Clanis, etc. The marshes near 
Cortona and An etium are the source of 
the Chiaua (Clanis), and also of streams 
flowing north into the Amo. 

9. idque . , . adferret. On 'idque,’ 
stc note on c. 77, 5. 'Adferret’ is used 
as ‘traheret’ (2. 58, i), 'maneref (2. 8 j, 
3'), ‘exstrueret’ (4. 37, i), etc. ; in all of 
which cases a request that something 
may or may not happen, is addressed to 
those with whom it rests to permit or 
hinder it. See Nipp. on 2. 58. 

10. Interamnates : of Interamna(Ter- 
ni), in Umbria, between two branches of 
the Nar i^Nera). 

12. superstagnavisset, air. dp. On 
the simple verb, cp. c. 76, i. 

Beatini. Of Reate (Ricti) in Sabina. 
Between this place and Interamna, the 
lake and river Velinus are discharged 
into the Nar through the pas.sage cut 
by M’. Curius (Cic. Att. 4. 15, 5), forming 
the famous Falls of Temi. The expres- 
sions hefe used seem to show that it had 
come to be regarded as a work of nature. 

13. lacum . . . obstrui roousantes. 
The accus. and inf. with this verb occurs 
only here and Pl.N. H. 29. i, 8, 16; but. 

A.D. 15-1 

LIBER I. CAP. 78-80. 


adiacentia erupturum ; optume rebus mortalium consuluisse 
naturam, quae sua ora fluminibus, sues cursus utque orlginem, ita 
fines dederit ; spectandas etiam religiones sociorum, qui sacra et 
4 lucos et aras patriis amnibus dicaverint : quin ipsum Tiberim nolle 
6 prorsus accolis fluviis orbatum niinore gloria flucrc. scu preces 5 
coloniarum seu difficultas operum sivc superstitio valuit, ut 
in sententiam Cn. Pisonis concederetur, qui nil mutanduni cen- 

1 80 . Prorogatur Poppaco Sabino provincia Moesia, additis 

2 Achaia ac Macedonia, id quoque morum Tibcrii fuit, continuare 10 

like that with 'obsisto* (G. 34, 3^, ami 
the more common use with * prohibco* 
(c. 69, I, etc.), is analogous to the u.sage 
with verbs having the opposite sense of 
permitting, etc. See on c. 72, 2 ; 74, 7. 

2. ora. ‘oil Lids.’ 

3. socioriim. Nipp. thinks it neces- 
sary to read ‘ maiorum,’ on the ground 
that the Italians, who can alone be 
meant, could not at this lime be called 
‘ socii.’ But the term would suit the ori- 
ginal dedicators ; who, though their own 
descendants would no longer generally so 
style them, might still be spoken of under 
such a title in the Koman senate. 

sacra, etc. A worship of the Cli- 
tumnus, at its source, is mentioned in Bl. 
Epp. 8. 8, 5. 

4. patriis, ‘ of their fatherland : ’ cp. 
‘ insignibus pati iis ’ 15. 29, 4; ‘ abietibus 
patriis* Verg. Aen. 9, 692, etc. 

Tiberim, etc. On this personification, 
cp. Introd. v. § 75. 

7. Pisonis. The last mention of Cn. 
Piso (c. 74, 6) might be considered suffi- 
ciently recent to make it needless here to 
insert ‘ Cn.’ with Nipp. and Halm. No 
other Piso has as yet been mentioned. 

concedoretur. This has been ge- 
nerally adopted, after Lipsius, for the 
MS. ‘ concederet.’ The instances given by 
Baiter of a similar error are, however, all 
in the second MediceanMS. ; and Pfitz- 
iier points out that ‘ senatu.s,’ mentioned 
at the beginning of the chajiter, might 
po.ssibly be supplied as the subject of this 
sentence recording their final decision. 
Doed. reads ‘ concederent.’ 

nil mutandum. A ‘ fossa ’ made by 
Nerva or Trajan is mentioned? in PI. 
Epp. 8. 17, 2. 

9. Prorogatur. The tenure of a Cae- 
sarian province was strictly during the 
pleasure of Caesar (Dio, 53. 13, 6) ; but a 

period of three to five years appears, from 
the advice attributed to Maecenas (Dio, 
52. 23, 2), to have been customary. Sa- 
binus liad probably been appointed in 
764, A. i). 1 1 . See next note. 

Poppaeo Sabino. II is full name in 
the Easti Cap. as cos. 762, A.D. 9, is C. 
Poppaeus Q. f. Q. n. Sabiniis. tic was 
the father of Poppaea Sabina (on whom 
see 1 1. 2, 2), and, through her, the grand- 
father of Poppaea the wife of Nero (13. 
45, I, etc.). He received triumphal ho- 
nours in 779, A. D. 26 (4. 46, i), and died 
in 788, A.D. 35 ; having governed impor- 
tant provinces for twenty-four years 'quod 
par negotiis neque supra erat’ (6. 39, 3). 

Moesia. This was a Caesarian pro- 
vince of the lirst rank, bounded north 
and east by the Danube and Euxine (see 
note on 2. 63, 5), ami parted from Thrace, 
Macedon, and Illyria, by the range of 
Haenius and Scordus, and tlie Drinus and 
Savus ; thus comprising the whole of Ser- 
via and Bulgaria, and having a garri.son 
of two legions (4. 5, 5). It was estab- 
lished at some time late in the life of 
Augustus (cp. Ov. Trist. 2, ig7); and 
was divided into two bj Dornitian. The 
importance of most of its towns is of later 
date ; but Tomi, on the coast, is known 
as the place of exile of Ovid. See Mar- 
quardt, Staatsv. i. p. 146, etc. 

additis Achaia ao Macedonia. Ac- 
cording to Dio (58. 25, 3) this arrange- 
ment held throughout the lifetime of §a- 
binus, and was continued under his suc- 
cessor Memmius Regulus, and apparently 
till the restoration of these provinces to 
the senate (.see c. 76, 4). Tacitus, though 
he mentions Sabinus as still governing 
Macedonia and Achaia (5. 10, 3), men- 
tions other governors of Moesia; namely, 
Ti. Latinius Pandusa and his successor 
Pomponius Flaccus in 772, a.d. 19 (2. 



imperia ac plerosque ad fineni vitae in isdem exercitibus aut 
iurisdictionibus habere, causae varie traduntur : alii tacdio novae 3 
curae semel placita pro aetcrnis servavisse, quidam invidia, ne 
plures fruerentur ; sunt qui existiment, ut callidum eius ingcnium, 

5 ita anxium indicium ; neque enim eminentis virtutes sectabatur, 
et rursLim vitia oderat : ex optimis pcriculum sibi, a pessimis 
dedecus publicum metuebat. qua haesitationc postremo eo pro- 4 
vectus est, ut mandaverit quibusdam provincias, quos egredi urbe 
non crat passurus. 

10 81 . De comitiis consulari^ turn primum illo principe 1 

66 , 3) ; probably P. Vellaeus in 774, a.d. this habit, even in small matters, from the 

21 (3- 39, 1); and Pomponius Labeo in fact that the types of his coinage show 

779, A D. 26 (4. 47, I ; 6. 29, i): but of hardly any change after this year (Eckh. 
these only Flacciis, who was appointed vi- 1S8). 

for a si)ecial purpose, is knoAvn to have 4. ut callidum, etc., ^ that his decision 

been a consular, and Labeo was certainly was as irresolute, as his perception was 

not such. It is therefore possible that acute.* On the apparently true insight 

these stood in some subordination to Sa- here shown into his character, see Introd. 

binus. See note on 4. 47, i. viii. p. 117, etc. 

morum. This plural form of the 6. rursum, * on the other hand : ’ cp. 
classical usage, ‘moris est,* appears to be 2. 39, 4 ; n. 28, 3; 13. 14, 5, etc. 
new. On similar genitives, see Introd, v. 8. ut mandaverit. Tacitus uses the 
§ 35. historical perf. siibj., where the imperf. 

continuare imporia. For instances, would be more natural, with more free- 
sce Introd. vii. pp. 99, 100. The same dom than any other writer except Sue- 

long tenure was given to his fiscal officers: tonius : cp. ‘ ngitaverint * (c. 18, 2); 

see 4. 6, 5. ‘ trucklatiim sit ’ (c, 56, 3), etc. ; Dr, 

2. iurisdictionibus. In Caesar’s time Synt. und Stil, § 182 ; Madv. 382, Obs. i. 

the government of a peaceful province quibusdam. The only cases known 
was mere * iurisdictio ’ (ad Q, F. i. i, 7). are those of L. Arruntius and Aelius 

Hence Em., who is followed by Mar- Lamia,* see 6. 27, 2, 3. It is stated by 

quardt (StaaLsv. i. p. 407), refers this term Suetonius (Tib. 63) that he treated them 

here to the senatorial provinces. But as governors, and gave them instructions, 

only the direct appointments of Tiberius to be executed by their ‘legati:’ a 

seem here spoken of, and among the governor of Syria was similarly kept at 
Caesarian there were peaceful provinces, home by Nero (13. 22, 2). 

under procurators, or even under ‘le- 9. non erat passurus. Nipp. notes 

gali,* to which the term may well be ap- this as implying, not that he htid made 

plied. up his mind at their appointment (in 

causae, etc. To those here men- which case there would be no ‘haesitatio’), 
tioned, may be added that which Josephus but that the moment never came when he 
(Ant. 1 8. 6, 5) quotes as assigned by would let them go. 

Tiberius himself, that * it is belter to 10. comitiis. The term is used of 

leave the gorged flies on a sore than to election by the senate, as in c. 1 5, 1 . That 

drive them off” (see Introd. viii. p. 134) ; the consular as well as other elections 

and the complaint, also alleged by him- were so conducted, is shown by an inscrip- 

self, that the best men constantly de- tion cited below, and by the temporary 

dined the office (6. 27, 3). Dio (58. 23, 5) restitution to the people under Gains (Dio, 

alleges the reduction in the ranks of the 59. 20, 3). 

senate as the cause, in later years, both of tum^ primum. The consuls for this 
these and of the prolonged tenures of year h^ been designated before the death 
senatorial provinces. of Augustus (c 14, 5). With ‘ dein ceps,* 

alii : sc. ‘ tradunt,* supplied from ‘ tra- ‘ illo principe ’ is again supplied, no allu* 

duntur.* sion being here made to the practice of 

3. semel placita. Orelli illustrates his successors. 

A.D. I 5 -] 

LIBER I. CAP, 8o, 8i. 


ac deinceps fuere, vix quicquam firmare aiisim : adeo diversa 
non modo apud auctores sed in ipsius orationibus reperiuntur. 

2 modo subtractis candidatorum nominibus originem cuiusque ct 
vitam et stipendia descripsit, ut qui forent intellcgeretur : ali- 
quando ca quoque significatione subtracta candidates hortatus, 5 
ne ambitu comitia turbarent, suam ad id curam pollicitus est. 

3 plerumque eos tantum apud se professos disseruit, quorum 
nomina consulibus cdidisset ; posse et alios profited, si gratiae 
aut mentis confiderent : speciosa verbis, re inania aut subdola, 
quantoque maiore libertatis imagine tegebantur, tanto eruptura 10 
ad infcnsius servitium. 

2. non modo. Nipp. here notes the 
apparently inadvertent repetitions found 
sometimes in Tacitus, as here * modo * . . . 
‘ modo,’ also ‘ cximerctur ’ . . . ' exemit ' (3. 
18, i) ; ' nisi * . . . ‘ nisi ’ (3. 57, 2) : ‘simiil * 

. . . ‘ simnl ’ (4. 16, i), etc. On the other 
hand, the repetition here of ‘ subtractis ’ 
. . . ‘ subtracta as of ‘parentur’ . . . ‘ paren- 
lur’ (2. 33, 4) ; ‘ venas ’ . . . ‘ venas ’ (6. 9, 
4) : are intentional. Many instances of 
each kind are cited here by Nipp. from a 
much larfjer list in Joh. Miiller (Beitriige, 
sect. 4. 11- iS). 

ipsius orationibus. T'hesc would pro- 
bably be recorded in the ‘acta senatus;’ 
but it is remarkable that Tacitus docs not 
cite the ‘ acta ’ tbemselves ns evidence of 
the mode of procedure. See Introd. iii. 
p. 14. 

3. modo, etc. Although an inscription 
(T. R. N. 4762) records a person as ‘per 
comineiKlation(cm) Tr. Caesaris August! 

ab seiiatu co(n)s(ul) dest(inaliis),* this 
]^assage np])ears clearly to show that his 
control oi these tied ions was informal, 
and not analogous to tlic special ‘ com- 
mciidatio ’ of ‘ candidati Caesaris ’ for 
other magistracies. See on c. 15, 2; and 
Introd. vi. p. So. Tacitus is here desci ib- 
ing three modes of informal recommenda- 
tion : (i) by giving two names to the 
consuls, and stating no others had 
(.ffcTcd iheiu.selves ; which amounts to a 
‘ nomina! io’ (see 011 c. 14, b ; .and Tntrod. 
1. 1.) of two caiididatcs only: (2) and (3) 
without even formal ‘ nominatio ; ’ by in- 
dicating in a speech or letter (without 
names) the persons whom he preferred ; or 
by intimating to ‘ candidati ’ that they 
need not canvas, an<] leaving it apparently 
to them to make this known. 

subtractis, ‘ being siip})ressed : ’ cp. 
‘ .aliis nomiuatis me iimiui subtrahebat ’ 
(Curt. 6. IO, 7). 


BOOK 11. 


A. IT. C. 769, A.B. 16. Statilius Sisenna Taurus, L. Libo, coss. 

Ch. 1-4. Slate of affairs in the Kast. 

1, 2. Unpopularity of Vononcs, who liad been educated in Rome and had succecdotl 
to the throne of Parthia. 3, 4. Vonones, driven out by Artabaniis, accepted as king 
of Armenia, but afterwards removed by the Romans into Syria. 

Ch. 5-20. Campaign of Germaniciis. 

5, 6. A large fleet formed and concentrated at the * Insula Balavoriim.* 7. Expe- 
dition against the Chatti and to the Lnj)pia. 8. Route of the army to the Amisia 
and thence to the Visurgis. 9, 10. Collo<|uy of Arminiii.s and Fhivus. 11. The 
Romans cross the Visurgis. 12, 13. The temper of the soldiers ascertained by 
Germaniciis, 14. Ilis dream, and to the army. 35. Address of Arminins. 
10-18. Rattle of Idisiaviso ; Tiberius salute<l as Grnperator,’ and trophy erected. 
19-22. Second Roman victory in a position chosen by the Germans ; submission of the 
Angrivarii. 23, 24. Disastrous storm on the retreat. 25. Renewed attack on the 
Chatti and Marsi. 26. Germanicus recalled by Tiberius to his triumph and a second 

Ch. 27-31. Impeachment of Libo Drusus for revolutionary e’esigns ; his suicide. 

32. Rewards of the accusers ; servility of senators ; i>unishment of astrologers and 

Ch. 33-38. Debates in the senate. 33. On the luxury of the age. 34. Outspoken 
words of L. Piso ; his suit with Urgulania. 35. On the adjournment of business. 
36- On holding elections five years in advance. 37, 38. The petition of Ilortalus 

Ch, 30, 40. Attempt of a slave to personate Agrippa Postumus. 

A. IT. C. 770, A. D. 17. C. Caelius, h. Pomponius, coss. 

Ch. 41. Triumph of Germanicus (May i6) ; feeling of the people. 42. Cappadocia 
reduced to a province on the death of Archelaus. 43. Germanicus appointed with 
general powers to settle matters in the East ; Cn. Piso made governor of Syria. 
44-46. Drusus sent to Illyricum to watch the struggle between Maroboduus, king 
of the Suebi, and Arminius, ^ho had defeated him with the Cheruscans. 47, 48. 
Liberality of Tiberius to the Cities of Asia ruined by an earthquake ; and to various 
persons at Rome. 49. Dedication of temples. 50. Trial of Appuleia Varilla. 
51. Contest on the election of a praetor. 52, Beginning of the predatory war of 
Taefarinas in Africa ; his defeat by Camillus. 

S 2 

26 o 


A. XT. O. 771, A.D. 18. Ti. Caesar Augustus III, Qerraanicus Caesar 11, coss. 
Ch.. 63-58. Actions of Germanicus in the East. 

62. His route to Athens. 63. Birth of Julia at Lesbos ; journey of Germanicus to 
the luixine and return by Ilium and Colophon. 65. Conduct of Piso at Athens ; 
corruption of the Syrian legions by him and Plaiicina. 66. Germanicus crowns 
Artaxias king of Armenia and sends governors to Cappadocia and Commagene. 
67. Dissensions between Germanicus and Piso. 58. Overtures from Artabanus 
king of Parthia; Vonones removed to Cilicia. 

A. IT. C. 772, A. D. 10. M. Silanus, L. Norbanus, coss. 

Ch. 59 61. Travel of Germanicus in Egypt ; disj)leasure of Tiberius ; visit to Thebes, 
the Memnon, .Syene, and Elephantine. 

Ch, 62, 63. Marobodiiiis forced to take refuge in Italy and kept at Ravenna ; 
similar fate of Catualda who had overthrown him. 

Ch- 04-67. Khcscuporis, king of Thrace, who had seized and killed his brother 
Cotys, entrapped by l^omponius Flaccus, and condemned at Rome ; Thrace divided 
between his son and nephews. 

Ch. 08. Vr nones attcm[)ts to escape, and is killed. 

Cb. 69-73. Illness and death of Gennaniciis. 

C9. Illness of Germanicus ; conduct of Piso ; suspicions of poison and witchcraft. 
70. Final breach with Piso, who is ordered to leave the t^i’ovince. 71, 72. Last 
words and death of Germanicus. 73. His funeral ; comparison with Alexander the 

Ch. 74-81. Events in the East after his death, 

74. Sentius chosen governor of Syria; evidence collected against Piso. 76. 
Agrippina sets out for Rome. 76, 77. Advice given to Piso. 78, His resolution 
to reclaim his jjrovince ])y force. 70- His meeting with the ship of Agrippina. 
80, 81. His occupation of a fort in Cilicia and surrender. 

Ch. 82, 83. Feeling in Rome, and honours decreed to the memory of Germanicus. 
84. Twin sons born to Drusus and Li via. 

Cb. 85. Decrees against female profligacy, and against the Tsiac and Jewish worships. 
86. Election of a vestal. 87. Corn sold at a fixed price, with compensation to 
dealers ; Tiberius refuses the title of ' pater patriae.’ 88. Offer to poison Arminius 
rejected ; notice of his death and achievements. 




1 1 . SiSENNA Statilio [Tauro] L. Libonc consulibiis mota on- 
cntis regna provinciacqiic Romanac, initio apud Partlios orto, 5 
qui petitum Roma acccptumqne regcm, quamvis gentis Arsaci- 
darum, iit externum aspernabantur. is fait Vonones, obses 

2 Augusto datus a Phraate. nam Phraates quamquam depulisset 

cxcrcitus ducesque Romanos, 

4. Sisenna Statilio [Tauro]. The 
name is thus given in the Fasti (Uen/en 
6422 ; C. I. L. i. p. 4/5), but the mention 
of another cognomen, after one cognomen 
and a gentile name, is noted by Ritter as 
contrary to the usage of Tacitus. The 
full names in Dio (Argiim. of Ih 57) are 
T. Statilius T. f. Sisenna Taurus, and L. 
Scribonius L. f. Libo. On the latter, see 
c. 29, 2. 

6. gentis Arsacidarum. This dy- 
nasty created, cir. B.c. 250, the Parthian 
himpire, which lasted till cir. A.u. 250, 
and included nearly all the eastern por- 
tion of the Syro-Maccdonian dominions, 
from the Euphrates to the Hindoo Koosh 
and the desert of Carmania ; the princi- 
pal exceptions being the jrartially, and, 
at times, wholly independent kingdoms 
of Northern Media (Atropatene), and of 
‘ Armenia maior.’ Its history is fully 
treated in Prof. Rawlinson’s ‘ Sixth Oriental 
Monarchy’ (London, 1873), and the chro- 
nology has been accurately determined 
from numismatic data. See lii|Vof. Percy 
Gardner (‘The coinage of Parthia,’ Part 
V. of * Niimismata Orientalia,* London, 
J^ 77 ). b-om whom most of the dates here 
given have been taken. 

7. is fuit, Nipp, notes the recurrence 

cimcta venerantiiim officia ad 

of this mode of expression in 4. 15, 2; 
13. 42. I ; H. 3. 47, I ; 4- IL 3‘ 

8. nam Phraatos. For a general 
sketch of the policy of Rome towards 
Parthia and Armenia from the time of 
Augustus to that of Nero, see Introd. to 
vol. ii. d'he I’hraates here mentioned 
was the fourth of that name and fifteenth 
king of the dynasty, and reigned from 
B.c. 37 to B.C. 2. The repulse of llu' 
Romans alluded to is that of M. Ante- 
nius .and his lieutenant Oppius Statianiis 
in 718, B.c. 36. The force under the 
latter was aimihilr ted. See Dio, 49. 

9. venerantium, a form of defining 
genitive eijuivalcnt to ‘ venerantibus pro- 
pria:’ cp. ‘ snpjdicia civium’ 6. 40, 2; 
‘illecebrae peecantinrn ’ Agr. 4. 3; * ser- 
vientium ’ Id. 32, 5. 

offleia. The chief mark of respect 
lay in his restoration, in 734, B.c. 20, of 
the standards t.akcn from Crassus and 
others (Dio, 54. 8, i ). Cp. ‘ Parthos 
trium exercituum Romanorum spolia et 
signa reddere mihi, supplicesque amici- 
tiam populi Romani pcterc coegi ’ (Mon. 
Anc, V. 40). The homage alleged heic, 
and in I lor. Ep. i. 12, 27, would appear 
from Dio ( 1 . 1 .) to be overstated. 



Augustum verte/at partemque prolis firmandae amicitiae mis- 
erat, baud perinde nostri metu quam fidei popularium diffisus. 

2 . Post finem Phraatis et sequcntiuni regum ob internas 1 
caedes venere in urbem legati a primoribus Parthis, qui Vono- 
5 nem vetustissimum liberorum eius accircnt. magnificum id sibi 2 
crcdidit Caesar auxitquc opibus. et accepere barbari lactantcs, 
lit ferme ad nova impcria. mox subiit pudor degeneravissc 3 
Parthos : pctitum alio ex orbc regcm, liostium artibus infectum ; 
iam inter provincias Romanas solium Arsacidarum habcri dari- 
10 que, ubi illam gloriam trucidantium Crassum, exturbantium 4 
Antonium, si mancipium Caesaris, tot per annos servitutem 
perpcssum, Parthis impcritct ? accendebat dedignantes et ipse 5 

1. partemque prolis. Strabo (16. i, 
28, 748) states that he sent four sons, 
Seraspadanes, Rhodaspis, Phraates, and 
Vononcs, with two wives and four sons 
belonging^ to them. In Mon. Anc. vi. 3, 
these are described as ‘ filios suos nepo- 
tesque oinnes.* The two first names are 
given in an inscription (Orelli 628). This 
surrender was made to M. Titius (Strabo, 
1 . 1 .) who was legatus of Syria between 
743 and 747, li.c. TI-7 (Rawliiisoii, p. 
2 1 1 ). 

firmandae amicitiae. On this dative 
with Snitterc,’ cji. i. 60, 2. 

2. baud perinde . . . quam : cp. c. 5, 
3, etc. ; also without a negative in 4. 20, 
6 ; 6. 30, 4, etc., and in Suet. 'I'he same 
reason for this action ofldiraatcs is given 
by Strabo ( 1 . 1 .) StStds rds araaus kcu 
rovs imOffikvovs aury. Cp. Mon. Anc. 
(1. 1.) ^nonbcllo superatus, sed amicitiam 
nostvam per [liberorum] suorum pignora 
petens.’ It would thus appear that ‘ obses 
datus,’ above, is not to be taken strictly. 

3. Post finem, etc. Thraa laces, a 
natural son of Phraates, murdered his 
father and succeeded him, and was him- 
self forced to give way to Orodes, also an 
Arsacid, who was assassinated by his sub- 
jects (Jos. Ant. i8. 2, 4\ Phraataces was 
king as early as August U.c. 2, and had 
an interview with Gaius Caesar in the 
P^ast: see Dio, 55. lo, a, 4 (Dindorf) : 
cp. Veil. 2. loi, 2. His coins date to 
A. D. 4 ; and the assassination of Orodes 
apiH-'ars to have taken place in A. D. 7 or 
8, in the latter of which years the coinage 
of Vononcs begins. lie may have been 
sent for earlier, as we hear of a Parthian 
embassy lo Rome apparently in 758 or 
750. A.i). 5 or 6 (Suet. Tib. 16). 

intoruas, ‘ domestic.’ So used of ‘ dis- 

cordiae' (c. 26, 3), 'certamina* (c. 54, 
2), etc., and domestic affairs generally 

( 4 - 32. 2). 

4. primoribus, more properly called 
Gnegistanes’ (‘ mehesU\n ’), 15. 27, 4; 
Suet Cal. 5. 

5. vetustissimum. Of the others, 
Phraates was certainly alive (6. 31,4); so 
that either Strabo ( 1 . l.\ who places V^o- 
nones last, may not give a correct order 
of seniority, or Josephus ( 1 . 1 .) may be 
right in sayiug that he was selected as 
the fittest. 

6. Caesar. Augustus, who has been 
mentioned (c. r, 2), is intended by this 
name here and in c. 3. 

auxit, ‘ enriched him cp. Gioinini- 
bus auxit’ i. 3, 1; ‘ oriiat Phraateii’ 6. 

32» I- 

laetantes ... ad: so Oaclo milile 
ad mutationem ducum’ H. 2. 36, 4. This 
mode of expressing relation is frequent in 
Tacitus with adjectives or participles, e.g. 
1- 40- 3 ; 43. 5 ; <>• 7. 3 ; 8, 4 ; 29, 5, etc. 

8. alio ex orbe. The Parthians arc 
made to sjxjak of their empire as a wi>rld 
in itself, as the Romans would speak of 
Hioster orbis’ (G. 2, 1 ; Agr. 12, 3) or 
^ olKovfiiVTj (Luke 2, I, etc.). 

lo. trucidantium . . . exturbantium, 
used aoriTically : see Introd. v. § 54. 
On the defeat and death of Crassus in 
70 r, iJ.c. 53, see Pint. Crass. 27-31, sbo- 
563; Dio, 40. 16-27, cfc. ; on that of 
Antonins, see above, c. i, 2, 

12. aocendebat: cp. Gncendebat’ r. 
23, I, etc.«. ‘ Dedignor’ is chielly poetical, 
and elseWhere in Tacitus is followed by 
an infill, (c. 34, 8, etc.) or accus. (14. 46, 

ipse. His character, as distinct from 
his antecedents. 

A. D. 17.] 

LIBER II. CAP. 1-3. 


diversus a maiorum institutls, raro venatu, segni equorum cura ; 
quotiens per urbes incederet, lecticae gestamine fastuque erga 
e patrias epulas. inridebantur et Gracci comites ac vilissima utcn- 
silium anulo clausa, scd prompt! aditus, obvia comitas, igiiotac 
Parthis virtutes, nova vitia ; et quia ipsorum moribus alicna, 5 
perinde odium pravis et honestis. 

1 3 . Igitur Artabanus Arsacidarum e sanguine apud Dahas 
adultus excitur, primoque congressu fusus rcparat vires regnoque 

2 potitur. victo Vononi perfugium Armenia fuit, vacua tunc inter- 
que Parthorum et Romanas opes infida ob scclus Antonii, qui 

1. raro venatu, segni . . . cura. 
Usually taken as abl. of quality; but 
‘ gestamine ’ and ‘ fastu ’ would be more 
naturally instrumental, and there is no 
need to suppose a change of construction. 
Justin slates (41. 3, 3) that the Parthians 
ate no flesh but that taken in the chase, 
and were never seen out except on horse- 

2. quotiens . . . incedorot ; subjunct. 
of rci)cated action ; cp. Introd. v. § 52, 

lecticae gestamine : cp. ‘ gesta- 
mine sellae’ 14. 4, 6; 15. 57, 3; and 
* eodem gestamine * ii. 33, 3. The word, 
generally jjoetical and post-Augustan, is 
otherwise almost exclusively used of that 
which is worn or borne, 

erga. The use of this word to express 
every kind of feeling or mere relation 
towards a person or thing, is especially, 
though not exclusively, Tacitean. See 
Introd. V. § 59; Nipp. on c. 76. For 
other instances of its use in application 
to things or abstract conceptions, cp, 4. 
20, 2; II. 25, 8; 16. 33, I, etc.; and a 
few instances in earlier authors, as * erga 
meam salutem ’ Cic. Prov. Cons, i, i ; 
Att. 8. 3, 2. 

3. epulas. The feasts with the * me- 
gistanes,’ only suspended as an act of 
mourning (‘ iustitii instar’) ; Suet. Cal. 5. 

Graeci comites. Probably men of 
letters, as those attendant on Tiberius (4. 
58, I). 

utensilium, ‘ stores : * cp. i . 70, 6. 

4. anulo clausa: cp. Plin. N. H. 33. 
I, 6, 26 ‘ nunc cibi quoque ac potus anulo 
vindicantur a rapina also Plant. Cas. 2. 
I, I ; Cic. ad Fam. 16. 26, 2;^llor. Ep, 
2- 2, 134; Juv. 1^, 133, etc. These pre- 
cautions against pilfering slaves would 
seem mean to Parthians. 

prompt! aditus, etc. It seems best 
to supply * eraut,’ not with these clauses, 

but with ‘ nova viti.a,’ taken ns predicate 
to the whole, and explained by ‘ et quia,’ 
etc., following. 

obvia, ‘affable/ i.c. ready to meet 
all ha]fw.iy: cp. obvium obsequiiim* H. 

1. 19, 2 ; and * obvius ’ thus used of a 
person in Pliii. Epp, i. 10, 2. 

5. moribus. Clenerally adopted, after 
Murctus, for the TvIS. ‘maioribiis.’ 

7. Arsacidarum 0 sanguine. By his 
mother’s side only (6. .}2, 4): on his fa- 
tiler’s side he was probably a Dahan, or 
of Ilyrcanian or Carmanian blood; see h. 
36, 5. According to Josephus (Ant. iS. 

2, 4), he was king of Media, i.e. of tlu; 
independent part, Atropatenc. 

Dahas. This Scythic race, border- 
ing on the Arii (ri. 10, 3), and grouped 
by Strabo (i r. 8, 2, 511) with the .Sacae 
and Massagetae, must liave then lived 
between the Caspian, the sea of Aral, and 
the Oxus ; though the modern Daghestan 
shows trace of them at some other time 
further west. They are known as a war- 
like race to Vergil (Aen. 8, 728). 

8. primo congressu fusus. This vic- 
tory is commemorated by coins, dating 
A.D. 9-1 1, inscribed BatnK^vs 

KTfO'as ‘Apraf^avov. Tt has been remarked 
that these coins are wholly distinct from 
the usual I’arthian tyjres, and tlius illus- 
trative of the diflcrcnce of Vfmoncs from 
the national character : see the engraving, 
Kawlinson, p. 223; Gardner, p. 47, arid 
PI. V. 

reparat vires, by a retreat to Me- 
dia : see Josephus ( 1 . 1 .), who adds further 
particulars. The coinage of Artabanus 
begins in a.d. 10 or 11. 

9. vacua, without a head : cp. 6. 34, 
3; 51,4, etc. 

10. Parthorum et Komanas. On such 
variations, see Introd. v. § 91 ; cp. c. 17, 
6; 60, 4 ; 3. 2, I ; 15. 6, 6: also O’nler 



Artavasden regem Armeniorum specie amicitiae inlectum, dein 
catenis oneratum, postremo interfecerat. eius filius Artaxias, 3 
memoria patris nobis infensus, Arsacidarum vi seque regnumque 
tutatus est. occiso Artaxia per dolum propinquorum, datus a 4 
5 Caesare Armeniis Tigranes deductusque in regnum a Tiberio 
Nerone. ncc Tigrani diuturnuin impcrium fuit neque liberis 6 
eius, quamquam sociatis more externo in matrimonium reg- 

4 . Dein iussu Augusti inpositus Artavasdcs et non sine cladc 1 
10 nostra delectus, turn Gaius Caesar componendae Armeniae 2 
deligitur. is Ariobarzanen, origine Medum, ob insignem cor- 

regcm Macedonum Poenumque ducem* 
Liv. 23. 34, 7 ; ^ inter Macedonum Ro- 
manaque tastra ’ Id. 36. 29, 5. 

ob scelus Antonii. 'Facitns cares 
to explain only their alienation from 
Rome. Artavasdes I was son of Tigranes 
I (the king known in the camjiaigns of 
Luciilliis and Fornpeius), and had reigned 
some twenty years before his captuie by 
Antonius in 720, n.c. 34 : Dio, 49. 39, 4; 
Veil. 2. 82, 3. He was put to death by 
Cleopatra, after Actium, to win the al- 
liance of the Median king, his enemy 
(Dio, 51.5, 5). 

2. filius Artaxias. He had been made 
king by the military chiefs on the capture 
of his father, and though at first defeated, 
had made good his position in the follow- 
ing year: see Dio, 49. 39, 6; 40, i ; 44, 
4. He put to death all Romans in his 
dominions (Id. 51. 16, 2). 

4. occiso Artaxia, etc.: cp. Mon, Anc. 
V. 24 ‘ Armeniam maiorem inlerfccto rege 
eius Artaxia cum facere possem provin- 
ciam, malui maiorum nostrorum excraplo 
regnum id Tigrani regis Ai tavasdis filio, 
nepoti autem Tigranis regis, per Ti. Nero- 
nem tradere.’ Josephus (Ant. 15., 4, 3) 
represents Artaxias as expelled by Tibe- 
rius. The date is that of the restoration 
of the standards (see note on c. i, 1); 
and the statement of Augustus above, 
that Armenia lay at his mercy, is magni- 
fied into a conquest by Horace (Epp. i. 
12, 16) and Velleius (2. 94, 2), and in 
coins of this date (see Momms. oil Mon. 
Anc. p. 77), bearing the legend ‘ Armenia 

6. neo Tigrani, etc. The confused 
record of this period has been reduced to 
some Older by Visconti (Icon. Grecque, iii. 
P* 305 > folk), Rawlinson (p. 206, etc.), 
and Mommsen (on Mon. Anc. pp. 76-80). 
The children of this Tigranes II, joined 

in marriage and in regal power, were 
Tigranes III and Erato, who are record- 
ed on the two sides of the same coin, as 
Paatkevs Pacfikiojv TLypavtjSf and 'Kparijj 
Paaikim Hi-ypavov d^€k^r] (V isconti, I’l . 5 7) . 

7. more externo. As examples of 
this Eastern custom may be cited Mau- 
solus and Artemisia in Caria, and several 
in;>lanccs during the Ptolemacan dynasty 
in Egypt. 

9. Artavasdes, Thi^ prince is un- 
noticed in Mon. Anc. which speaks gene- 
rally (v. 28) of a period of revolt ('gentera 
])ostea desciscentem et rebellantcm ’). A 
solitary coin is however extant, bearing 
on the obverse the head and title of Ar- 
tavasdes, and on the reverse the head of 
Augustus, with the inscription Otov KaiVa- 
pos Etcpycrov; which must belong to the 
son of Ariobarzanes (see on § 3) or to 
this king, to whom Prof. Percy Gardner 
(Num. (Jhron. N. S. 12. p. 9-15) inclines 
to refer it. Nipp. thinks he may have 
been a lirother of Artaxias and Tigranes 
II. Tigranes and Erato, who bad been 
set aside for Artavasdes. appear to have 
inflicted this ^clades’ and driven him out 
with Parthian aid. The only evidence 
of date is supiflicd by the statement that 
Tiberius was to have been despatched to 
deal with the Armenian revolt after the 
death of Tigranes, but for his retirement 
to Rhodes, 748, b. c. 6 (Dio, 55. 9, 4 ; 
Zon. 10. 35, 36; p. 421, 422, Find.). 
Affairs were thus left unsettled till the 
mission of Gaius. 

10. Gaius Caesar. He was in the 
East from 753, B.c. i, till his death on 
Feb. 21, 757, A. D. 4. Tigranes had fal- 
len in battle with his neighbours, Erato 
again retired, and Phraataces was induced 
to withdraw his support (Dio, 55. 10. a, 
5 )* 

1 1. origine Medum; cp. Mon. Anc. 1 . L. 

A.D. 17.] 

LIBER //. CAP, 3 - 5 . 


ports formam et praeclarum animum volentibus Armcniis prae- 

5 fecit. Ariobarzanc morte fortuita absumpto stirpem eius hand 
toleravere ; temptatoque feminae imperio, cui nomen Erato, 
eaque brevi pulsa, incerti solutique et niagis sine domino quam 

4 in libertate profugum Vononen in regnum accipiunt. scd ubi 5 
minitari Artabanus et parum subsidii in Armeniis, vel, si nostra 
vi defenderetur, bellum advcrsus Parthos sumcndum erat, rector 
Suriae Creticus Silanus excitum custodia circumdat, manente 

6 luxu et regio nomine, quod ludibrium ut effugere agitaverit 

Vonones, in loco reddemus, 10 

1 5. Ceterum Tiberio baud ingratum accidit turbari res orientis, 
ut ea specie Germanicum suctis legionibus abstraheret novisque 

2 provinciis inpositum dolo simul et casibus obiectarct. at ille, 
quanto acriora in cum sludia militum et aversa patrui voluntas, 
celcrandac victoriae intentior, tractare procliorum vias ct quae 15 
sibi tertium iam annum belligeranti saeva vel prospera evenis- 

3 sent, fundi Germanos acie et iustis locis, iuvari silvis, paludi- 

* domitam per Gaiiim filium meum regi 10. inloco: cp. ‘dcsipcrc in loco’ llor. 
Ariobarzani, regis Meclorum Artabazi Od. 4. 12, 28: also ‘in tcni])ore’ i. ly, 
filio, regendam tradidi.’ I'lie royal house 2; ‘ siio loco ’ 11. 4. 67, 3. The narralive 

of Media was related to those of Armenia is given in c. 68. 

and Parlhia (Strab. II. 13, I, 523). Some J2. suelis legionibus. Probably a 

hostilities ensued, in the course of which dative: cp. c. 26, 6; Introd. v. § 15. 

Gains received his dcalh-wouiid. 14. aversa. On the use of t he positive, 

2. stirpem eius: cp. Mon. Anc. 1 . 1 . and the ellipse of ‘ lanto ’ following, see 

‘ct post eins mortem filio eius Aitavasdi. Introd. v. § 64. 

Quo interfecto Tigranem, qui erat ex 15. oolorandae victoriae: cp. ‘ob- 
regio genere Armeniorum oriundus, in id jnignatioiicm . . . cclcrare’ 12. 46, 4. This 

regnum misi.’ It has been thought that verb,^ whether transitive or intransitive, 

there was only one Artavasdes, and that seems to be found in no earlier prose. 
Tacitus has in error placed him earlier ‘Inleiitns’ takes a gerundial dative in 1. 

(see § 1). This Tigranes IV, unnoticed 31, 2; Liv. 10. 42, 1, etc. 

here by Tacitus, is identified by Momm- procliorum vias, ‘ methods of at- 
sen with the one mentioned in 6. 40, 2, tack:’ cp.‘ viani belli ’ Liv. 38. 18,9; o^ol 

and appears to have been son of Alex- nokffxw Thuc. i. 122, i; and other me- 
ander (son of flerod the Great) and of taphorical uses of ‘ via,’ as i. 54, 4, etc. ; 

a daughter of Archelaus of Cappadocia * eloquentiae itinera’ Dial. 19, 5; ‘vias 

(see c. 42, 2), who had apparently mar- pecuniae’ Cic. ad Q. F. i. i, 5, 15; ‘sc- 
ried an Armenian princess. ditionum vias ’ Id. ])ro Kab. i, 3. 

3. Erato. Supposed to be the same 16. tertium. besides previous sendee 

mentioned above, who would thus api)ear under Tiberius, he had been in command 
to have returned a third lime to the from 766, a. i). 13 ; but hostilities a])pcar 

throne. Of this there is no other evi- not to have begun till the short campaign 

dence. of the next year (i. 49-51 ). 

4. soluti, ‘ disorganized : * cp. ‘soluta 17. iustis locis, ‘on fair ground ,*equi- 

pax’ I. 50, 7. • valent to ‘ aequis locis’ (1. 68, 4, etc.), 

5. ubi minitari. On this use of the i.e. such as Romans thought fair to them- 

historical infinitive, see Introd. v. § 46 c. selves. The expression is dv. dp., and 

7. defenderetur, sc. ‘ Vonones,’ sup- seems borrowed from, though not strictly 

plied from the sense. analogous to, ‘ iustum proelium,* ‘ iusta 

8. Crotious Silanus : cp. c. 43, 3. acies,’ * iiistus amnis/ etc. 



bus, brevi aestate et praematura hieme; siium militein baud 
perinde vulncribus quam spatiis itinerum, damno armorum ad- 
fici ; fcssas Gallias ministrandis equis ; longum impedimentorum 
agmen opportunum ad insidias, defensautibus iniquum. at si 4 
5 mare intrctur, promptam ipsis possessionem et hostibus ignotam, 
simul bcllum maturius incipi legionesquc et commeatus paritcr 
vchi ; integrum eqiiitem equosque per ora et alvcos fluminum 
media in Germania fore. 

^ 6. IgitLir hue intendit^ missis ad census Galliarum P. Vitellio 1 

10 et C. Antio. Silius et Anteius et Caecina fabricandae class! 
praeponuntur. mille naves sufficerc visae properataeque, aliae 2 
breves, angusta puppi proraque et lato utero, quo facilius fluctus 
tolcrarent ; quaedam planae carinis, ut sine noxa siderent ; 
plures adpositis utrimque gubernacuHs, converse ut repente re- 
5 migio hinc vcl illinc adpellcrent ; niultae pontibus stratae, super 3 
quas tormenta vehcrentur, simul aptac ferendis equis aut com- 
mcatui ; vclis habiles, citae remis augebantur alacritate militum 

3. fesaas Gallias, etc. In i. 71, 3, 
these supplies were said to have been 
eagerly offered. 

5. promptam ipsis, etc., ‘it was an 
clement which they could readily occupy, 
and was unfamiliar to the enemy’ (the 
Germans having no ships). On this use 
of ‘prompt us,’ cp. c. 2, 6 ; i. 68, 1, etc. 
On the strategic sense of ‘ possessio,’ cp, 
‘posscssa Vicetia,’ ‘Mevania’ H. 3.8, 2; 
69. I- 

6, matur his incipi. Nij)p, notes that 
the sea route is practicable earlier in the 
season than the forest roads; also that, 
as the following words imply, the march 
is not retarded by tlic baggage. Jn the 
expedition of Tiberius from the Rhine to 
the Elbe in 75S, a. d. 5, the army marched 
by land, but was supported by a fleet. 
See Veil. 2. Jo6, 3. 

9. hue intondit : cp. 3. 37, 3 ; 
‘ illuc inlenderat ’ H. 4. 79, 3; ‘hiicin- 
clinarat’ II. 3. 27, i. The full expression 
(‘ intendere animum alicui rei ’) occurs in 
c. 61, 1, etc. 

ad census Galliarum : see on i. 

31, 2. 

P. Vitellio : sec i. 70, i. The con- 
jecture of Orsini, reading 'C. Antio* 
for the MS. ‘ Cantio,’ i.s supported by the 
occurrence of the name C. Antius Titi fi. 
on a votive inscription found at Langres 
(Orelli 1415). Nipp, introduces below 

a more violent change, ‘ Apron ius ’ (cp. 
I. 56, I ; 72, i) for ‘Anteius.’ It is cer- 
tainly strange to find an unknown person 
mentioned by one name only, side by side 
with Silius and Caecina ; but it is more 
probable that a praenomen ‘ A ’ or ‘ T ’ 
may have dropped out. 

12. utero. This word, though nowhere 
else used for the ‘ alveus ’ of a ship, is 
used of the wooden horse (Verg. Aen. 2, 
52), and of a ‘dolius’ (Col. 12. 4, 5). 

1 3. planae carinis. Similar ships were 
built to attack Mona (14. 29, 3). and the 
Gauls used such in Caesar’s lime ‘quo 
facilius vada ac decessiim aestus exciperc 
possent ’ B. G. 3. 13, i. 

14. plures . . , gubernacuHs. Ships 
able to go either way are described as 
used on the Euxine (II. 3. 47, 4), and by 
the Suioncs (G. 44, 2). 

15. pontibus. The word appears no- 
where else to mean a ‘ deck,’ though the 
‘ pontes ’ of a tower have been taken to 
mean its floors in Verg. Aen. 9, 530; 12, 
675. Possibly some partial deck across 
the midships is meant, which would have 
the appearance of a bridge when viewed 
from the prow or stern. 

supe^ quas. The ships are the main 
subject of reference throughout, so that 
Em’s correction ‘quos,’ as referring to 
* pontes,’ is needless. 

17. velis habiles, etc. This applies to 

A. D. 17.] 

LIBER 11 . CAP. 5-7. 

: j 67 

in speciem ac tcrrorem. insula Batavorum in quam convcnireiit 
4 pracdicta, ob faciles adpulsus accipicndisque copiis et transmit- 
6 tendum ad bellum opportuna. nam Rhenus uno alveo conli- 
nuiis aut modicas insulas circumveniens apud principium agri 
Batavi velut in duos amnes dividitur, servatque nomcn ct vio- 5 
Icntiam cursus, qua Germaniam pracvchitur, donee Occano 
misceatur: ad Gallicam ripain latior ct placidior adfluens — 
verso cognomento Vahalcm accolae dicunt — , mox id quoque 
vocabulum mutat Mosa fluniine eiusque inmenso ore eundem in 
Oceanum effunditur. 10 

1 7. Sed Caesar, dum adiguntur naves, SiJium Icgatum cum 

expedita manu inruptionem in Chattos faccrc iubet : ipse audito 

the whole fleet, which is subject of ‘ aii^fre- 
bantur,’ and to which the other nomina- 
tives (* aliae,’ etc.) are in apposition. 
Nipp. ‘ Citae ’ is to be taken as a 

augebantur. Tliis may mean that 
the soldiers showed their zeal by building 
them higher than was usual, to look 
more imposing (cp, 15. 9, i, and * vallum 
turresrpie castroriim augebat ’ II. 4. 34, 
8) ; or perhaps better, that the spirit of 
the soldiers made the fleet seem still 
more imposing and fonnidablc. On the 
force of ‘in,’ cp. Introd. v. § 60 b. The 
form of the similar expression ‘acics in 
speciem simul ac terrorem . . . constitcrat ’ 
(Agr. 35, 3), would show that the words 
are not here to be taken strictly as a 
hendiadys, though in meaning nearly 

1. insula Batavorum : see G. 29, i ; 
II. 4. 12, 2, etc. It was known to Caesar 
(B. G, 4. 10, i)j and is called ‘ nobilissima * 
by Pliny (N. H. 4. 15, 29, 101). The 
modern district Betuwe preserves the 
name. The true mouth of the Bhine as 
here described appears to be the now in- 
significant stream still called the old 
Rhine, which passes by Utrecht and 
Leyden. On some other points in this 
description and that of Caesar, see Mr. 
Long in Diet, of Geog., s. v. ‘ Batavi.’ 

2. adpulsus, ‘landing-places;’ cp. ‘ad- 
pellerent,’ above. 

accipiendis . . . transmittendum ad 
bellum. On such variations, see^Introd. 
V, § 88. Dr. notes this one in particular 
as peculiar to the Annals : cp. c. 37, 6 ; 
also ‘ accipiendis . , . ordinibus ... ad ex- 
plicandas . . . tiirmas’ 13. 85, 5, and 

transmittendum, ‘ to carry into the 
enemy’s country : ’ so ‘ traiisiniserat bel- 
limi ’ H. 2. 17, 1 ; ‘lie . . . Iransmittant 
bellum’ Liv. 21. 20,4. 

5. velut, i. c. not strictly two ; for 
only one branch retains the name. 

6. praevohitur. Kiipcrti notes the 

freriucnt use in Tacitus of verbs com- 
pounded with ‘ prae ’ for those with 
‘ praetCT ; ’ as ‘ praeflucre ’ c. 6.^, 1 ; 

‘ praegredi ’ 14. 23, 4 ; ‘ praelcgere’ c. 79, 

1 ; ‘praelabi’ II. 2, 35, i ; ‘ praelatus ’ 6. 

35, 5. Jn most of them he is preceded by 
Livy or poets. 

donee, with subjunct. of facts : cp. 1 . 
1, 4, etc. ; Introd. v. § 53. 

7. placidior adfluons : cp. ‘violciitior 
eflliiit ainnis’ Verg. G. 4, 373. 

8. cognomento: cp. i. 23,6. Nijip. 
notes here the interchange for variety’s 
sake, of ‘ nomen ’ . . . ‘ cognomento ’ . . . 
‘vocabulum;’ ami similar changes in 3. 

36, 2; also ‘nominibiis* . . . ‘ appella- 
tiones’ . . . ‘noniina’ . . . ‘vocabulum’ 
(G. 2, 3), etc. The ''onstructioii i)ass(;s 
on from ‘adfluens’ to ‘mulat.’as if the 
intermediate clause had been ‘ Vahalis . . . 

Vahalem. In Caes. B. G. 4. 10, i 
the Waal is calle<l ‘ Vacalus,* in Sid. 
Apoll. (see Nipp.) ‘Vaehalis.’ In H. 5. 
19, 3, Tacitus calls the Waal the Rhine, 
and in II. 5. 23, 2 speaks as if the Maas 
received the whole Rhine. 

11. adiguntur: ‘ naves adigere ’ seems 
a regular phrase (cp. J i. 18, 2 ; H. 2, 83, 

2 ; 3. 47, 3) to express The concentration 
or collection of a fleet at one spot. 

12. Chattos. This expedition, like that 
of last year (1. 55, i), seems intended to 
prevent their assisting the Cherusci. 



castellum Lupiae flumini adpositum obsidcri, sex legiones eo 
duxit. ncque Silio ob subitos inibres aliud actum quani ut 2 
modicam praedam ct Arpi principis Chattorum coniugcm filiam- 
que raperet, neque Caesari copiam pugnae opsessores fecere, ad 
5 famam adventus eius dilapsi : tumulum tamen nuper Varianis 3 
Icgionibiis structum et veterem aram Druso sitam disiecerant. 
restituit aram honorique patris princeps ipse cum legionibus 4 
dccucurrit ; tumulum iterare baud visum, et cuncta inter cas- 6 
telluni Alisonem ac Rhenum novis limitibus aggeribusque pcr- 
10 niunita. 

8. lamquc classis advcncrat, cum praemisso commeatu et 1 
distributis in legiones ac socios navibus fossam, cui Drusianae 
nonien, ingressus precatiisque Drusum patrem ut sc eadcm au- 
SLim libens placatusque cxemplo ac mcmoria consilioriim atque 
igoperum iuvaret^ lacus indc et Oceanum usque ad Amisiam flu- 
men sccunda navigatione pervchitur. classis Amisiae ore rclicta 2 

I. castellum. Nipp. notes that, had 
Tacitus meant ^AUso/ ho would have 
given the name here instead of below. 
That fort would be the one described by 
Dio (54. 33, 4) as built at the junction of 
the Aovmas /cal 'EKiaa/v (Lippe and Ahse), 
westward of Hamm ; this one would be 
further east, probably near l.ippborg, 
certainly, from the context, near the 

5. nuper : see i. 62, i. 

6. sitam. The use of this word in the 
sense of * conditus’ in 3. 38, 6 ; 4. 55, 
6; 6. 41, 2, etc.) is peculiar to Tacitus. 
Driiger, connecting it with a particular 
use of ‘ sistere ’ (see 4. 37, 4), appears to 
take it as a form of passive participle of 
that verb. But the use noted on i. 39, 
4 connects this with the ordinary senses of 
the particii)le of ‘ sino,' ' Druso ’ must 
be dat. commod. answering to * legionibus.* 
Such an altar may have been merely 
commemoralive (sec on i. 14, 3), or may 
have been set up for the private worship 
of his ‘ Di Manes’ (cp. c. 83, 3), possibly 
at the place of his death. 

8. docucurrit. The ' decursio fime- 
bris’ is alluded to in Verg. Acn. ii, 188 ; 
Luc. 8, 733 ; and described with more 
detail in Stat. Theb. 6, 213, etc. The 
custom is described as observed even by 
the army of Hannibal (Liv. -25. 17, 5), and 
corresponds to the procession of chariots 
round the dead Patroclus (II. 23, 13). 

haud visum. Probably he did not 

actually reach the spot. 

9. limitibus aggeribusque : for the 
former, see note on i. 50, 2 ; for the latter, 
on I. 62, 2, 

12. distributis in : C]). 1.55, 2; c. 67, 
4 ; 3- 38, 4» ttc. 

Drusianae : see Suet. Cl. i . This 
work included both the construction of 
the ^Neue Ysscl,’ connecting the Rhine 
near Arnheim with the old Ysscl at Does- 
burg, and a widening of the latter river 
to its mouth. 

13. eademausum. Drususwas in 742, 
n. C. 12 (Dio, 54, 32, 2), the first Roman 
to sail on the northern ocean. Suet. Cl. i ; 
cp. Strab. 7. i, 3, 290. The same route 
was taken in the previous year liy a part 
of the army (1. 60, 3), and afterwards by 
Corbulo (II. 18, 2). 

16 . classis Amisiae ore, etc. Nipp. 
and Halm follow Seyflert in inserting ‘ ore,’ 
which could easily have been lost before 

* relicta.’ Tacitus would not have called 
the river ‘ amnis Amisiae,’ but ‘ amnis (or 

* fluinen ’) Amisia ’ (cp. c. 23, i ; 1.32, 3, 
etc.) : and, though there appears to have 
existed a place called 'A^idaeia (Ptol. 2. 
II, 28), or ''Afuacra <.Steph. Byz.); he 
would hardly have spoken of it without 
removing ambiguity by adding ‘ oppido.’ 
In the next line, the addition of ‘aut’ 
(Wurm, Ritter, Halm) would make the 
criticism assert that Germanicus ought 
either to have sailed his fleet up the river 
(cp. ‘subvehebatur* c. 60, i) to a part 

A.D. 17.] 

LIBER a. CAP. 7 - 9 . 


laevo amnc, crratumque 5 n eo quod non subvexit ant transposuit 
militcm dextras in terras iturum ; ita plures dies efficiendis pon- 

3tibus absumpti. et eques quidem ac le^iones prima aestuaria, 
nondum adcrescente unda, intrepid! transicre : postrcmum auxi- 
liorum agmen Batavique in parte ea, diim insuitant aquis artem- 5 

4 quc nandi ostcntant, turbati et quidani hausti sunt, mctanti 
castra Cacsari A ngri variorum dcfectio a tcrgo nuntiatur: missus 
ilico Stertinius cum cquite et armatura Icvi igne et caedibus 
perfidiam ultus est. 

1 9 . Flumen Visurgis Romanos Cheniscosquc intcrfluebat. eius 10 
in ripa cum ceteris primoribus Arminius adstitit, quaesitoque an 
Caesar vcnissct, postquam adesse responsum est, ut liccrct cum 

2 fratre conloqui oravit. erat is in cxercitu cognomento Flavus, 
insignis fide ct amisso per vulnus oculo paucis ante annis ducc 

3 Tiberio. turn permissu . . progressusque salutatur ab Arminio ; 15 

where little or no bridging would have been 
required, or to have landed the troops at 
once on the right bank : the rca<liiig ‘ ct * 
(Seyilbrt) or * quo ’ (Nipp.) would make 
the words mean that ho ought to have 
done both : others would omit 'subvexit * 
or ‘ trans{)OSiiit ; ’ the former omission 
deriving most stq^port from the context. 
As regards the fact, (jcrmanicus probably 
thought it necessary to secure his retreat 
by a bridge (cp. c. i r, i). 

2. pontibus. That this plural might 
be used of a single bridge, would appear 
from ' pontem ’ and ' pontes ’ being used 
of the same structure interchangeably in 
Cic. Fam. lo. iS, 4; 27,, 3. The chief 
use of this bridge would be for the bag- 
gage ; the troops being represented as 
taking advantage of the low tide for at 
least i)art of the way. 

3. aestuaria, tidal marshes cp. 4. 73, 
2 ; 1 1. iS, 2 ; 14. 32, 2 ; etc. ; the* stagna 
. . . inrigiia aestibus maritimis ’ of Livy 
10. 2, 5. By ‘prima’ would appear to be 
meant those next to the channel of the 

5. in parte ea, i. e. 'in extremo ag- 

6 . metanti castra. This should 
naturally be at the close of the first day’s 
march ; but as the next locality mentioned 
is the Visurgis, all mention of the route 
from the Amisia has been omitted or lost. 

7. Angrivariorum. This people are 
mentioned as bordering on the Cherusci 
beyond the Weser (c. 19, 3). To imagine 
them as on the rear of (iermanicus, and 

to explain ‘dcfectio,’ we must suppose 
that a part of the race lived between the 
Kins and the Weser, aiul had been subject 
to Rome. This is consistent with the 
mention of them at a later dale as l )(>rdei'- 
ingon the Frisii ( G. 34, 1), though perhaps 
hardly so with the position assigned to 
them by Ptolemy (2. u, 16) ])elween the 
greater Chauci and Siiebi. It has been 
thought by Nijip. and others that here, 
and in c. 22, 3 ; 24, 5, the Am|)sivarii 
arc spoken of; wliose name (' Kmslahrer ’) 
denotes their position ; and whose chief, 
Boiocalus, is stated to have served under 
Tiberius and Germaniens. See 13. 55,5b. 

8. Stertinius : see i . 60, 4. 

10. Visurgis. Wc have no clue to the 
locality, but Ritter suggests that it was 
probably in the low country north of 
Mindcn and the ‘ Porta Westphalica.’ 
Merivalc (c. xlii. ]>. 50) remarks that the 
probable breadth of ih- river gives an air 
of romance lo this alleged conversation it. The dream (c. I4, i) and the 
omen (c. 17, 2 ) are conceived in a similar 

interfluebat. The verb is used with 
this construction in 11 . 3. 5, 5 ; Liv. 27. 
29, 9: cp. ‘intcrluo’ 6. i, i, and other 
verbs so used in poets and late authors ; 
see Tntrod. v. § 12 c. 

13. Flavus. On hi.s wife and son, see 
II. lb, 2. 

14. paucis ante annis : probably dur- 
ing the later campaigns of Tiberius after 
the defeat of Varus, 762-764, a. d. 9-11. 

15. turn permissu. It is supposed that 


qui amotis stipatoribus, ut sagittarii nostra pro ripa dispositi 
abscederent postulat, et postquam digressi, unde ea deformitas 
oris interrogat fratrem. illo locum et proclium refercnte, quod- 4 
nam praemium recepisset exquirit. Flavus aucta stipendia, 6 
6 torqucm et coronam aliaque militaria dona memorat, inridente 
Arminio vilia scrvitii pretia. 

10. Exim diversi ordiuntur, hie magnitudinem Romanam, 1 
opes Caesaris et victis graves pocnas, in deditionem venienti 
paratam elementiam ; ncque coniugem et filium eius hostiliter 

10 haberi : ilJe fas patriae, libertatem avitam, penctralis Germaniae 
decs, matrem precum sociam ; ne propinquoriim ct adfinium, 
deniqiie gentis suae deserter et proditor quam imperator esse 
mallet, paulatim inde ad iurgia prolapsi quo minus piignam 2 
consererent ne flumine quidem intcriecto cohibebantur, ni Ster- 
15 tinius adcurrens plenum irae armaque ct equum poscentem Fla- 
vum adtinuisset. cernebatur contra minitabundus Arminius 3 
proeliumque denuntians ; nam pleraque Latino sermone inter- 
iaciebat, ut qui Romanis in castris ductor popularium meruisset. 

11 . Postero die Germanorum acies trans Visurgim stetit. Cae- 1 
20 sar nisi pontibus praesidiisque inpositis dare in discrimen legiones 

baud imperatorium ratus, cquitem vado tramittit. pracfuere2 
Stertinius et e numcro primipilarium Acmilius, distantibus locis 

* Caesaris dcducitur,* or other words to 
that effect (see Nipp.), have dropped out. 
The abl. is thus used with a verb in 2. 59, 

4. The correction of older editors, ‘ per- 
missum,* is supported by a similar omis- 
sion of the final letter in ^ sermoncs ’ c. 28, 
2, ‘ imaginem ’ c, 37, 3, etc. (Pfitzner, p. 
I T 9) : but we should expect ' turn ’ to 
introduce something more than the bare 
fact of permission. 

5. militaria dona: see on i. 44, 7, 

6. vilia, i. e. from the view of Arminius 
himself, ' the low wages he had earned by 

7. diversi, 'in opposite strains cp. 
‘diversi interpretabantur * c. 73, 6; ‘di- 
versos reperies’ 6. 22, 2. 

ordiuntur ; used with brevity, as ‘ or- 
ditur . . . labores * 12. 5, 4; ‘magnifica* 
15. 26, 3; ‘scelera* 15. 51, 4. From it, 
the sense of some such word as * referens * 
is supplied below. 

9. coniugem et dlium: see i. 57, 5; 
58, 9. They may be supposed to have 

been in 'libera custodia’ at Ravenna. 

10. fas patriae : cp. i. 42^ 4. 

penetralis . . . deos. In ii. 16, 8, 

Flavus is called the enemy of the ' Dii 
penates’ of his country; for which ‘dii 
penetralcs* is, according to Cicero (N, D. 
2. 27, 68), a poetical ecjiiivalent, and is so 
used in Sen. Trag. 

1 1 . matrem. From the mention of his 
mother only, it is inferred that his father 
was dead. See on i. 55, 4. 

1 2. imperator : used of barbarian 
leaders, as c. 45, 3 ; 12. 33, i. 

1 8. Bomanis in castris: cp. Veil. 2. 
n8, 2 ‘adsiduus militiae nostrae prioris 
comes, [cum] iiireetiam civitatis Romanae 
ius equestris consequens gradus.* 

20. dare in discrimen: see note on 
I. 47, I. 

21. imperatorium. Drager notes as a 
novelty the substantival use of this word 
( == * good generalship *). 

22. primipilarium; those who had 
served the office of ‘ primipilus ; ’ analo- 
gous to ‘ consulares,* etc. On the cen- 

A.D. i6.] 

LIBER //. CAP. 9-12. 


3 invecti, ut hostem diducercnt qua celerrimus amnis, Chario- 
valda dux Batavorum erupit. eum Cherusci fugain sirnulantcs 
m planitiem saltibus drcumiectam traxcre : dein coorti et undi- 
que effusi trudunt adversos, instant cedentibus collectosque in 

4 orbem pars congressi, quidam eminus proturbant. Chariovalda 5 

dill sustentata hostium sacvitia, hortatus suos ut ingrucntcs ca- 
tervas globo perfringercnt, atque ipse densissimos inrumpens, 
congestis telis et suffosso cquo labitur, ac multi nobilium circa : 
cetcros vis sua aut equites cum Stcrtinio Acmilioque subvcni- 
entes periculo cxemerc. 10 

1 12 . Caesar transgrcssus Visurgim indicio perfugae cognoscit 
delectum ab Arminio locum pugnae; convenissc et alias nationcs 
in silvam Hcrculi sacram ausurosque nocturnam castroriim op- 

2 pugnationem. habita indici fidcs ct ccrnebantur ignes, suggres- 
siquc propius speculatores audiri fremitiim cquorum inmensique 15 

3 et inconditi agminis murmur attulere. igitur propinquo summae 
rei discrimine explorandos militiim animos ratus, quonam id 

tiirio primipilus,* see Introd. vii. p. 105 ; 
on the pri vileges of a q')rimipilaris,’ see Id. 
p. 108. 

Aemilius, probably the same men- 
tioned in 4. 42, 2. Nipp. refers to him in 
the following inscription, found at Capua 
(T. R. N. 3619), ‘Paulo Aemilio, primi- 
pilo, bis pracfecto equil[um], tribuno 
chortis iiii ])raetor[iae].’ He is evidently 
here acting as ‘ pracfecliis cqiiilum,’ 

2. erupit, sc. ‘ ex amne.’ 

3. circumiectam, ‘surrounded by;* 
this participle has usually a dative of the 
thing surrounded, as ‘ raoenia regiae cir- 
cumiecta ’ H. 5. it, 7 ; but takes here a 
construction analogous to that usual with 
‘ circumdatus.* 

7. globo, ‘massed together,* abl. of 
manner : cp. Introd. v. § 28. The term is 
often used of soldiers (c. g. i, 25, i ; 4. 
50, 4; 12. 43, 2; 14. 61, 2, etc. ; and 
Liv.), but appears not to denote any 
definite formation : cp. Vcg. 3, 19 ‘globus 
autem dicitur, qui a sua acie separatus, 
vago superventu incursat inimicos, contra 
quern alter populosior vel fortior immit- 
titur globus.* Maiquardt (Staatsv. ii. p. 
412) cites other passages. 

♦ ipse . . inrumpens: so Weisysenbom 
and others. The MS. has ‘ipsis . . . 
inrupens ; * the margin and most old edd. 
Hpse in . . . inrumpens;* Haase reads 
'ipsis densissimis inniens.* The simple 
accusative with such verbs is often found 

(Introd. V. 12. c.) ; and Kipp, points out 
that ‘ inrumpere aliquid,’ and ‘ in ali<pud,* 
are distinct in d’acitus ; the former mean- 
ing ‘to break into’ (as i. 48, 4, etc.) the 
latter ‘ to break loose against’ (as 6. 16, i). 
An exception may however be noted in 
Dial. 11, 3. 

8. suffosso equo : cp. i. 65, 8. 

labitur. The use of this word to 
express falling in death is i)oetical: cp. 
Verg. Aen. 2, 250 ; Ov. A. A. 3, 742 ; 
Luc. 2, 265 ; etc. 

13. Herculi. The German Hercules 
appears from G. 3, i, to have been a hero 
rather than a god, and is thought by 
Grimm (Mythol. p. 337, referred to by 
Orelli) to be identical with Tnnijj, thougfji 
many of the attributes of Hercules agrefc 
with those of Thor. It is conjectured 
(see Orelli) that this forest may have 
been in the locality of Biickeberg, be- 
tween Minden and Hameln, where re- 
mains of an ancient German altar have 
been found. 

14. suggressi. This verb has been 
thought to be confined to the .^^Jlnals (4. 
47. *! 13 - 57 , 6; r4. 37, r; 15. ii, 1), 
but is found in Sail, H, 4. 67 I), 68 K, 76 G. 

16. summae rei discrimine : cp. ‘ sum- 
ma belli ’ c. 45, 5 ; ‘ summum discrimen * 

H. 3. 6, 3. 

1 7. explorare, ' to test.* This sense ori- 
ginates in poets and Idvy, and is fre- 
quent in Tacitus, e. g. 12. 66, 5 ; 13. 16, 

272 CORNELII TA CITI ANNALIUM [a. u. c. 769 . 

moclo incorruptum foret, sccum agitabat. tribunos et centu - 4 
riones laeta saepius quam comperta nuntiare, libertorum servilia 
ingenia, amids inesse adulationem ; si contio vocetur, illic quo- 
que quae pauci incipiant reliquos adstrepere. penitus noscendas 6 
5 mentes, cum secreti et incustoditi inter militaris cibos spem aut 
metum proferrciit. 

13 . Nocte cocpta egressus augurali per occulta et vigilibus 1 
ignara, comite iino, contectus umeros ferina pelle, adit castrorum 
vias, adsistit tabernaculis fruiturque fama sui, cum hic nobilita- 
10 tern diicis, dccorem alius, plurimi patientiam, comitatem, per 
seria per iocos eundem animum laudibus fcrrent reddcndamque 
gratiani in acie faterentur, simul perfidos et ruptores pacis ultioni 
et gloriae mactandos. inter quae unus hostium, Latinae linguae 2 
sciens, acto ad vallum equo voce magna coniugcs et agros et 
stipendii in dies, donee bellaretur, scstertioS centenos, si quis 
transfugisset, Arminii nomine pollicetur. incendit ea contumclia 3 
legionum iras : veniret dies, daretur pugna ; sumpturum miJitem 
Germanorum agros, tracturum coniugcs ; accipere omen et ma- 
trimonia ac pecunias hostium praedae dcstinare. tertia ferme 4 
20 vigilia adsultatum est castris sine coniectu teli, postquam crebras 
pro munimentis cohortes et nihil remissum sensere. 

2, etc,: cp. ‘ sccuiKlae res . . . aninios 
cxplorant’ II. i. 15, 5; ^ pace cxplo- 
r«atos’ Ai;r. 29, 2. 

t. incorruptum, q;cmiincly: cp. the 
use of the word of ‘ Tides,’ * iudiciiiin/ etc. 

4. adstrepere: C[). i. 18, i,etc. : with 
accus. II. 4. 49, 5. 

7. egressus augurali. Ilyginus (de 
nuin. cast, ii) speaks of an ‘ angnra- 
torium' on the right of the general’s tent, 
leading to the ^via jirincipalis.’ See 
Marqiiardt, Staatsv. ii. p. 309. Those 
who so understand * augurali ’ here, take 
it as an abl. of direction (cp. 1. 60, 2, 
etc.) ; but we find from.. Quint. 8. 2, 8, 
that in his time the gcneral’-s tent was 
itself called ‘ augurale,’ a meaning which 
appears better suited to this passage, and 
not less so to 15. 30, i. The abl, will 
thus depend on * egressus,’ and the direc- 
tion be indicated by ‘ per occulta,* etc. 

8. ignara = ^ ignota : ’ cp. 3. 69, 3 ; 4. 
8, 3; (). 22, 5, etc.; also in Sail., Verg., 
Ov., Sen. On the similar use of ‘ gnarus,* 
see 1. 5, 4. 

ferina pelle ; perhaps to assume the 
appearance of a German auxiliary. See 
G. 17, 2 ; Caes. B. G. 6. 21, 5. 

9. adsistit ; wdth dat. as * adsisto 
divinis’ llor. Sat. i. 6, ij6, etc. 

1 1 . eundem animum, ‘his oven temper 
in grave or gay moments.’ Nipp. thinks 
that Gcrmanicus, as he is described in 
c. 72, 3, could not jest with his men, and 
that we must road ‘eundem in animum 

i. e. ‘ with words, whether in jest or 
earnest, to the same purport.’ This cor- 
rection can hardly recommend itself. 

12. ruptores pacis, in their rising 
against Varus. 

13. mactandos, ^must be offered as 
victims to vengeance and glory.’ On 
such personifications, cp. 4. 74, 3, etc. 

15. centenos, i. e. twenty-five Glenarii’ 
or one ‘ aureus.’ Germans near the fron- 
tier are represented as more or less familiar 
with Roman money (G. 5, 4). We hear 
of such a bribe given to small bodies of 
soldiers on occasion (H. i. 24, 2); but 
the offer of regular pay so vastly above 
the Rowan scale (see on i. 17, 6) implies 
an almost hopeless attempt. 

18. matrimonia, for * coniugcs :* cp. 
Introd. V. § I. Here the concrete has 
been already twice used. 

20. adsultatum : see note on i. 51, 6. 

A. D. i6.] LIBER //. CAP. 12-J4. 273 

1 14 . Nox eadem laetam Germanico quietcm tulit, viditque sc 
opcratum et sanguine sacri respersa praetexta piilchriorem aliam 

2 manibus aviae Augustae accepisse. auctus oinine, addicentibus 
aiispiciis, vocat contionem et quae sapientia provisa aptaque 

Z inniincnti pugnae disserit. non campos modo militi Romano 5 
ad proelium bonos, sed si ratio adsit, silvas ct saltus ; nec cnim 
inmensa barbarorum scuta, cnorniis liastas inter truncos arborum 
et enata humo virgulta perindc liaberi quam pila et gladios et 

4 hacrentia corpori tegmina. denscrent ictus, ora mucronibus 
quaererent : non loricam Germano, non galeam, nc scuta quidem 10 
ferro nervove firmata, sed virninum textus vcl tenuis et fucatas 

pro munimentis. That a camp 
had outposts beyond its enclosure, is 
shown by many passa^t^os (see Mar<[iiar(Jt, 
Staatsv. ii. p. 396) ; but in sucli uses of 
‘pro’ the meaning is generally ‘upon,’ 
or ‘ at the front of,’ as ‘ pro ripa,’ c. 9, 3 ; 
see note on i. 44, 4. 

1. quietem : see on i. 65, 2. 

2. operatum. The use of this par- 

ticiple, with an aoristic or present force, 
in the special sense of ‘sacrificing’ (like 
the Greek use of epSefv or is found 

ill Vergil (G. i, 339), Tibullus (2. 5, 95), 
and Propertius (2. 33, 2). The expres- 
sion ‘ operari sacris ’ ( Uor. Od. 3. 14, 6; 
lav. i. 31, S) connects this with the 
general sense of the word, as used in 

3. 43, 1 ; 11. 5. 20, 2, etc. 

sanguine sacri. The use of ‘ sa- 
crum ’ for ‘ hostia,’ though strictly only 
supported by the old fonnula ‘ inter 
sacrum saxuincjiic stare’ (Plant. Capt. 3. 

4, 84 ; Cas. 5. 4, 7 ; Appul. M. 1 1. p. 271, 
813), is hardly a violent transition from 
the general use of the word. The mar- 
ginal correction ‘ sacro’ was supposed to 
be the MS. text by the older e<litors, and 
is still read by Ritt. and Nipp. 

praetexta. Lips cites Quint. Dccl. 
340, speaking of this as the sacred robe 
‘ quo sacerdotes velantur, (]uo magis- 
tratus,* Germanicus was augur and 
flamcn Augustalis (see on 2. 83, 2), and 
had ‘ imperium proconsulare.* 

3. auctus, ‘ invigorated;’ as if ‘auctus 
animo’ had been used; cp. ‘novis ex 
rebus aucti’ (sc. ‘dignitate’) i. 2, i. 

addicentibus. This verb in this 
sense has u.sually ‘ aves ’ as subj, ; so that 
‘auspicia,* as ‘augurium’ in c. 17, 2, is 
used of the actual omen, 

4. quae sapientia provisa, ‘ what his 
wisdom had taken thought for/ Ilis 

correction for ‘ j^raevisa ’ has been gene- 
rally ado[)tcd after J. K. (Iron. : cp. ‘ (jiiae 
provider! astu diicis oportuerit, provisa ’ 
H. 5. 17, 4; ‘ ciiiicta praelio provisa ’4. 
25, 3; ‘omnia suis provisa’ Sail. Jug. 
49, 2. Tacitus omits this jiart of the 
speech, as less suitable to rhetorical 
treatment. * 

7. onormis hastas : see c. 21, i; i. 
64, 3; 11 . 5. iS, I. That there wen: 
few, is slated below, and in G. C, i ‘rari 
gladiis aut niaioribus lanccis iituntur.’ 

8. haberi— ‘ habilia esse;’ ‘could be 

9. tegmina. ^ laps, takes this of the 
‘scutum pectori ad))rcssum’ (c, 21, i), 
but the expression better suits the Roman 
armour generally. 

denserent. Neither ‘ denseo ’ nor the 
more common ‘dense’ are found else- 
where in Tacitus ; and in other authors 
the MSS. apjiear often to confuse the 
forms. The command here is to ‘ plant 
blows thickly:’ cp. ‘hastilia denset’ Verg. 
Aeii. II, 650. 

10. non loricam : ‘ pane is loricae ; vix 
uni alterivc cassis aut galea’ G. 6, 3. 
The lalUT fact explains the command 
here to strike at the face (cp. c. 21, i), 
which, even in fylly armed soldiers, was 
the most unguarded i)art. The Romans 
strike thus at the Latins (lav. 8. 10, 6), 
and Merivale (c. xvii. p. 297) thinks this 
the true explanation of the command 
of Caesar at Fharsalia (‘miles, faciem 

11. nervo; used rhetorically for leather, 
as ‘subtextaque tegmina nervis* Sil. 4, 


viminura textus ; similar shields 
were used by the Aduatici (Caes. B. G. 
a- 33 , 2). 

fucatas colore : cp. ‘ nulla cultus iac- 



colore tabulas ; primam utcumque aciem hastatam, ceteris prae- 
usta aut brevia tela, iam corpus ut visu torvum et ad brevem 5 
impetum validum, sic nulla vulnerum patientia: sine pudore 
flagitii, sine cura ducum abire, fugere, pavidos adversis, inter 
5 secunda non divini, non humani iuris memores. si taedio via- 6 
rurn ac maris finein cupiant, hac acie parari : propiorcm iam 
Albim quam Rhenum neque bellum ultra, mode se, patris 
patruique vestigia prementem, isdem in terris victorem sisterent. 
15 . Orationem ducis secutus militum ardor, signumque pug- 1 
10 nae datum, nec Arminius aut ceteri Germanorum proceres 2 
omittebant suos quisque testari, hos esse Romanos Variani ex- 
creitus fugacissimos, qui ne bellum tolerarent, seditionem indu- 
erint ; quorum pars onusta vulneribus terga, pars fluctibiis et 

tatio scuta tantum lectissimis coloribus abl. abs. akin to those noted in Introd. v. 
distinguunt’ G. 6, 2. Orelli traces in §31. He considers this also the pro|XT 
this the origin of the mediaeval devices explanation of *firmus adversis’ Agr. 35, 
on shields. 4 ; 'sperat infestis, metuit sccundis ’ Hor. 

1. utoumque, 'somehow;* i. e. the Od. 2. 10, 13. 

lances, such as they were (their defects 5. viarum ao maris : one of the few 
having been already noted), were con- direct reminiscences of Horace apparent 

fined to the front rank. The word is in Tacitus: see Introd. v. §.97. 
here best taken closely with ‘hastatam;* 7. ultra. Nipp. thinks this alludes to 
as in 12. 51, 3 (‘primam utcumque fugam the neutral or friendly attitude of Maro- 
.. . loleravit’), with ‘ loleravit. Its use bodiius and the Suevi beyond the Elbe 
in this way, as limiting a verb or par- (see c. 44, etc.). It might also be meant 
ticiple, is especially frecpient in Livy (e.g. that no resistance could remain if they 
29, 15, i). crushed the force now opposed to them. 

2. brevia. These would be the ‘fra- patris patruique. Drusiis had reached 

meae’ described in G. 6, i, as 'angusto the Elbe in 745, B. c. 9 (Dio, ^5. i, 2); 
et brevi ferro,’ and as the German general and Tiberius in 758, A. i). 5 (Veil. 3. 106, 

weapon for distant and close fighting. 2). On the use of ' patrui ’ here, see on 

The ‘pracusta tela’ would have no iron i. 33, 3. 

head at all. 8. sisterent: cp. 'ut cum in Syria . . . 

corpus: see below, c. 21, i, and the si.sterent’ H. 2. 9, 2 ; and the uses in 

descrijHion in G. 4, i ' omnibus truces Vergil, as ' o qui me . . . sistat ’ G. 2, 

et caerulei oculi, rutilae comae, magna 488; ‘ te limine sistam’ Acii. 2, 620; 
corpora et tantum ad impetum valkla.’ ‘ classem Cretaeis sistet in oris’ Aen. 3, 
The military qualities of the Gauls are 117. 

similarly described in Liv. 5. 44, 4; 10. 11. hos esse , . . fugacissimos. There 

28, 2. were some survivors of that disaster in 

3. sine pudore, etc. To give way the present army (cp. i. 61, 6); and the 

before a direct attack was part of their preservation of the reserve force of two 
regular tactic (G. 6,6); but the chival- legions under Asprenas (Veil. 2. 120, i) 

rolls courage of at least the chiefs and may give more colour to the sarcasm, 

their 'comitatus’ is celebrated (Id. 14, 2). in which Tacitus appears to imitate that 

4. adversis, inter secunda. The already ascribed by him to Agricola, ‘ii 

interchange of prepositional clauses with ceterorura Britannorum fngacissimi, ideo- 
simple cases is very common in Tacitus. que tanjdiu superstites’ (Agr. 34, i). 

Most commonly the dative is so inter- 12. induerint. The metaphor is usually 
changed (e.g. c. 6, 4; 4, 2, i ; 46, 4; that of assuming a character (cp i. 69, 
n. 21, 4, etc.: cp. Dr. Synt. unci Stil, 2), not necessarily a false one; but it is 
5 105), but probably here Nipp. is right here meant that mutiny was a mere pre- 
in taking ' adversis ’ as an abbreviated text to get out of service. 

A.D. i 6.1 LIBER IL CAP. 14-16. 275 

procellis fractos artus infensis rursum hostibus, advcrsis dis obi- 

3 ciant, nulla boni spe. classcm qiiippe et avia Oceani quaesita, 
ne quis venicntibus occurreret, ne pulsos prcmeret : sed ubi 
miscuerint manus, inane victis ventoriim remorumve subsidium. 

4 memiiiissent modo avaritiae, crudclitatis, superbiae : aliud sibi 5 
reliquum quam tenere libertatem aut mori ante servitium ? 

1 16 . Sic accensos et proelium poscentes in campum, ciii Idisia- 

2 viso nomen, deducunt. is mcdius inter Visurgim ct colics, i^t 
npac fluniinis ccdmi£ aut prom in^njia i\^^i^tiuii^resistur^^ 

3 a^u^j[ter sinua tur. pone tergum insiirgebat silva, editis in 10 
aftunT ramis et pura humo inter arborum truncos. campum et 

terga : so most modern edd. after 
Muretus for the MS. ‘ tcrgu.’ The objec- 
tion (T Walthcr, that an advancing army 
could not be snid * terga obicere,* need 
not l)e pressed. The point is that as 
they had fled before they might be ex- 
pected to by again : * some meet the 
enemy again with wounds on their backs, 
some with limbs maimed by wave and 
siotm ; ’ alluding to those who had re- 
treated with Caecina (1, 67,-68), or with 
Vitelliiis (id. 70). The thought is here 
repeated from H. 5. t6, 3 * sui)ercsse, qui 
fiigam aiiimis, qui vulnera tergo ferant.* 

4. miscuerint manus, a poetical 
phrase: cj). Prop. 2. 27, 8, as also ‘mis- 
cere ictus’ (Agr. 36, 2); *praelia,’ ‘vub 
nera’ (Verg.); ‘ arma’ (Lucan.). 

5. meminissent: cp. Mneminissent 
. . . praeliorum’ c. 45, 5. The tense is 
equivalent to an imperf., as ‘ meniini ’ to 
a present. 

aliud sibi reliquum. The omis- 
sion of an interrogative particle, though 
not unusual with Tacitus in energetic 
passages in oratio dirccta, as * sequitur, 
ut omiics,’ etc. 12. 37, 3, ^ vivere ego . . . 
poteram ’ 13. 21, 8, and in other authors 
(cp. Madvig, § 450), is most unusual in 
oratio obliqua. 5 jo other instance ap- 
pears to be given but 14. 61, 5 ‘ malle 
populum Romanum,’ etc., where the 
reading is not unquestioned (see note 

7. Idisiaviso. Halm and Nipp adopt 
this correction of the MS. ‘ Idista viso ' 
from J. Grimm, who explains it to mean 
‘ Nympharum pratum ’ (• Klfen'^iese 
the tirst part being the plural of the old 
German ‘ Iclis ’ (^nympha*); such nymphs 
being represented in an old poem as con- 
trolling destiny like the Valkyries (see 
the quotation in Orclii's note). Nipp. 


takes the case here as nom. according to 
the general usage of Tacitus in respect of 
substantives: e. g. 1. 45, 1 ; c. 4, 3 ; 80, 
I ; 3. 21, 2 ; 42, 2; etc. For otlier in* 
stance.s, sec his note; foi* exceptions, and 
for the usage with adjectives, see note on 
4. 59, 2 ; Introd. v. § j6. 

8. is medius, etc. The obscurity of 
the whole geography of this cami)aign 
(see c. 9, 1) must affect all attempts to 
fix thi.s locality, .supposed to lie between 
the ‘porta Westphalica’ and Ilameln, 
The description of the i)osition which 
follows cannot therefore be tested in any 

ut ripae fluminis cedunt, etc. There 
is apj’)arcntly here a double antithesis, 
between * ripae fluminis ’ and ‘ promi- 
nentia montiiim,’ also between ‘cedunt* 
and ‘ resistimt.’ This would be best ex- 
plained by supposing (with JCrnesti and 
Orelli) that the plain is broad where the 
river bank recedes from the mountains 
(i. e. bends westward), and narrow where 
the mountain spurs resist it (i. e. where it 
would take a turn to the east and is 
stopped by them). Nipp. takes ‘ ripae 
fluminis,’ in a somewhat forced sense, 
of the whole river- valley, and e.Kplains 
‘ cedunt ’ of the places where it recedes 
from the river-bed itself into the interior ; 
i. e. widens out. The interpretations of 
Walther and Doed. appear also opoi to 
serious objections. 

10. tergum, sc. ‘ Germanorum,’ Duebn. 
observes that the description is that of a 
pine wood ; ami the epithet ‘pura’ (‘ with- 
out brushwood ’) seems taken from the 
‘ purus campus’ of Vergil (Aen. 12, 771), 
and Livy <,2 j. 14, 6). 

1 j. campum, etc. It would seem prob- 
able that the German position faced 
north, with its Iclt near the river, which, 



prlina silvarutn barbara acies tenuit : soli Cherusci luga inse- 4 
dere, ut proeliantibus Romanis desupcr incurrerent. noster 6 
exercitus sic incessit : auxiliares Galli Germanique in fronte, 
post quos pcditcs sagittarii ; dein quattuor legioiics ct cum 
5 duabus praetoriis cohortibus ac delecto cquite Caesar ; exim 
totidem aliae legiones et Icvis armatura cum equite sagittario 
ceteraeque sociorum cohortcs. intentus paratusque miles, ut 
ordo agminis in aciem adsisterct. 

17. Visis Cheruscorum catervis, quae per ferociam proru- i 
10 perant, validissimos equitum iiicurrere latus, Stertinium cum 
ceteris turmis circumgredi tergaque invadere iubet, ipse in 
tempore adfuturus. interea pulcherrimum augurium, octo aqui- 2 
lae pcterc silvas et intrare visae imperatorem advcrtcre. ex- 

ovvlag to thel)cn(l which it m ale cf? between 
Minclcn and Rintein, would be also in the 
roar of the fu[;itives (c. 17, 8), The main 
body would extend from west to east, 
partly on the jdain, partly within the out- 
skirts of the wood immediately behind 
them (see above). The heights occupied 
by the ChcTiiscans a])pear to have been 
on the right wing, and to have formed 
the key of the whole position, enabling 
them to fall on the flank of the Romans 
as they advanced. 

2. proeliantibus. Nipp. takes this to 
be abl. abs., as I'acitus usually has the 
acctis. with ‘ incurrere’ (e. g. c. 17, i ; i. 
51, 6, etc.). 

3. sic incessit : compare the march- 
ing order in i. 51, 5, and note there. 

5. praetoriis cohortibus: these are 
mentioned again c. 20, 6. Ritter thinks 
that the personal guards, belonging to the 
two Icgati, Silius .and Caecina, are in- 
tended ; and compares Cic. Kp. ad Fam. 
10. 30, I ‘ Antonius . . eduxit . . cohortcs 
])raetorias duas, imam siiam, alteram 
Silani.’ But Nipp. appears rightly to 
argue that the term must at this time 
naturally refcr to the force so well known 
under the name ; and that, as two such 
cohorts were sent with Druses to Illyri- 
cum (I. 24, i\ two others may have been 
sent out to Germanicus. It is also pos- 
sible, that, in recognition of his rank, two 
such may have originally accompanied 
him to Germany. 

7. ceteraeque. Ritt. appears rightly 
to take these to be troops specially en- 
rolled for this expedition ; the auxiliaries 
regularly belonging to the legions having 

been already mentioned, as Gevis arma- 
tura,’ etc. 

intentus paratusque. Em. points 
out that this is a kind of formula, and 
is used in Sail. Cat. 27, 2; Jug. 49, 3; 
and often in Idvy. 

8 . ndsisteret. Tacitus has often this 
word in a military sense, usually meaning 
to take up a position, as c. 1 7, 4 ; 19,4; 
12. 56, 3 ; 14. 34, 3 ; H. 3. 63, I ; 82, 3. 
Here it is taken with brachylogy, as equi- 
valent to ‘ consisteret et se extdicaret ; ’ 
Ghat the order of march might deploy 
into line of battle ;* i. e. that each should 
stand next in line to those to whom they 
had been next in column. The army 
would appear to have deployed to the 
left, as those who had marched first were 
facing the Cherusci (c. 17, 6). 

9. Visis Cheruscorum catervis. It 
would seem that the height which they 
occupied, though prominent, afforded 
cover ; and that they were to have been 
concealed till the moment of attack (c. 
ifi, 4); but their impetuosity betrayed 
their position. The attack in flank 
appears to lie directed against them, that 
in the rear against those within the wood. 
See § 3. 

1 2. augurium, used, like * auspiciis ’ 
(c. 14, 2), of the omen. So in Liv. etc. 
The verb is adapted to the noun in apposi- 
tion, as in 3. 2 r, 2 ; 13. 37, 4 (where see 
Nipp.)^ 14. 27, 2, etc. 

octo aquilae. Critics have super- 
fluously noted, that eagles arc now rarely 
if ever seen in those parts, and that their 
nearest representative, the * vultur albu- 
cillus/ is not gregarious. The number. 

A.D. i6.] LIBER II. C- 4 P. i6, 17. 277 

clamat irent, sequerentur Romanas aves, propria legionum 

3 niimina. simul pedcstris acies infertur et pracmissus eques 

4 postremos ac latera impulit. mirumqiie dictu, duo hostium ag- 
mina diversa fuga, qui silvam tenucrant, in aperta, qui campis 

6 adstiterant, in silvam rucbant. medii inter lios Cherusci colli- 5 
bus detrudebantur, inter quos insignis Arminius manu vocc 

6 vulnere sustentabat pugnam. incubueratque sagittariis, ilia rup- 
turus, ni Raetorum Vindelicorumque et Gallicae cohortcs signa 

7 obiecissent. nisu tamcn corporis et impetu equi pcrvasit^ oblitiis 
faciem suo cruore, ne nosceretur. quidam adgnitiim a Chaucis 10 

8 inter auxilia Romana agentibus 

answcrin" exactly to that of the lei^ions, 
shows sufficiently the vein of romance. 
See on c. 9, i. 

ad vert ore ; see on i. 41, i. 

2. mimiua : see note on i. 7* The 
passages there cited would justify the 
rhetorical application of this term to the 
eagles. Nipp. notes that the word has 
tlic special meaning of * guardian ’ or 
‘ guiding spirits.’ 

infertur -- Mmmiltitur.’ The more 
usual expressions arc ‘ inferre anna,’ 

* signa,’ ‘ pedem,’ etc., as frequently hi 

eques. The words ‘ postremos et 
latera ’ would show that both divisions of 
cavaliy' mentioned aliove are meant. 

3. impulit, ‘drove from their position:* 
cp. ‘ inipulsae’ i. 63, 3. 

duo . . . agmina. The attack of 
Stertinius in the rear may be siqiposcd to 
have driven the (iermaii left out into the 
plain ; the advance of infantry in front to 
have driven the centre into the wood, and 
the /lank attack to have dislodged the 
Cheruscans, who would thus be forced 
into the space between these two routed 

4. campis : Nipp. thinks that ‘ in ' is 
required, as in Agr. 36, 2 'qui in aequo 
adstiterant,’ and 12. 56, 3 'in ratibus ad- 
stiterant ; ’ but the text may be defended 
by the general free use in Tacitus of the 
local abl. (Tntrod. v. § 23). 

5. collibus. On this abl. cp. Introd. 

§ 24- 

6. manu voce vulnere. These asyn- 
deta appear to form a clirftax (sec 
Introd. V. § 65 ; also ' vultu voce ocnlis ’ 
lO. 29, i) ; so that 'manu* as the weaker 
word would mean mere gesture, and 
' vulnere ’ by ‘ displaying his wound,* and 
as it were demanding the same sacrifice 

cmissumquc tradiderunt. virtus 

from his men. Nipp. takes ‘ manu ’ to 
mean ‘ by dealing blows.* He points 
out that from the position of the words, 
the ablatives depend on ‘sustentabat,’ as in 
II. 3. 17, I ('consilio manu voce insignis 
hosti ’) upon ‘ insignis.’ 

7. incubuerat, ' had thrown the force 
of his attack : ’ cp. ‘ codem incubuerat ’ 
11. 3. 29, 1. 

sagittariis, i.e. the ' pedites sagil- 
tarii,’ whose position (see c. lO, 3) would 
be on the right of the Gaulish and 
German auxiliaries; who, being in the 
front of the order of march, would form 
the left wing in line of battle (cp. 16, 5). 
Among the German cohort.s would be the 
Chanci ; and the Kactian and Vindelician 
contingents seem to be loosely reckoned 
with them. 

ilia, sc. parte: cp. 'ne pervium ilia 
forct’ 11 . 3. 8, 3 ; also H. 5. 18, 3 ; G. 
34» 2. 

rupturus. The intrans. use of this 
verb appears to be extremely rare, but to 
follow a frequent and classical use ot 
' peiTuinperc.’ On the force of the future 
participle, cp. 'adfutnrus ’ above, and see 
Introd. V. § 54 d. 

8. Baotorum Vindelicorumque : sec 
I. 44, 6 . The service of such cohorts in 
other provinces than those from which 
they were raised can be shown abundantly 
from inscriptions. 

signa obioci.ssent. 'Fhat each aux- 
iliary cohort had its standard, is shown 
by such passages as Liv. 25. 14,4; 27. 
13, 7 ; and by mention of their ‘ signiferi ’ 
or ' vexillarii ^ in inscriptions. By bearing 
their standards against him they opposed 
a compact body of resistance (see note on 
I- .^ 4 . 4 )- 

10. Chaucis: see 1. 38, i ; 60, 3. 



seu fraus eadem Inguiomero effugium dcdit : cetcri passim 
trucidati. et plerosque tranare Visurgim conantes iniecta tela 
aut vis fluminis, postremo moles ruentium et incidentes ripae 
operuere. quidam turpi fuga in summa arborum nisi ramisque 9 
5 se occultantes admotis sagittariis per ludibrium figebantur, alios 
prorutac arbores adflixcre, 

18 . Magna ea victoria neque cruenta nobis fuit. quinta ab 1 
hora dici ad noctem caesi hostes decern milia passuum cadaveri- 
bus atque armis opplevere, repertis inter spolia eorum catenis, 

JO quas in Romanos ut non dubio eventu portaverant, miles in 2 
loco proelii Tibcrium inipcratorcm salutavit struxitque aggerein 
et in modum tropaeoruni arnia subscriptis victarum gentium 
nominibus imposuit. 

19 . Hand perindc Germanos vulnera, luctus, excidia quam 1 
15 ea species dolorc et ira adfecit. qui modo abire sedibus, trans 2 

Albim concedere parabant, pugnam volimt, arma rapiunt ; plebes 
primoresj iuventus senes agnicn Romanum repente incursant, 

turbant. postremo deligunt locum flumine et silvis clausum, 3 

I. Inguiomero: see 1.60, i. 691) received this title, were thus vit^ari* 

4. operuere; used by zeugma with ously gained. Eckhel (vi. 190) thinks it 

‘ tela ’ and ^ vis fluminis.’ was not accepted on this occasion, as the 

nisi, ‘climbing,’ a poetical use: e.g. title Vlinp. vii’ does not change to ‘Imp. 

Verg. G. 2, 428 ; Aen. 2 , 44,^. viii’ till 773, A. i). 20. 

6. adflixere, ‘ dashed to the ground : * i 2. in modum tropaeorum. The e.\> 
so Sail. Jug. 101, 11; Liv. 28. 19, 11, pression seems to denote that this struc- 

etc. ture was not in the strict form of a trophy 

9. catenis, etc. A similar story is (see Verg. Aen. ii, 5-1 1). Another such is 

told of the expedition of Flaminius against described below (c. 22, 1). The adoption 

Hannibal (Polyb. 3, 82), and of M. An- of this Greek custom by the Romans does 

toniiis when invading Crete in 680, n. c. not appear to be traceable earlier than 

74 (Floriis 3. 7, 2). 633, u.c. 1 21 (see Flor. 3. 2, 6; Strab. 

10. in Kora an os. The force of ‘in’ 4. i, ii, 185): and such commemoration 

appears to approach to that noted on i, of victories on the spot seems never to 

76, 5. have been as common with them as the 

II. Tiberium imperatorem saluta- erection of triumphal arches or other 

vit. For the ancient custom, see 3. 74, memorials at Rome or in important 

6. This passage illustrates the principle provincial towns: see 15. 18, i, etc. 

of regarding the chief command and 15. ea species, ‘ that spectacle : ’ cp. 3. 
‘auspicia’ of all the armies, as inherent 60, 6; Cic. Phil. 11. 3, 7, etc. 
in the ‘ proconsulare imperiurn’ of the abire sedibus: cp. ‘abire Siiria’ c. 
princeps : cp. ‘ excrcitum Tiberii Caesaris’ 69, 3 ; ‘abire incepto’ 6. 22, 6; also Phaui. 

(c. 22,1); also c. 41, I. and the language Am. i. i, 54; Verg. Eel. 7, 56 ; Val. Max. 
of Horace (Od. 4. 14, 33) to Augustus on 4. 5, 4; Just. 4. 5, 2; 7. 3, 4. The use 
the victories of his stepsons, ‘ te copias, is classical in such phrases as ‘ abire ma- 
te consilium et tuos praebente Divos.’ gistratu the extension in these passages 
Such ‘salutatio’ was addressed to the similar to many noted in Iiitrod. v. § 24. 
efiigy of the princeps (see PI. Pan. 56) ; 16. plebos primores, etc. The asyn- 

and a large proportion of the twenty-one deta here give liveliness to the narrative, 
times on which Augustus (i. 9, 2), and of Sec Iiitrod. v. § 65. 
the eight on which Tiberius (Insc. Orell. 18, deligunt locum, etc. The geo- 

A. I?. i6.] 

LIBER IT. CAP. 17 - 20 , 


arta intiis plamtie et umida : silvas quoque profunda palus 
ambibat, nisi quod latus unuin Angrivarii lato aggere extulerant, 

4 quo a Cheruscis dirimercntur. hie pedes adstitit : equitem 
propinquis lucis texere, ut ingressis silvam Icgionibus a tergo 
foret. 5 

1 20 . Nihil ex his Caesari incognitum : consilia locos, prompta 
occulta noverat astusque hostium in perniciem ipsis vertebat. 

2 Seio Tuberoni legato tradit equitem campumquc ; peditum aciem 
ita instruxit, ut pars aequo in silvam aditu incederct, pars ob- 
iectum aggerem eniteretur; quod arduuni sibi, cetera legatis 10 

3 permisit. quibus plana evenerant, facile inru 2 )ere : quis in- 
l^ugnandus agger, ut si murum succcdcrcnt, gravibus siipcrne 

4 ictibus conflictabantur. sensit 
remotisque pauluni Icgionibus 

graphy is still wholly vague, and the 
fiver might well be supposed to be that 
hitherto mentioned, the Wescr. Jlut Kit- 
ter points out that the ostentatious men- 
tion of the Kibe (c. 22, i ; 41, 2) must 
have been supported by some advance in 
that direction, and that the expressions 
‘aginen ’ and ‘ postremo ’ imply some pro- 
gress ; so that probably some eastern tri- 
butary of the Weser, such as the Leinc or 
Aller, is here to be understood; if not 
some stream falling into the £lbe. It is 
probable that Germanicus was marching 
northwards, as the boundary bclwc;cn the 
Chcruscans and their northern neighbours 
the Angrivarii faced him. The topography 
of the position is extremely obscure ; but 
it would a])pear that the Koman line of 
advance had mountains and a river in its 
rear (c. 20, 7) ; and that, at the further 
end of the plain, the German foot fronted 
them on the embankment ; the retreat 
Irom which was into a forest, surrounded 
on other sides by a morass (see here, and 
c. 20, 7), but penetrable at other points 
besides those covered by the 'agger’ (.d. 
§ 2, 3) ; and that at some point in ad- 
vance of their position were the woods in 
which their cavalry were hid, 

2. Angrivarii. Ritter connects the 
name of this people with ‘ Anger,’ as 
‘ lowlandcrs.’ They occupied part of 
Hanover east of the Wescr; afid, if the 
MS. text in c. 8, 4 is correct (see note), 
extended on the west also of that river. 

3. hie, sc. * in aggere.’ 

6. prompta refers to the infantry 
in sight on the ‘agger,’ as ‘occulta’ to 

dux mparem comminus jDugnam 
fimditores libritoresque cxcutcrc 

the horsemen hidden in the woods, 'i'his 
sense of ‘ promptus’ is rare, but found in 
Cic., Sail., etc. 

8. Seio Tuberoni: sec 4. 29, i. He 
was afterwards cos. sufT, (sec on c. 53, i) 
and is one of the ‘consulares fralres’ (Veil. 
2. 127, 3) of Seiamis. Nipp. thinks ho 
had succeeded to L. Aproiiius, who is 
noted (c. 32, 4) as in Rome. 

10. eniteretur ; with simple accus. only 
here and H. 1.23, 2; Cohiiu. 2. 2, 27; often 
with ‘ in,’ as c. 80, 7 ; i. 65, 9 ; 70, 6 . 

sibi, sc. ‘sumpsit,’ snj)plied byzeugnia 
from ‘ permisit.’ 

12. succe ierent ‘ scandcrent cp. c. 
81.2, and several passages in Livy. W hen 
it takes the accus. the word has this sense 
usually, but not invariably (cp. Liv. 38. 

superne ; here an attributive adj. 
like ‘cominus’ below: see Introd. v. 
§ 66 . 

14. fimditores libritoresque. In 13. 
39, 5, these are couplcfl as ditrerent kinds 
of slingers of ‘glandes,’ and both distin- 
guished from the engineers of the 'tor- 
meiita.’ Festiis describes as ‘libn'IIa,’ 
or ‘iibrilia,’ certain ‘ instrunierita bcllica, 
saxa scilicet ad bracchii crassitudinem in 
inoduiu dagcllorum loris rcvii\cta ; ’ and 
Caes. (B. G. 7. 81, 4) says ‘fuiidis, libri- 
libus, sudibusqiie . . ., ac glaudibus Gallos 
perterrent * (where some take ‘librilibus’ 
as an adj.). In both passages of Tacitus, 
the Medicean MSS. give this form ; in 
both Ritt. follows Jlcroald. in reading 
'libratores but those so mentioned in 
inscriptions appear to be a special rank 

28 o 


tela et proturbare hostem iubet. missae e tormentis hastae, 6 
quantoque conspicui magis propugnatores, tanto pluribus vul- 
neribus deiccti. primus Caesar cum praetoriis cohortibus capto 0 
vallo dedit impetum in silvas; conlato illic gradu certatum. 

5 hostem a tergo palus, Romanos flumen aut montes claudebant : 7 
utrisque neccssitas in loco, spes in virtutc, salus ex victoria. 

21 . Nec minor Germanis animus, sed genera pugnac et ar- 1 
morum superabantur, cum ingens multitudo artis locis prac- 
longas hastas non protendcret, non colligeret, neque adsultibus 

10 et velocitate corporum uteretur, coacta stabile ad proelium ; 
contra miles, cui scutum pcctori adpressum et insidens capulo 
manus, latos barbaroruni artus, nuda ora foderet viamque strage 
hostium aperiret, inprompto iani Arminio ob continua pericula, 
sive ilium rccens acceptum vulnus tardaverat. quin et In- 2 
15 guiomcrum, tota volitantem acie, fortuna magis quam virtus 
deserebat. et Germanicus quo magis adgnosceretur, detraxerat 3 
tegimen capiti orabatque insisterent caedibus : nil opus captivis, 
solam intcrnicionem gentis fincm bello fore, iamquc sero diei 4 
subducit ex acie legioncm faciendis castris : ceterae ad noctem 
20 cruore hostium satiatae sunt, cquites ambigue certavere. 

22 . Laudatis pro contione victoribus Caesar congcriem ar- 1 

in the legions (sec Orell. 3.^93 5 Wilmarms 
7'<5, 1478, 1553), perhaps more akin to 
the civil engineers known under this name: 
see IM. Epp. jo, 41 (5o'>, 3, ere. 

3. praetoriis cohortibus: sec c. 16, 5. 

4. dedit impetum. Nipp. notices 
tliis as a favourite expression of Liv. 
te.g. 2. 19, 7; 51, 4; 3 - 5 . 10; 4 - I, 
etc.), who also has ‘ dant impressioncm * 
4. 28, 4. 

conlato jfpadu, ' foot to foot : * so 
H. 2. 42, 4 ; C]). Liv. 7. 33, II ; and ‘pede 
conlato ’ Id. 6 . 1 2, 10, etc. 

9. colligere, ‘ to recover.’ Nipp. ex- 
plains the metaphor as grounded on the 
resemblance of the hand over hand move- 
ment to that of gathering in a rope. 
This particular metaphor is nowhere else 
fouiul, but Pliny (Epp. 2. i, 5) has ‘li- 
brum colligere,’ to catch or recover a fall- 
ing book. Cp. also ‘gressum,’ ‘gradum 
colligere,’ etc. 

adsultibus. Only found in Verg. 
Acn. 5, 4J2 S'ariis . . . adsultibus . . . 
iirget;’ from which Tacitus appears to 
borrow the word. 

II. adpressum. The participle ap- 
pears only here, the verb only in 16, 15, 

4, and PI. raai. The curved form of the scutum is contrasted with the 
Inroad flat German shield, 

insidens, ‘ firmly grasping.’ Lips. 

12. ora foderet: see c. 14, 4. 

13. inprompto; only in Liv. 7. 4, 5; 
and Alison. ‘Amiinio’ is omitted in the 
MS. but added by a later hand in the 
margin as a necessary correction, 

15. tota volitantom acie, local abl. 
The whole expression is taken from Livy 
(4. 19, 2), who closely follows Cicero (in 
Ihs. 12, 26) ‘cum . . . volitaret tota urbe.’ 

17. insisterent, ‘persist in the car- 
nage : ’ cp. ‘ peidomandae Campaniac in- 
sistcre’ H. 3. 77, 4. On these extremities 
of warfare, see i. 51, 2. 

18. sero diei. This substantival use of 
‘ serum’ originates with Livy (e.g. 7. 8, 5; 
26. 3, I, etc.); so ‘medium diei’ (11, 21, 
2), also from Livy. 

20. ambigue, ‘ with doubtful issue : ’ a 
virtual admission of their defeat. The suc- 
cessful body, ‘quibus plana cvenerant’ (c. 
20, 3), were the second division of infantry. 

21. pro contione : see on i. 44, 4. 

congeriem armorum. This is no 

doubt the correct reading for the MS. 

A.D. i6.] LIBER 11 . CAP. 20-23. 281 

morum struxit, superbo cum titulo : dcbcllatis inter Rlienum 
Albimque nationibus exercitum Tiberii Caesaris ea moiiimenta 

2 Marti et lovi et Aiigusto sacravisse. de se nihil addidit, mctu 
invidiae an ratus conscientiam facti satis esse, mox bcllum in 

3 Angrivarios Stertinio mandat, ni deditionem properavissent. 5 
atquc illi supplices nihil abnuendo veniam omnium accepere. 

1 23. Sed aestate iam adulta legionum aliae itinere terrestri in 
hibernacula remissae ; plurcs Caesar classi inpositas per flumen 

2 Amisiam Oceano invexit. ac prinio placidum acquor mille 
navium remis strepere aut velis inpelli : mox atro nubium globo 10 
effusa grando, simiil variis imdiquc procellis incerti fhictus 
prospectum adimere, regimen inpedire ; milcsquc pavidiis et 
casuum maris ignarus dum turbat nautas vcl intempestive iuvat, 
officia prudentium corrumpebat. omne dchinc caelum ct mare 

3 omne in austrum cessit, q ui umidis Germaniae terris, profundis 1 5 

'corii^erie marmorum,’ wron^ijly corrected 
in the marj^in to * con